THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


GIFT  OF 


Gfft  U 


C-  Ltbr. 


ary 


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PROCEEDINGS 

NATIONAL    CONVENTION 

OF  THE 

SOCIALIST 
PARTY 


1912 


NATIONAL   CONVENTION 


OF  THE 


SOCIALIST    PARTY 


HELD   AT 


Indianapolis,  Ind.,  May  12  to  18,  1912 


STENOGRAPHIC    REPORT    BY 

Wilson  E.  McDermut,  assisted  by  Charles  W.  Phillips 


Edited  by 

JOHN  SPARGO 

Proofs  Read  and  Corrected  by 

HARRY   B.  FISH 


/; 


Published  by 

THE    SOCIALIST   PARTY 

JOHN    M.  WORK,   National  Secretary 

CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


M  A  DONOHUE  &  COMPANY 
PRINTERS,  BINDERS.  PUBLISHERS 
701-727  S.  Dearborn  St.  CHICAGO 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF  THE 


National  Convention  of  the  Socialist  Party 


Held  at  Indianapolis,  Indiana,  Beginning  Sunday,  May  12, 1912, 
and  Ending  Saturday,  May  18,  1912 


FIRST  DAY'S  SESSION. 


The  National  Convention  of  the  Socialist 
Party  of  America  was  called  to  order  by 
National  Secretary  John  M.  Work  at  Tom- 
linson  Hall,  Indianapolis,  Ind.,  Sunday, 
May  12,  1912,  at  10  o'clock  A.  M. 

The  roll  was  called  by  Delegate  Strebel 
of  New  York,  and  showed  the  following 
named  delegates  and  alternates  to  be  pres- 
ent: 

ALABAMA— G.  L.  Cox. 

ARIZONA — Erma  Hyatt  Allen,  E.  John- 
ston. 

ARKANSAS — xda  Callery,  Dan  Hogan,  J. 
A.  C.  Meng,  A.  R.  Finks. 

CALIFORNIA— A.  E.  Briggs,  Edw.  Ad- 
ams Cantrell,  Geo.  W.  Downing,  Mary  E. 
Garbutt,  Job  Harriman,  E.  H.  Mizner,  R.  A. 
Maynard,  A.  W.  Harris,  Ernest  L.  Reguin, 
N.  A.  Richardson,  H.  C.  Tuck,  J.  W.  Wells, 
Fred  C.  Wheeler,  Ethel  Whitehead,  Thos. 
W.  Williams,  J.  Stitt  Wilson,  Frank  E. 
Wolfe,  C.  K.  Broneer. 

COLORADO — W.  P.  Collins,  A.  H.  Floa- 
ten,  Mary  L,  Geffs,  Thomas  M.  Todd,  John 
Troxell. 

CONNECTICUT— Sam  E.  Beardsley  (at 
large),  Ernest  Berger,  Edward  Perkins 
Clarke,  Chas.  T.  Peach,  Jasper  McLevy. 

DELAWARE — Frank  A.   Houck. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA— W.  J.  Ghent. 

FLORIDA — J.  S.  Alexander,  C.  C.  Allen, 
Fred  Stanley. 

GEORGIA— Max  Wilk. 

IDAHO— G.  W.  Beloit,  Thos.  J.  Coonrod, 
Sidney  W.  Motley,  Isaac  Franklin  Stewart, 

ILLINOIS— J.  O.  Bentall,  Bernard  Ber- 
lyn,  Joseph  R.  Burge,  John  C.  Sjoden, 
Louis  F.  Haemer,  John  C.  Kennedy,  Mar- 
shall E.  Kirkpatrick,  George  Koop,  James 
P.  Larsen,  Caroline  A.  Lowe,  F.  T.  Max- 
well, Mary  O'Reilly,  W.  E.  Rodriguez,  Sey- 
mour Stedman,  George  North  Taylor,  Guy 
j   Underwood. 

j  INDIANA — Samuel  S.  Condo,  W.  W. 
^^"arraer,  Janet  Fenimore,  Stephen  C.  Gar- 
^ejtf-gson*  William  H.  Henry,  James  Ones  " 


M.    Reynolds,    William    Sheffler,    Florence 
Wattles. 

IOWA — Margaret  D.  Brown,  John  Juul 
Jacobsen,  Lee  W.  Lang,  Irving  S.  McCril- 
lis. 

KANSAS— Oscar  H.  Blase,  A.  W.  Rieker 
L.  F.  Fuller,  May  Wood-Simons,  S.  M.  Stal- 
lard,  Benj.  Franklin  Wilson. 

KENTUCKY— Charles  Dobbs,  Walter 
Lanfersiek. 

LOUISIANA— J.  R.  Jones. 

MAINE — Geo.  Allen  England. 

MARYLAND— Chas.  B.  Backman,  Dr.  J. 
Rosett,  C.  W.  Staub. 

MASSACHUSETTS— James  F.  Carey, 
Alex.  Coleman,  Charles  E.  Fenner,  J.  M. 
Coldwell,  Robert  Lawrance,  Patrick  Ma- 
honey,  Rose  Tenner,  George  E.  Roevver, 
Jr.,  Dan  A.  White.  .£\     i 

MICHIGAN— Frank  Aaltonen,   Jas. 
gerhyde,    Guy   H.    Lockwood,    Hamiii 
McMaster,    Etta   Menton,   J.   A.   C.   Mt   »i  : 
Jas.  H,  McFarland.  »» 

MINNESOTA — Marietta       E.       FouMr' 
John  H.   Grant,  Nels  S.  Hillman,  J.   S.ti.< 
galls,     Olaus     Jacobson,     Morris     Kapfs 
Thomas    Erwin    Latimer,    J.    G.    Maatt  .* 
David  Morgan,  Jay  E.  Nash,  A.  O.  DevOi  * 
O.  S.  Wat  kins. 

MISSISSIPPI— M.  E.  Fritz. 

MISSOURI — Ernest  Theo.  Behrens,  Wm. 
Lincoln  Garver,  Caleb  Lipscomb.  George 
W.  O'Dam,  Otto  Vierling,  W.  A.  Ward. 

MONTANA — Lewis  J.  Duncan,  Clarence 
A.  Smith,  Jacob  M.  Kruse,  James  B.  Scott, 
Philip  H.   Christian. 

NEBRASKA— Fred  J.  Warren,  Clyde  J. 
Wright. 

NEVADA— Grant  Miller. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE — John  P.  Burke, 
Wm.  A.  McCall. 

NEW  JERSEY — Henry  Oarless,   Christ' 
pher  J.  Cosgrove,   George  H.   Goebel,    W 
son  B.  Killingbeck,  Harry  F.   Kopp,   Fred- 
erick   Krafft,    James    M.    Reilly,    Gustavo 


eimer. 


6^5636 


) 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION. 


NEW  MEXICO— J.  B.  Lang. 

NEW  YORK— Henry  °iobodin,  Charles  J. 
Ball,  Jr.,  Fred  Benneffs,  Theresa  Malkiel, 
William  Burckle,  JasJ  A.  Mansett,  Edward 
F.  Cassidy,  William  E.  Duffy,  Otto  L.  En- 
dres,  C.  L.  Furman,  Morris  Hillquit,  Alger- 
non Lee,  E.  Lindgren,  Meyer  London,  Her- 
bert M.  Merrill,  Albert  Pauly,  Clinton  H. 
Pierce,  G.  Rothmund,  Charles  Edward 
Russell,  Harvey  A.  Simmons,  U.  Solomon, 
Gustave  A.   Strebel,   Joshua  Wanhope. 

NORTH  CAROLINA — Benjamin  T.  Tiller, 

NORTH  DAKOTA— A.  E.  Bowen,  Jr., 
Robert  Grant,  Chas.  D.  Kelso,  Arthur  Le 
Sueur. 

OHIO — Jacob  L.  Bachman,  Wm.  Besse- 
mer, Max  Boehm,  T.  Clifford  (at  large),  D. 
Lewis  Davis,  Dominick  J.  Farrell,  Edward 
John  Jones,  Dan  McCartan,  William  Pat- 
terson, Edgar  Eugene  Powell,  Marguerite 
Prevey,  Chas.  M.  Priestap,  C.  E.  Ruthen- 
berg,  Anna  Katherine  Storck,  Frederick 
Guy  Strickland,  Lawrence  A.  Zitt. 

OKLAHOMA — Otto  F.  Branstetter,  Car- 
rie C.  Block,  J.  T.  Cumbie,  Roscoe  Emin 
Dooley,  L.  B.  Irvin,  Patrick  S.  Nagle,  Geo. 
E.  Owen,  John  G.  Wills. 

OREGON — Maurice  E.  Dorfman,  John 
Hayden,  Tom  J.  Lewis,  Floyd  C.  Ramp,  C. 
W.  Sherman. 

PENNSYLVANIA — George  W.  Bacon,  J. 
Mahlon  Barnes,  Cora  Mae  Bixler,  Leroy 
Rutherford  Bruce,  Dan  M.  Caldwell,  Anna 
Cohen,  Jos.  E.  Cohen,  Frank  A.  Davis, 
Lewis  Goaziou,  Richard  L.  Grainger,  James 
C.  Hogan,  Gertrude  Breslau  Hunt,  Charles 
A.  Maurer,  James  H.  Maurer,  C.  W.  Ervin, 
Frederick  Hall  Merrick,  Edward  Moore, 
William  Parker,  Robert  B.  Ringler,  John 
W.  Slayton,  Alfred  Geo.  Ward,  Robert  J. 
Wheeler,  David  Williams,  Lorenzo  Birch 
Wilson,  Jr.,  John  C.  Young. 

RHODE  ISLAND— James  P.  Reid,  Ed- 
ward W.  Theinert. 

SOUTH   CAROLINA— William   Eberhard. 

SOUTH  DAKOTA — Benjamin  Dempsy. 

TEXAS — Richey  Alexander,  Geo.  C.  Ed- 
wards, Chas.  A.  Byrd,  Ed.  A.  Green,  Thos. 
"Aloysius  Hickey,  Ernest  Richard  Meitzen, 
Will  S.  Noble,  Jacob  Chesley  Rhodes,  D.  L. 
Rhodes,  M.  A.  Smith,  J.  C.  Thompson. 

UTAH — Homer  P.  Burt,  James  A.  Smith, 
Wm.  Morris  Wesley. 

VERMONT — John  Spargo. 

♦VIRGINIA— Geo.  Milton  Norris. 

WASHINGTON— Leslie  E.  Aller,  Adam 
H.  Barth,  Frans  Bostrom,  Edwin  J.  Brown, 
Wm.  H.  Wing,  Emma  D.  Cory,  H.  C.  Cup- 
pies,  Anna  Agnes  Maley,  Kate  Sadler, 
%*>      el  Sadler,  Henry  Hensefer,  Hulet  M. 

-ST  VIRGINIA— C.  H.  Boswell,  E.  H. 

.er. 

[SCONSIN— Victor  L.  Berger,  Dan  W. 

l,  W.  R.  Gaylord,  W.  A.  Jacobs,  Thom- 

Finklein,     Emil    Seidel,     Elizabeth    H. 

mas,  Carl  D.  Thompson. 

vVYOMING — Antony     Carlson,     Paul     J. 

aulsen,    J.    Suaja,    Foreign-Speaking    Or- 

anizations,  Josef  Novak,  Leo  Laukki,  Jos. 

Jorti,  H.  Gluski,  Zdzislow  Banka,  Christian 

Larsen,  Frank  Patrich. 

The  National  Secretary  stated  that  the 
delegates  and  alternates  answering  to  the 
roll  call  were  entitled  to  permanently  or- 
ganize the  convention. 

Nominations  for  chairman  for  the  day 
were  called  for,  and  the  following  dele- 
gates were  placed  in  nomination: 

James  F.  Carey,  Massachusetts.  De- 
clined. 

J.     Mahlon    Barnes,    Pennsylvania.    De- 
fined. 
Morris  Hillquit,  New  York. 
John  Curtis  Kennedy,  Illinois.     Declined. 
Dan  White,  Massachusetts.     Declined. 


W.  P.  Collins,  Colorado. 

M.  A.  Smith,  Texas.    Declined. 

The  nominations  were  then  closed. 

Delegates  Strebel,  Floaten,  Rodriguex 
and  Oneal  were  appointed  tellers. 

A  rising  vote  was  taken,  resulting  in 
158  for  Hillquit,  70  for  Collins.  Del.  Hill- 
quit was  then  declared  elected  chairman 
for  the  day.  On  taking  the  chair  he  spoke 
as  follows: 


r 


OPENING  REMARKS. 

CHAIRMAN  HILLQUIT:  Comrades,  it 
is  with  extreme  pleasure  and  pride  that  I 
open  this  fifth  National  Convention  of  the 
Socialist  Party.     (Applause.) 

In  looking  at  this  representative  an 
splendid  gathering  my  thoughts  involun- 
tarily revert  to  the  first  convention  of  the 
Socialist  Party,  likewise  held  in  Indianap- 
olis. It  is  just  eleven  years  ago  now;  a 
very  short,  insignificant  span  of  time,  but 
within  that  time  the  Socialist  movement 
in  this  country  has  so  grown  in  extent,  In 
significance  and  in  substance,  that  a  con- 
vention meeting  here  today  represents  an 
entirely  different  movement  from  what  it 
did  represent  eleven  years  ago. 

When  we  organized  the  Socialist  Party 
here  in  Indianapolis  we  claimed  10,000 
members,  a  number  born  somewhat  more 
of  our  enthusiasm  than  of  actual  fact. 
Today  we  have  about  150,000  members 
(applause),  men  and  women  who  periodi- 
cally pay  a  certain  small  amount  for  the 
privilege  of  serving  the  great  cause.  There 
is  no  other  political  party  in  this  country 
which  can  boast  of  an  organized  army  of 
this  kind. 

When  we  first  organized  we  had  about 
half  a  dozen  papers  preaching  the  gospel 
of  Socialism.  Today  we  have  about  300 
of  them,  dailies,  weeklies,  monthlies,  car- 
rying the  gospel  of  Socialism  in  thirty 
different  languages  to  all  the  nationalities 
constituting  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  < 

When  we  first  organized  our  party  our 
voting  strength  was  about  100,000.  We 
have  added  about  a  similar  number  and 
more  every  year.  Our  last  reported  vote 
was  600,000,  and  in  the  next  election  we 
are  sure  to  double  or  treble  that  vote. 
(Applause.)  The  Socialist  Party  has 
grown  into  a  political  party  of  first  mag- 
nitude. 

The  questions  of  selecting  the  nominees 
of  the  different  parties  for  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States,  whether  It 
be  Roosevelt  or  Taft,  whether  it  be  Clark 
or  Wilson,  are  very  subordinate  questions 
which  will  not  in  the  least  affect  the  wel- 
fare, the  actual  life  of  the  American  peo- 
ple. But  whether  the  Socialist  Party  will 
again  double  its  vote,  whether  the  Social- 
ist Party  will  show  up  a  million  and  a  half 
or  two  millions  strong,  will  be  a  historical 
fact  which  will  lay  the  foundation  for  a 
new  society,  for  a  new  life  in  this  country. 
(Applause.) 

The  Socialist  Party  has  grown  in  every 
other  way.  It  has  grown  in  influence. 
Within  the  last  few  years  it  has  demon- 
strated itself  to  be  a  factor  in  the  social, 
political  and  public  life  of  this  country. 
It  has,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
this  country,  forced  open  the  doors  of  Con- 
gress to  its  representatives,  and  we  intend 
to  keep  the  doors  open.  (Applause.)  In 
the  next  election  we  are  sure  to  have,  not 
one,  but  half  a  dozen  or  a  dozen  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Socialist  Party  fighting 
the  cause  of  labor  in  the  Congress  of  the  ( 
United  States.     (Applause.) 


1 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1912 


11 


; 


We  have,  within  the  Last  few  years, 
finally  succeeded  in  demonstrating-  to  a 
large  portion  of  the  working  class  of  this 
country  that  the  Socialist  Party  is  the 
only  party  that  truly,  fully,  at  all  times, 
represents  their  interests  and  fights  their 
battles,  and  labor  is  coming  into  our  ranks 
in  larger  and  larger  numbers  every  year — 
aye,  every  month  and  every  day. 

But,  comrades,  it  is  not  merely  our  phys- 
ical growth,  it  is  not  merely  our  large 
strength,  upon  which  we  congratulate  our- 
selves in  assembling  at  this  convention  to- 
day. It  is  the  fact  that  the  Socialist  Party 
has  at  all  times  remained  true  to  its  trust 
and  carried  the  banner  of  International 
Socialism  aloft  in  this  country,  unsullied 
and  unstained.     (Applause  ) 

The  Socialist  Party,  comrades,  repre- 
sents a  factor  of  tremendous  importance 
in  this  country,  and  this  convention  is 
called  upon  to  lay  the  foundation  for  the 
future  work,  extension  and  struggles  of 
this  party.  It  is  not  an  exaggeration  to 
say  that  today  there  are  about  three  mil- 
lions of  Socialists  in  this  country,  men 
and  women,  voters  and  non-voters.  The 
eyes  of  these  three  millions  of  people  in 
the  United  States  are  focused  upon  us. 
They  expect  us  to  show  the  road  to  the 
emancipation  of  the  working  class,  and  to 
lay  the  foundation  for  a  stronger,  more 
powerful,  more  efficient  instrument  for 
the  struggles  of  the  working  class  in  this 
country. 

May  we  undertake  our  work  and  our 
tasks  with  a  realization  of  these  great 
duties  which  we  are  to  perform.  May  we 
remember,  at  all  times  during  the  continu- 
ance of  this  convention,  that  the  work  we 
are  called  upon  to  do  is  work  of  tremen- 
dous importance,  and  let  us  not  waste 
time  by  petty,  unim,  .rtant,  insignificant 
matters.  A  suggestion  has  been  made  by 
some  comrades  that  this  convention  should 
last  about  two  weeks.  No  greater  mistake 
could  be  made,  comrades.  (Applause.)  If 
we  are  to  let  the  convention  lag  on,  if  we 
are  to  work  ourselves  into  a  state  of  ex- 
haustion where  we  will  be  incapable  of 
doing  good  work,  then  by  all  means  let  us 
remain  in  session  two  weeks  or  three 
weeks.  But  if  we  are  to  do  the  work  be- 
fore us  as  full-grown  men  and  women,  let 
us  not  waste  time.  Let  us  do  our  work 
within  a  week.  Let  us  dispose  of  every 
subject  that  comes  before  us,  on  its  mer- 
its, and  without  wasting  time.  (Applause.) 
And  here  another  point,  comrades.  We 
need  not  close  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that 
we  come  here  from  different  parts  of  the 
country,  with  different  and  sometimes  con- 
flicting views  on  various  questions  of  pol- 
icy and  tactics.  It  is  well  it  should  be  so. 
No  live  popular  movement  can  exist  with- 
out like  differences  between  the  adherents 
Of  that  movement. 

But  let  us  remember,  comrades,  that 
when  we  held  the  first  convention  of  the 
Socialist  Party,  the  Unity  Convention  in 
Indianapolis,  we  had  perhaps  more  radical 
differences.  The  spirit  was  more  acrimo- 
nious. We  thought  at  that  time  that  the 
differences  between  us  could  never  be 
bridged.  But  how  trivial,  how  silly  do 
those  differences  look  to  us  today.  How 
trivial,  how  silly  will  our  tactical  differ- 
ences look  to  us  when  we  are  once  in  the 
midst  of  the  actual  fight  for  the  working 
class.     (Applause.) 

Let  us  not  forget  this,  comrades,  and  let 
us  carry  on  our  deliberations  with  all  the 
differences,  legitimate  differences  of  opin- 
ion that  we  have  and  should  have,  in  the 
realization  that,  after  all,  we  are  here  for 
ne  joint  common  cause,  the  emancipation 


of  the  working  clas^,  and  let  us  act  nit 
cordingly.      (Great  applause.)  iot 

The  Chairman  called  for  the  nominaUf. 
of  a  temporary  secretary.  41 

James  Reilly  of  New  Jersey  was  the  tv 
person  nominated  for  Secretary,  and  ' 
unanimously  elected.  ere 

■»ak 
RULES  FOR  THE  CONVENTION:* 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  order  of 
business  is  the  adoption  of  rules.  We  are 
not  constituted  before  the  adoption  of 
rules. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  If  in  order,  I 
move  to  proceed  to  the  adoption  of  rules 
seriatim  as  printed  in  the  leaflet  distrib- 
uted to  the  delegates.     (Seconded.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  These  rules  have 
been  amended  by  the  National  Executive 
Committee.  What  will  be  in  order  now 
will  be  the  reading  of  the  proposed  rules 
as  a  whole.  We  will  then  take  them  up 
seriatim,  and  we  will  proceed  to  do  so. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  Then  I  withdraw  my 
motion. 

The  convention  rules  prepared  by  the 
National  Executive  Committee  were  then 
read  by  the  Secretary. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  shall  now  pro- 
ceed to  discuss  the  proposed  rules  seria- 
tim. Unless  there  is  objection  made  on 
the  floor  to  any  of  the  rules  mentioned  we 
will  consider  them  adopted. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  In  the  event  of  any 
addition  of  new  rules,  wouldn't  it  be  bet- 
ter to  wait  till  all  that  you  have  read  are 
acted  on? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Additional  rules  will 
be  entertained  after  the  ones  proposed 
have  been  disposed  of. 

DEL.  MAHONEY  (Mass.):  I  move  that 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  be 
adopted  as  a  whole.  (Motion  seconded.) 
-  DEL.  KAPLAN  (Minn.):  I  move  to 
amend  that  we  take  up  the  report  seria- 
tim.     (Seconded.) 

The  amendment  was  adopted  and  the 
report  was  taken  up  seriatim. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  first  rule  will 
now  be  read,  and  if  there  is  no  objection 
we  will  proceed  to  the  next. 

Rules  1  and  2  were  read  and  adopted 
without  objection. 

Rule  3  was  read. 

DEL.  GOAZAIOU  (Pa.):  I  move  to 
amend  that  the  Secretary  shall  select  a 
reading  clerk. 

The  motion   was  seconded  and  put  and  f 
carried,    and    the    rule    as    amended    wa 
adopted. 

Rule  4  was  read. 

DEL.  GOAZAIOU:  I  move  to  amend  b  • 
changing  the  word  "elect"  to  "appoint." 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  Now,  Mr.  Chair1 
man.  We  had  that  rule  in  that  shape  orig- 
inally; it  read:  to  appoint.  But  that  was 
changed  by  the  National  Executive  Com-\ 
mittee.  As  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  am  - 
willing  it  should  be  amended  to  read  now 
as  it  originally  read. 

DEL.  RICHARDSON  (Cal.):  "Sergeant- 
at-arms  and  assistants."  How  many? 
What  does  that  mean? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  would  leave  it 
to  the  discretion  of  the  appointing  or  se- 
lecting body. 

DEL.  RICHARDSON:  Then,  I  move  to 
amend  by  striking  out  "and  assistants," 
because  that  requires  this  whole  conven- 
tion to  elect  all  the  assistants;  and  fur- 
ther, that  the  sergeant-at-arms  be  author- 
ized to  appoint  his  assistants. 

The  amendment  was  accepted  by  Del, 
Goazaiou  and  was  carried. 


/ 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Nl 


Niules   5   and    6   wee   read   and   adopted 
Bal'thout  objection. 
Wil.lule  7  was  next  read. 

P.  GEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  A  point  of  in- 
dres,  nation.  Is  this  a  party  press  commit- 
non  Lor  the  press  committee  for  the  conven- 
bert  ? 

Pierc^E  CHAIRMAN:     A  publicity  commit- 
Russe.Dr  the   convention,  as  we  understood 
it. 

'DEL.  GAYLORD:  Not  a  committee  on 
party  press? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:    Not  on  party  press. 
DEL.  GAYLORD:      Thank   you.      Now,    I 
move  to  amend  the  title  of  the  Committee 
on  Municipal  Program,  substituting  there- 
for "State  and  Municipal  Program." 

The  amendment  was  seconded  and  was 
then  accepted  by  Del.  Berger  on  behalf  of 
the  National  Executive  Committee  and 
agreed  to. 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.):  I  move  to  amend 
the  rules  by  adding  a  committee  of  five  to 
bring  in  a  report  on  the  question  of  the 
party  press.      (Seconded.) 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  Does  that  list 
constitute  all  the  committees? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  appointment  of 
14  committees  named  in  the  rules  does  not 
exclude  special  committees  that  the  con- 
vention may  select  from  time  to  time  later. 
DEL.  ENDRES  (N.  Y.):  I  move  that  we 
dispense  with  the  Committee  on  Contested 
Seats. 

THE     CHAIRMAN:       I     do     not     know  ' 
whether    there    are    any    contests.       Com. 
Work,    will   you   inform   us   whether   there 
are  any  contests   of  delegates? 
SEC.  WORK:     No  contests. 
The  motion  of  Del.  Endres  was  seconded. 
DEL.    BERGER:      At    the    time    we    pre- 
pared the  report  we  did  not  know  whether 
there  would  be  any  contests  or  not.     I  am 
glad  that  the  party  is  so  harmonious. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  observe  that 
where  the  rule  provides  for  extra  or  addi- 
tional committees  there  is  the  modification 
that  the  number  of  delegates  shall  be  7, 
and  that  not  more  than  one  delegate  shall 
be  from  the  same  state."  I  ask,  does  that 
apply  to  the  previous  committees  or  the 
subsequent  committees? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     It  applies  to  both. 
DEL.    BERGER:      It    applies    to    all    the 
standing  committees. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     The  14  committees. 
DEL.  BERGER:    The  14  committees  pro- 
vided in  this  report.    We  may  have  special 
*■  ^mmittees  later,  and  then,  of  course,  that 
ile  would  not  apply. 

DEL.   GAYLORD:     A  point   of   order.     I 
o  ndt  know  that  it  matters,  but  isn't  the 
Jommittee  on  Contested  Seats  a  constitu- 
tional committee? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is.  Therefore, 
Com.  Gaylord,  I  assume  and  shall  hold  that 
the  constitution  intended  the  election  of 
a  committee  at  this  time,  describing  the 
number  and  method  of  election  to  provide 
for  cases  where  there  are  contests.  It  is 
not  made  just  for  this  convention,  but  for 
all  conventions.  Where  there  are  no  con- 
tests the  constitution  does  not  intend  to 
have  a  committee. 

DEL.  KRAFPT  (N.  J.):  I  move  that  all 
committees  consist  of  9,  so  that  the  con- 
vention is  better  represented  on  the  com- 
mittees. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Motion  out  of  order, 
on  the  ground  that  the  constitution  pro- 
vides for  the  number  of  members  of  the 
committee. 

DEL.  COSGROVE  (N.  J.):  As  I  under- 
stand  your   ruling — I  may   De  mistaken — 


you  are  dispensing  with  the  Committee  o 
Contested  Delegates? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  is  such  an 
amendment  before  the  house. 
^D.E3^  COSGROVE:  Well,  is  it  not  a  fact 
that  there  are  some  delegates  that  are  not 
here  yet,  and  if  you  dispense  with  the  com- 
mittee it  eliminates  a  contesting  of  dele- 
gates that  might  arise? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  should  be 
such  an  occasion  this  convention  will  al- 
ways have  a  right,  under  the  constitution, 
to  elect  such  a  committee. 

Del.  Wheeler  of  Texas  inquired  as  to  the 
last  committee  read  by  the  clerk. 

THE  SECRETARY:  A  committee  on 
State  and  Municipal  Program  of  seven 
members.     He  accepted  that. 

DEL.  BERGER:     Yes,  I  accept  that. 
THE  SECRETARY:     It  now  reads  "State 
and  Municipal." 

DEL.  OWEN  (Okla.):  I  want  to  find  out 
what  disposition  was  made  of  the  motion 
to  appoint  a  Committee  on  Party  Press. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  pending  be- 
fore the  convention  and  will  be  voted  on 
as  soon  as  we  reach  it. 

DEL.  OWEN:  I  want  to  move  to 
amend  that  motion  by  changing  the  num- 
ber of  members  of  the  committee  from  5 
to  9. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  What  committee  are 
you   referring  to? 

DEL.  OWEN:  Committee  on  Party 
Press,  from  5  to  9. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  From  5  to  9,  a  Com- 
mittee on  Party  Press. 

The  amendment  was  seconded. 
DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  desire  to  state 
this:  That  I  believe  that  the  Committee 
on  Contested  Seats  ought  to  be  elected, 
and  it  ought  to  be  elected  at  once,  just  as 
it  stands  on  the  original  program,  for  this 
reason:  That  though  there  may  not  be 
any  contests  between  duplicate  delega- 
tions, there  may  be  some  contests  as  to 
the  seating  of  alternates  in  this  conven- 
tion, and  the  committee  ought  to  be  elect- 
ed now  instead  of  delaying. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont):  A  point  of  or- 
der. The  comrade  seems  to  be  discussing 
something  that  has  already  been  disposed 
of. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     No. 
DEL.    DUNCAN:      The    question    before 
the   house   is   the   size   of  the   Party   Press 
Committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No,  the  entire  rule 
as  read  is  before  the  convention.  No  vote 
has  been  taken  on  it  or  on  the  amendment. 
DEL.  WILSON:  My  point  is  this:  Any 
delegate  arriving  here  who  is  or  might 
be  contested  ought  to  have  an  immediate 
hearing  before  such  a  committee  and  have 
a  chance  to  be  seated  in  the  convention, 
and  not  have  to  delay  until  we  come  back 
and  elect  such  a  committee.  I  hope  this 
will  be  left  in  the  original  form. 

DEL.  LOCKWOOD  (Mich.):  Comrades, 
it  is  going  to  be  very  evident  to  all  of  us 
that  if  we  are  going  to  try  to  vote  on  all 
these  committees  and  different  amend- 
ments we  are  going  to  get  mixed  up,  and 
I  think  it  would  be  very  advisable  to  sep- 
arate these  lists  of  committees  and  vote 
on  each  one  seriatim.  Otherwise  we  won't 
know  what  we  are  voting  for.  We  can  do 
that  and  dispose  of  both  these  committees 
without  any  contest  at  all.  I  move  to  that 
effect.      (Seconded.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  that 
we  proceed  to  vote  upon  each  of  the  pro- 
posed committees  separately.  As  far  as 
the  committees  provided  by  the  constitu- 
tion  are   concerned   the   motion    is    out  of 

) 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1912 


11 


order.  As  far  as  the  few  additional  sug- 
gested committees  are  concerned  it  may- 
be entertained. 

DEL.  COSGROVE  (N.  J.):  I  move  that 
the  committees  not  named  by  the  constitu- 
tion shall  be  taken  up  seriatim.  (Sec- 
onded.) 

DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):  What  are  we 
going  to  vote  on? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  On  all  the  amend- 
ments before  us. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  The  amendments  ought 
to  be  taken  up  separately.  I  am  inter- 
ested in  one  of  them. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  What  we  have  be- 
fore us  is  the  proposed  rule  submitted  by 
the  Committee  on  Rules,  to  which  the 
amendments  are  as  follows  and  will  be 
voted  on  in  the  order  stated:  First,  that 
as  to  the  committees  not  named  in  the 
constitution  we  proceed  to  vote  on  each 
one  separately.  Then  there  is  an  amend- 
ment to  the  effect  that  we  dispense  with 
the  Committee  on  Contested  Seats.  Then 
another  amendment  that  we  also  elect  a 
Committee  on  Party  Press,  of  five  mem- 
bers; and  an  amendment  to  that  amend- 
ment that  such  committee  consist  of  nine. 
We  now  proceed  to  the  first  amendment, 
that  we  take  up  seriatim  the  committees 
other  than  those  mentioned  in  the  consti- 
tution. 

The  amendment  was  carried. 
THE   CHAIRMAN:     The  amendment  we 
are  now  going  to  vote  on  is  the  amend- 
ment to  dispense  with  the  Committee  on 
Contested  Seats. 

The  question  was  put  and  the  amend- 
ment was  lost. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  now  proceed  to 
the  amendment  that  we  elect  a  Committee 
on  Party  Press,  to  consist  of  five,  and 
amended  to  consist  of  nine.  We  will  di- 
vide the  motion. 

Del  Berlyn  accepted  the  amendment  to 
increase  to  nine. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment  is 
accepted  by  the  mover  of  the  motion. 
Does  the  seconder  object?  He  does  not. 
The  amendment  before  you,  then,  is  the 
one  that  we  elect  a  Committee  on  Party 
Press  to  consist  of  nine  members.  All  in 
favor — 

DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.) :  I  want  to  speak 
on  the  motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Not  while  we  are 
voting.     You  are  too  late. 

Del.  Goebel  claimed  the  floor,  on  the 
ground  that  there  had  been  no  opportunity 
for  debate  on  the  motion. 

The  chairman  ruled  that  Del.  Goebel 
was  not  entitled  to  the  floor. 

Del.  Thompson  (Wis.)  appealed  from  the 
decision  of  the  chair,  and  the  appeal  was 
sustained. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  want  to  say,  in  jus- 
tice to  myself,  that  I  should  not  have  ap- 
pealed from  the  decision  of  the  chair,  even 
though  I  thought  it  was  unjust.y  I  do  not 
intend  to  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the 
chair  at  any  time  during  this  convention, 
even  though  I  do  not  like  the  decision. 
But  I  do  feel  that  this  matter  ought  to 
be  discussed.  We  are  providing  for  the 
appointment  of  a  seperate  committee  to 
do  a  certain  thing.  We  have  a  clause  in 
our  national  constitution  which  specifies 
that  we  shall  not  print  a  party  paper. 
This  motion  in  itself  is  covered  right  in 
that  clause  in  the  constitution.  If  this 
committee  brings  in  a  report  it  must  go 
again  to  the  Committee  on  Constitution, 
where  it  properly  belongs.  Let  it  go  there 
to  the  committee  where  it  belongs,  the 
Committee  on  Constitution.  Therefore,  I 
am  opposed. 


DEL.    SPARGO    (Vt.):      it  -     .„    -  not 
that   the   fact  that   we   elect  'P™1  s  vote 
Committee  on  Party  Press  dolo,n|  suail 
that  the  committee  so  elected  i.ded') 
its  functions  to  considering  thew  York» 
the  party  ownership  of  the  press.  ... 
or    may    not    consider    that    subject*161*® 
creation    of   a   Committee   on    Party  \?-k 
enables   us   to   have   the   whole   subject6 
the  welfare  of  our  party  press  considered, 
and     methods     devised     for    improving     its 
efficiency.     Few  matters  of  greater  impor- 
tance to  our  organization  will  come  before 
us.   I  therefore  urge  the  comrades  to  adopt 
the  resolution  to  create  this  committee. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  I  trust  the  dis- 
tinction made  by  Comrade  Spargo  may  be- 
come clear,  if  it  has  not  already  done  so, 
between  a  party  press  and  a  party-owned 
press.  A  Committee  on  Party  Press  might 
discuss  and  report  recommendations  con- 
cerning party  ownership  of  the  press,  or 
it  might  not.  The  question  of  the  party 
papers  is  a  big  one  and  interests  us  all. 
We  are  looking  for  information.  I  am  in 
favor  of  the  committee. 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.):  I  want  the  dele- 
gates to  vote  on  this  motion  intelligently. 
I  do  not  speak  of,  nor  do  I  have  any  in- 
tention of  dealing  with  the  party-owned 
press.  We  have  a  party  press  which  we 
recognize  in  our  National  Bulletin.  The 
relations  of  that  press  to  the  party  are 
very  important  ones  to  take  into  consid- 
eration. There  are  many  things  in  con- 
nection with  a  movement  like  ours  which 
are  different  from  any  others.  This  is  not 
a  haphazard  movement.  This  is  an  intel- 
ligent, organized  movement,  and  we  want 
to  give  it  the  most  intelligent  expression. 
And  the  question  of  the  relations  of  the 
party  to  the  party  press  and  of  the  party 
press  to  the  party,  and  to  its  principles, 
and  to  maintaining  the  resolutions  and 
platform  which  we  are  to  adopt  in  the 
convention — all  these  things  and  many 
other-  things  have  something  to  do  with 
this  convention,  and  the  comrades  through- 
out the  country  are  looking  for  us  to  do 
something.  I  look  at  this  question  as  be- 
ing entirely  different  from  a  question  of  a 
party-owned  press.  But  if  the  question 
ever  comes  up  it  must  come  up  in  a  dif- 
ferent form  from  the  intention  of  this 
resolution.  I  just  wanted  to  make  myself 
plain. 

Del.  Solomon  (N.  Y.)  moved  the  previous 
question.     Carried. 

The  amendment  to  elect  a  coir.trJttes   'f 
nine  on  party  press  was  then  carried,  f 
the  rule  as  amended  was  adopted. 

Rule  8  was  then  read  by  the  Secreta  ; 
on  the  subject  of  time  allowed  speakers. 
DEL.  TUCK  (Cal.):   I  move  as  an  amen 
ment  that  five  minutes  be  substituted  f< 
ten  minutes.     (Seconded.) 

DEL.  COSGROVE:  A  point  of  order.  ± 
motion  was  made  to  act  on  these  rulet 
seriatim.  You  are  now  going  on  to  an- 
other altogether. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Your  point  of  order 
is  well  taken.  We  will  now  refer  back  to 
the  previous  paragraph  and  read  the  com- 
mittees separately. 

The  Secretary  read,  under  rule  7,  "A 
convention  press  committee  of  five  mem- 
bers." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Any  objection  to 
such  a  committee? 

DEL.  BERGER:  I  would  call  it  a  Pub- 
licity Committee,  in  order  to  avoid  misun- 
derstanding. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Publicity  Committee 
it  is  called.  Any  objection  to  Publicity 
Committee? 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION. 


N'» 

Nlules   5   ajAN   (Ark.):  I  move  to  strike 
Balthout  ob.'and  insert  "publicity." 
Willie  7  wAIRMAN:     That  has  been  done 
F.  GEL.  GA  of  the  committee.     No  objection 
dres  aationmmittee?     Next. 
non   or  Secretary  read  the  next  item,  "Aud- 
bert "?  Jommittee  of  five  members." 
PiercliE  CHAIRMAN:     Any  objection? 
rdcjEL.  GAYLORD:     To  go  to  Chicago  and 
audit  the  party  accounts,  everything. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No  objection.  Pro- 
ceed to  the  next  committee. 

The  Secretary  read  the  next  item,  "A 
Committee  on  Foreign-Speaking  Organiza- 
tions of  Seven  Members." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Any  objection? 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  It  seems  to  me  this 
is  a  matter  which  also  will  come  before 
the  Committee  on  Constitution  necessar- 
ily. The  relations  of  the  foreign-speaking 
organizations  must  be  worked  out  in  the 
constitution.  The  activities  of  the  foreign- 
speaking  organizations  are  something  that 
they  concern  themselves  with.  They  will 
do  that;  they  will  do  it,  anyway.  I  move 
to  strike  out  this  committee  because  it 
goes  into  the  Constitution  Committee's  ac- 
tivities.    (Seconded.) 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  We  have  in 
the  present  national  constitution  different 
provisions  covering  foreign-speaking  or- 
ganizations. But  this  question  cannot  be 
settled  by  a  mere  provision  in  the  consti- 
tution. It  requires  a  special  committee, 
one  which  understands  the  question  of 
foreign-speaking  organizations  and  their 
relations  to  this  organization.  If  you  want 
to  deal  with  the  question  locally  you  must 
have  a  committee  on  the  subject. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  This  subject  was 
up  before  the  congress  two  years  ago,  and 
Com.  Gaylord  remembers,  himself,  that 
when  this  question  of  the  organization  of 
our  foreign  comrades  came  up  we  were 
obliged  to  confer  with  the  foreign  com- 
rades themselves  in  large  numbers  in  or- 
der to  get  some  intelligent  understanding 
by  the  Constitution  Committee  as  to  what 
we  ought  to  do,  and  they  brought  to  us 
their  suggestions,  but  these  suggestions 
apparently  have  not  worked  out  satisfac- 
torily. I  think  it  would  be  a  great  mis- 
take to  leave  this  to  the  Constitution  Com- 
mittee. I  think  that  the  representatives 
of  the  foreign-speaking  organizations 
themselves,  or  at  least  a  sufficient  number 
of  them,  should  be  placed  upon  such  a 
committee,  and  they  should  confer  to- 
gether and  have  an  opportunity,  in  their 
orf,  of  assisting,  if  necessary,  the  Corn- 
tee  on  Constitution.  But,  at  any  rate, 
nink  that  distinct  committees  should  be 

ganized  for  this  particular  purpose. 

DEL.   GAYLORD:      I   withdraw   my   mo- 
on. 

DEL.    SADLER     (Wash.):      I    move    to 
mend    that    we    increase    that    Committee 
m   Foreign-Speaking    Organizations    from 
seven  to  nine.     (Seconded.) 

DEL.  BERGER:     We  accept  the  amend- 
"ment. 

DEL.  PANKIN  (N.  Y.):  I  represent  a 
foreign  language  organization.  May  I 
suggest  to  the  convention  that  it  would  be 
a  wise  thing  to  have  on  the  committee  on 
the  relations  of  the  foreign-speaking 
groups,  some  delegates  representing  for- 
eign groups? 

DEL.  MOORE  (Pa.):  I  move  that  an 
auxiliary  committee  of  three  from  the 
foreign  branches  be  appointed. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  out  of 
order.  The  representatives  of  the  foreign- 
speaking  organizations  are  here  with  the 
right  to  a  voice  only.  It  has  been  cus- 
tomary   at    the    past    conventions    to   have 


our  Committee  on  Foreif  n-Speaking  Or- 
ganizations confer  and  co-operate  with  the 
delegates  of  these  foreign-speaking  orga- 
nizations, and  I  have  no  doubt  the  pro- 
ceeding will  be  followed  this  time. 

On  motion  of  Del.  Strebel  the  previous 
question  was  ordered. 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the  motion 
that  a  Committee  on  Foreign-Speaking 
Organizations  to  consist  of  nine  members 
be  elected,  and  the  motion  was  carried. 

The  Secretary  read  the  next  item,  "A 
Committee  on  Labor  Organizations  and  the 
Relations  of  the  Party  to  Labor  Organiza- 
tions, of  seven  members." 

DEL.  JACOBSEN  (Iowa):  I  move  to 
amend  by  increasing  the  Committee  on 
Labor  Organizations  from  seven  to  nine. 
(Seconded). 

DEL.  BEHGER:  I  accept  this  for  the 
committee.  My  experience  in  these  con- 
ventions, covering  a  long,  long  period,  Is 
that  the  smaller  the  committee,  the  better 
it  works.  However,  there  is  very  little 
difference  between  seven  and  nine,  and  I 
accept  the  amendment. 

DEL.  BYRD  (Tex.):  I  cannot  see  that 
it  is  essential  to  increase  that  committee 
from  seven  to  nine,  and  I  think  we  should 
vote  it  down. 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the  elec- 
tion of  a  committee  of  nine  on  Labor  Or- 
ganizations, and  it  was  carried. 

The  Secretary  read  the  next  item,  "A 
Committee  on  Co-operation,  of  seven  mem- 
bers." 

DEL.  SADLER  (Wash.):  What  is  the 
function  of  this  committee? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  function  of  this 
committee  is  to  consider  the  co-operative 
movement  and  to  report  to  this  convention 
on  the  character  and  importance  of  the 
movement  and  the  proper  relations  be- 
tween the  Socialist  Party  and  the  co-oper- 
ative movement.  Any  further  discussion? 
f  DEL.  BERGER:  And  also  to  make  sug- 
gestions to  this  convention  how  to  assist 
the  co-operative  movement.  The  Socialist 
movement,  in  order  to  be  successful,  must 
not  only  help  the  trade  union  movement, 
or  rather  the  economic  struggle,  but  must 
also  back  up  the  co-operative  movement 
That  is  another  root  of  the  co-operative 
commonwealth  that  we  cannot  neglect 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  committee  will 
bring   in    recommendations   on    that   point. 

DEL.  HOG  AN  (Ark*.):  I  would  suggest 
that  the  title  of  the  committee  be  ampli- 
fied, as  it  were. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     To-wit,  namely — 

DEL.  HOGAN:  By  describing  the  char- 
acter of  co-operation  which  it  shall  con- 
sider. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  What  is  your  amend- 
ment, Com.  Hogan? 

DEL.  HOGAN:  Co-operative  manufac- 
turing. 

DEL.  BERGER:    No,  I  object. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  that  your  amend- 
ment, Com.  Hogan? 

DEL.  HOGAN:  No,  It  is  not  my  amend- 
ment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Very  well.  Any  fur- 
ther discussion?  Any  objection  to  the 
appointment  of  that  committee? 

DEL.  HOGAN:  I  simply  wanted  to  sug- 
gest to  the  committee  that  I  thought  that 
ought  to  be  done. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  comrades  will 
take  the  suggestion.  Any  objection  to  the 
appointment  of  this  committee? 

No    objection    was   heard,   and    the    rule       } 
was  adopted.  jr 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1012 


11 


unit 


The  Secretary  read  the  next  item,  "A 
Committee  on  State  and  Municipal  Pro- 
gram, of  seven  members." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Any  objection  to  the 
election  of  a  Committee  on  State  and 
Municipal  Program? 

DEL.  KRAFFT  (N.  J.):  Moved  that  the 
committee  be  enlarged  to  nine. 

Del.  Berger  accepted  the  amendment  on 
behalf  of  the  committee. 

DEL.  SMITH  (Utah):  I  want  to  know 
If  this  committee  is  to  consider  the  ques- 
tion known  as  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment. 

DEL.  BERGER:     Yes. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  rule  was 
adopted. 

DEL.  THEIMER  (N.  J.):  I  would  like  to 
know  whether  there  is  a  Committee  on 
Immigration  provided  for? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Committee  on 
Immigration  was  elected  by  the  last  party 
congress  and  will  report  at  this  conven- 
tion. 

Rule  8  was  read  by  the  Secretary  a  sec- 
ond time. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  move 
to  amend  that  no  delegate  shall  speak 
twice  unless  by  unanimous  vote  of  his 
delegation. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  would  be  un- 
necessary. By.  unanimous  vote  this  dele- 
gation can  do  anything  without  motion. 

DEL.  TUCK  (Cal.):  I  rise  to  renew  my 
motion  to  strike  out  "ten  minutes"  and 
substitute  "five  minutes."     (Seconded.) 

DEL  BERGER:  Com.  Chairman  and 
comrades,  I  am  accustomed  of  being  lim- 
ited to  a  five-minute  rule.  The  average 
man  can  say  a  great  deal  in  five  minutes, 
but  the  average  Socialist  orator  cannot. 
And  there  are  a  good  many  men  and 
women  here  who  only  have  a  chance  once 
in  four  years,  and  at  best  in  two  years,  to 
tell  us  what  happened  in  the  state  of 
Washington  or  the  state  of  Mississippi. 
That  is  why  I  proposed  to  make  it  ten 
minutes.  I  will  be  very  glad  to  accept  the 
five-minute  rule,  however,  if  it  meets  the 
wishes  of  this  convention.  Five  minutes 
are  plenty  as  far  as  I  am  concerned.  I 
simply  wanted  to  give  some  of  my  com- 

rfldGS  -EL   Ch.£LTlCG. 

DEL  MALEY  (Wash.):  I  speak  against 
the  amendment  for  five  minutes;  not  In 
behalf  of  the  Socialist  agitator,  but  in  be- 
half of  the  comrades  in  this  convention 
who  must  have  a  little  time  in  which  to 
form  their  thoughts. 

DEL.  RAMP  (Ore.):  I  want  to  accept 
the  amendment.  I  think  the  amendment  is 
good,  but  I  want  to  offer  an  amendment  to 
the  amendment,  that  a  delegate  may  be 
given  the  privilege  of  speaking  a  second 
time  upon  a  motion,  with  the  consent  of 
this  organization.      (Seconded.) 

DEL.  LANFERSIEK  (Ky.):  I  want  to 
suggest  to  the  delegates  that  it  is  costing 
the  men  and  women  here  at  least  five  dol- 
lars for  every  minute,  and  if  you  cannot 
express  your  sentiments  in  $25  worth  of 
minutes,  then  sit  down.     (Applause.) 

DEL.  RINGLER  (Pa.):  I  am  in  favor  of 
the  five-minute  amendment.  I  know  that 
absolutely  a  week  was  wasted  by  the 
adoption  of  the  ten-minute  rule  heretofore. 

DEL.  LEWIS  (Ore.):  I  wish  to  offer  an 
amendment  to  the  amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  is  one  before 
the  house. 

DEL.  LEWIS:  T  have  another  amend- 
ment to  it. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  A  substitute  for  the 
whole? 

DEL.  LEWIS:  A  substitute  for  the 
lhole;  that  no  delegate  in  any  one  of  the 


/ 


delegations  shall  speak  twice  until  s^A0^ 
delegate  in  all  the  other  delegations  saail ' 
have  had  an  opportunity.     (Seconded.) 

On  motion  of  Del.  Solomon  of  New,  York, 
the  previous  question  was  ordered. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Now,  comrades,  there 
is  no  rule  yet  to  allow  anybody  to  speak 
after  the  previous  question  is  put.  The 
recommendation  is  that  the  mover  of  the 
motion  or  chairman  of  the  committee  be 
allowed  to  speak  after  the  previous  ques- 
tion is  put.  By  analogy,  if  no  objection  is 
made,  Com.  Berger  will  have  the  floor. 

DEL.  BERGER:  I  got  up  and  accepted 
the  amendments  in  order  to  save  time. 
The  five-minute  rule  I  also  accept  for  the 
committee.  I  believe  that  if  anyone  has 
anything  worth  while  this  convention  will 
grant  him  an  additional  five  minutes  at 
any  time.     (Applause.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  are  two  ques- 
tions before  the  house,  whether  it  shall  be 
five  minutes  or  ten  minutes.  There  are 
also  two  amendments  and  a  substitute  be- 
fore the  house.  One  amendment  was  to 
insert  "five  minutes"  instead  of  "ten  min- 
utes." The  other  amendment  was  that  no 
delegate  be  recognized  if  any  other  dele- 
gate from  his  state  has  been  recognizd 
and  there  are  members  of  other  state  del- 
egations   that   have   not   been   recognized. 

SEC.  REILLY:  Here  are  the  amend- 
%>ments:  The  Tuck  amendment  provides  for 
five  minutes.  Then  there  is  the  amend- 
ment by  Del.  Ramp  of  Oregon,  that  a 
delegate  can  be  given  the  floor  the  second 
time  only  by  a  vote  of  this  body. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:    By  a  majority  vote. 

SEC.  REILLY:  A  majority  vote,  of 
course. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  rise  to  a  point  of  in- 
formation. I  desire  to  know  whether  it 
will  be  your  ruling  that  the  vote  we  are 
to  take  now  will  decide  the  entire  matter? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  This  will  decide  the 
entire  rule;  the  amendment  being  dis- 
posed of  first,  and  the  entire  rule  as 
amended  next. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  Then  I  desire  to  be 
heard  in  opposition  to  the  substitute. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  cannot  be  done. 
The  previous  question  has  been  put  and 
carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  are  before  the 
house  one  substitute,  two  amendments  and 
the  original  motion  or  rule.  The  substi- 
tute is  to  the  effect  that  no  delegate  be 
recognized  if  any  member  of  his  delega- 
tion has  been  recognized  on  the  question 
while  there  remain  states  which  have  not  ; 
been  heard  from  on  the  subject  and  desire  • 
to  speak  on  the  subject.  The  amendment 
to  the  amendment  is  that  the  time  of  each 
delegate  be  limited  to  five  minutes  unless 
extended  by  a  majority  vote.  The  amend- 
ment is  that  the  time  limit  be  five  min- 
utes instead  of  ten.  The  rule  is  that  the 
time  limit  be  ten  minutes  except  for  the 
chairman  of  the  committee,  majority  and 
minority  reports  of  committees,  who  shall 
have  twenty  minutes,  and  also  after  the 
previous  question  has  been  called  each 
side  to  the  question  shall  have  one 
speaker  with  five  minutes 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the  sub- 
stitute, and  the  substitute  was  defeated, 
the  vote  being  54  for  and  159  against. 

The  motion  was  then  put  on  the  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment,  limiting  speak- 
ers to  five  minutes  unless  the  time  should 
be  extended  by  majority  vote,  and  the 
motion  was  unanimously  carried. 

The  rule  as  amended  was  then  adopted. 

DEL.  CAREY  (Mass.):  A  point  of  in- 
quiry.   I  would  like  to  know  if  that  would 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 

N> 
Niul 

Balthovent  the  granting-  of  an  additional  five 
*""    minutes    as    provided    in    the    rule.      Does 


it  do  away  with  the  power  of  the  con- 
vention to  extend  the  time,  or  if  that  is  to 
be  subject  to  change? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No;  the  understand- 
ing of  the  chair  is  that  they  may  have  an 
extension  of  time,  an  additional  five  min- 
utes to  debate. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  A  point  of  in- 
quiry. Do  I  understand  that  the  chair- 
men of  committees  will  not  have  twenty 
minutes  to  report? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     They  will. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  desire  to  know  wheth- 
er the  chairman  understands  and  rules 
that  the  rule  as  adopted  granting  time 
for  chairmen  of  committees  applies  to  the 
minority   as   well  as   the   majority. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chairman  does 
so  understand. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  A  point  of  in- 
quiry. I  wish  to  ask  the  chair,  what  is 
your  ruling  on  the  last  rule  where  twenty 
minutes  is  given  to  the  chairman  of  a 
committee  to  report?  Can  he  divide  his 
time?  Has  there  been  any  place  allowed 
for  his  reply  at  the  close  of  the  discus- 
sion,  according  to   the  rules? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  He  has  five  minutes 
after  the  previous  question  is  called,  un- 
der the  rule. 

DEL.  WILSON:  Is  that  for  the  chair- 
man  or  for  the   two? 

DEL.  BERGER:  I  think  it  says  two 
speakers. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  says  two  speak- 
ers, one  on  each  side,  and  the  chairman 
of  a  committee,  in  a  discussion  of  a  re- 
port, will  certainly  be  the  representa- 
tive of  the  one  side  for  which  he  speaks. 

DEL.  BERGER:  Not  necessarily.  If 
the  chairman  of  the  committee  wants  to 
grant  his  time  to  somebody  else  he  may 
do  so,  as  long  as  his  side  is  represented. 
Both  sides  ought  to  be  heard  and  repre- 
sented. The  twenty  minutes  he  can  also  di- 
vide up  if  he  so  chooses,  among  the  vari- 
ous members  of  his  committee,  but  as  a 
rule  I  believe  he  will  consume  the  whole 
time.      I    never   do. 

DEL.  WILSON:  Then  I  wish  a  ruling, 
Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  ruling  of  the 
chair  will  be  that  the  chairman  of  a  com- 
mittee cannot  divide  his  time.  That  is 
a  personal  privilege  accorded  to  the  chair- 
man of  a  committee  for  the  purpose  of 
enabling  him  personally  to  make  a  report, 
not  to  deal  out  patronage  to  others. 

DEL.  BERGER:  That  is  not  in  accord- 
ance with  the  views  of  the  committee  nor 
with  the  practice  in  large  parliamentary 
bodies.  Com.  Chairman,  you  have  no  right 
to  say  what  I  want  to  do. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  rules. 
Now,  the  orderly  way  Is  to  take  an  appeal. 

DEL.  BERGER:  I  take  an  appeal.  Am 
I  at  liberty  to  state  my  reason? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  are  at  liberty 
to  state  your  reason. 

DEL.  BERGER:  I  appeal  for  this 
reason:  If  the  chairman  of  a  committee 
has  somebody  on  the  committee  that  un- 
derstands a  question  better  than  he  does 
and  the  chairman  is  willing  to  grant  such 
a  member  a  part  of  the  time,  which  really 
belongs  to  the  entire  committee,  to  make 
the  statement  or  part  of  the  statement 
for  the  committee,  it  should  be  his  privi- 
lege to  do  so.  Such  is  the  custom  in  every 
larpre  parliamentary  body.  Tbis  Is  a  con- 
vention of  about  300  members.  We  can- 
not all  be  prepared  to  speak  on  every 
subject.  There  are  some  men  who  have 
peculiar  qualifications  to  speak  on  certain 


matters  which  they  have  maue  a  study. 
They  are  on  committees,  and  they  ought 
to  have  a  right,  if  the  chairman  so  de- 
cides, to  explain  the  position  of  the  com- 
mittee on  those  questions.  I  appeal  to 
the  convention  to  grant  the  chairmen  of 
the  respective  committees  that  right  if 
the  chairman  or  the  committees  so  choose. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  has  ruled 
as  it  has  for  this  reason:  First,  what  is 
before  me  is  just  the  rule.  The  rule  gives 
twenty  minutes  to  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  to  speak,  not  to  divide.  Now, 
I  know  that  the  rule  prevails  in  Congress 
and  similar  legislative  bodies  which  places 
it  within  the  power  of  the  chairman  to 
divide  his  time.  But  this  rule  I  consider 
absolutely  undemocratic.  I  consider  it 
part  of  the  entire  arrangement  by  which 
the  committee  and  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  practically  decide  a  proposi- 
tion. It  seems  to  me,  where  we  provide 
for  general  discussion  and  give  five  or  ten 
minutes,  as  the  case  may  be,  to  anyone 
who  may  desire  to  speak  on  the  subject, 
members  of  the  committee  will  have 
ample  opportunity  to  speak.  Why  do  you 
make  the  exception  of  twenty  minutes? 
Because,  whether  it  is  the  chairman  or 
spokesman  of  the  committee,  we  want  one 
consecutive,  complete  presentation  of  the 
subject,  and  we  know  that  that  cannot  be 
done  in  five  minutes.  That  is  why  we  gave 
twenty.  But  I  do  not  think  it  was  the  in- 
tention of  this  convention  to  take  a  cer- 
tain portion  of  time  practically  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  convention  and  place  it  in 
the  hands  of  the  chairman  of  the  commit- 
tee and  let  him  distribute  it  as  he  pleases. 
Now  you  have  heard  both  sides,  and  will 
decide  in  accordance  with  your  own  wis- 
dom. 

A  vote  was  taken  on  the  appeal,  and  the 
chair  being  in  doubt,  a  rising  vote  was 
then  taken,  resulting  in  77  in  favor  of  the 
appeal  and  131  against.  So  the  decision  of 
the  chair  was  sustained. 

Rule  9  was  then  read  as  follows: 

"The  sessions  of  the  Convention  shall 
be  from  10  a.  m.  to  1  p.  m.  and  from  2:30 
to  5:30  p.  m.     Night  sessions  as  ordered." 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  move  as 
an  amendment  that  the  sessions  be  from 
9  a.  m.  to  12  m.  and  from  1:30  to  6  p.  m. 

The    motion    was    seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment  Is 
that  the  sessions  shall  be  from  9  to  12 
and  1:30  till  six. 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.):  I  offer  as  a  substi- 
tute that  we  meet  from  9  a.  m.  till  1  p.  m. 
and  from  2  p.  m.  till  6.30  p.  m.  I  will 
give  my  reasons  in  a  minute. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  We  have  set  the 
time  from  ten  o'clock  so  as  to  give  the 
various  committees  time  to  work.  The 
committees  must  have  time  to  do  their 
work  in  order  to  make  it  possible  for 
the  Convention  to  go  on.  In  case  you  are 
elected  to  serve  on  a  committee  you  will 
find  that  you  are  an  extremely  busy  man. 
Comrade  Sadler.  Your  committee  will 
meet  at  eight  o'clock  every  day  and  have 
plenty  of  work  until  ten.  You  will  also 
have  plenty  of  work  for  the  evening  un- 
less we  decide  to  hold  night  sessions. 
Our  proposition  is  based  upon  a  great  deal 
of  experience,  both  in  Socialist  conven- 
tions and  in  those  of  various  labor  organ- 
izations. Remember,  your  work  is  not 
confined  to  the  convention  floor;  it  is  in  the 
committees  where  the  real  work  Is  done 
and  where  the  difficult  questions  are  thor- 
oughly  thrashed  out. 

I  am  surprised  at  Comrade  Berlyn.  Ho 
has  always  in  the  past  stood  for  the  el&ht 
hour    day.      Now    he    wants    us    to    work 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1912 


11 


ten  or  twelve  hours  out  of  twenty-four.  I 
am  not  willing  to  go  back  on  the  eight 
hour  day  after  fighting  for  it  all  my  life — 
that  is,  I  am  willing  enough  to  do  com- 
mittee work  besides  of  the  eight  hour 
convention    day. 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  business  of  the 
convention  please  accept  the  proposition 
of   the   Committee   on   Rules. 

DEL.  BYRD  (Tex.):  I  seconded  that 
resolution,  or  amendment;  but  Berger's 
point  is  well  taken;  and  I  withdraw  my 
second. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  withdrawal 
does  not  affect  the  motion. 

DEL.  SADLER:  In  s.upport  of  my  mo- 
tion that  we  come  to  order  at  nine  o'clock 
and  run  until  12,  and  reconvene  at  1:30 
and  run  until  6, .  I  want  to  say  that  you 
cannot  get  the  committees  to  come  out 
in  the  morning  and  work.  The  only  time 
you  can  get  them  to  work  is  after  we 
adjourn  the  convention  at  night.  That  is 
the  only  time  you  can  get  committees  to 
work.  You  can't  get  a  whole  committee 
together  before.  Two  or  three  will  be 
lying  in  bed  up  to  nine  o'clock,  and  com- 
ing to  the  convention  late  anyhow.  So 
to  get  the  work  done — the  working  class 
are  used  to  hard  work  anyhow — we  can 
do   the  committee  work  at  night. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Any  further  discus- 
sion? 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  I  move  the  pre- 
vious   question. 

The  previous  question  having  been  duly 
seconded  was  ordered  by  the  convention. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment 
comes  first;  the  amendment  is  that  our 
sessions  commence  at  nine  and  continue 
until  noon,  and  then  reconvene  at  one 
thirty  and  continue   until   six. 

The  amendment  was  declared,  lost. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  original  motion 
is  the  adoption  of  the  rule  as  reported, 
which  is  that  we  meet  at  ten  o'clock,  re- 
main in  session  until  one  o'clock;  re- 
convene at  half  past  two,  and  remain  in 
session  until  half  past  five;  night  sessions 
as  ordered. 

Rule  9  was  then  declared  adopted  as 
reported  and  read. 

The  Secretary  then  read  Rule  10  as  fol- 
lows: 

RULE  10. 
"Robert's  Rules  of  Order  shall  be  used, 
with  the  exception  that  when  the  pre- 
vious question  has  been  called  one  dele- 
gate on  each  side  may  speak  for  five  min- 
utes." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:   If  there  is  no  objec- 
tion Rule  10  will  be  adopted  as  read. 
Rule   10   was  declared  adopted. 

RULE    11. 
"During    the    sessions    no    smoking    or 
chewing    of   tobacco   shall    be    allowed    on 
the  floor  of  the  convention." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  there  any  objec- 
tion? 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  I  move  to 
amend  by  adding  the  words:  "Or  in  the 
corridors  of  the  convention  hall." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  jurisdiction  of 
the  convention  extends  only  to  the  four 
walls  of  the  hall.  The  amendment  is  out 
of  order. 

Rule  11  was  then  adopted  as  read. 

RULE    12. 
"Each    delegate    shall    select   one   of    its 
members  to  announce  its  vote." 

DEL.     RODRIGUEZ      (111.):     This     only 
means,   I   assume,    in   case   of   a   roll   call? 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  Yes. 
DEL.   GOEBEL    (N.   J.):   I  want  to   offer 
an  addition  to  the  rule  as  read.     The  ad- 
dition   is    in    the    following    words:      "The 


vote  of  no  state  shall  be  cast  as  a  unit 
where  the  delegates  of  aid  state  are  not 
in  agreement  on  the  matter  up  for  vote. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  understood. 
DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  want  to  offer  my 
amendment  and  speak  to  it. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Read  it  again. 
DEL.  GOEBEL:  You  have  read  the  rule 
as  reported  by  the  Committee.  I  want 
these  words  added:  "The  vote  of  no 
state  shall  be  cast  as  a  unit  where  th9 
delegates  of  said  state  are  not  in  agree- 
ment on   the   matter   up   for  vote." 

The  Chairman:  I  shall  have  to  rule  it 
out  of  order.  Under  our  constitution  we 
cannot  interfere  with  instructions  from 
states  to  their  delegates,  and  those  in- 
structions may  include  the  unit  rule. 
The  chair  has  ruled  that  the  amendment 
cannot  be  entertained  because  it  contra- 
venes the  constitution  of  the  Socialist 
Party  of  America,  which  vests  the  power 
to  instruct  delegates  or  to  provide  for  the 
procedure  of  any  delegation,  in  the  State 
organizations.  The  chair  holds  that  if  a 
State  should  instruct  its  delegation  to  act 
and  vote  as  a  unit  this  convention  has 
no  power  to  override  that  instruction. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  want  to  call  attention 
to  the  fact  that  I  think  you  have  deprived 
me  of  my  rights,  unconsciously.  I  have 
offered  an  amendment,  and  I  have  the 
right  to  give  my  reasons  therefor. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  holds  that 
this   amendment    is    not    in   order. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  This  is  such  an  impor- 
tant matter  that  I  shall  have  to  appeal  in 
some   way. 

THE     CHAIRMAN:       You     may     appeal 
from   the   chair's   ruling,   Comrade   Goebel. 
A  DELEGATE:     I  seconded   the   motion 
of  Comrade  Goebel. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  not  a  question 
of  a  second  or  otherwise.  The  chair  has 
ruled  the  amendment  out  of  order;  and 
you  know,  Comrade  Goebel,  that  I  won't 
take  it  as  a  personal  offense  if  you  appeal 
from  the  decision  of  the  chair.  If  you 
want  to  bring  the  question  before  the 
body  of  the  convention  s'ou  will  please 
take  an  appeal. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  Then  I  will  do  so  for 
the  purpose  of  bringing  the  matter  be- 
fore the  house. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  has  been 
appealed  from.  Comrade  Goebel  will  state 
the  reasons  for  his  appeal. 

DEL.  MORGAN  (Minn.):  A  point  of  in- 
formation. Were  all  these-  delegates 
elected   by   referendum   vote? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  not  a  ques- 
tion of  information.  I  want  to  call  the 
attention  of  the  delegates  to  the  fact  that 
the  question  now  before  us  does  not  per- 
mit any  discussion  except  the  parliamen- 
tary question  of  the  appeal  from  the 
chair's  ruling.  State  your  reasons,  Com- 
rade Goebel. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  My  reason  for  appeal- 
ing from  the  decision  of  the  chair  is  be- 
cause I  take  the  position  that  this  con- 
vention has  the  absolute  right  to  say  on 
what  terms  it  will  count  the  vote  of  any 
delegate  or  set  of  delegates  in  this  body. 
Just  as  we  decide  who  are  legal  dele- 
gates and  who  are  not  so  we  have  the 
right  to  decide  whose  vote  shall  be 
counted  and  whose  shall  not.  The  reason 
for  my  motion:  everyone  familiar  with 
old  parties  and  their  politics  knows  that 
they  have  what  is  called  the  unit  rule.  A 
selected  man  in  the  delegation  can  take 
the  delegation  from  his  state  and  cast  it 
as  one  vote;  the  majority  of  the  delega- 
tion through  its  chairman  casts  the  vote 


IZ 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION. 


of  every  delegate  in  the  delegation  from 
his  state.  For  c xample,  if  you  have  nine 
delegates  in  a  delegation  from  a  particu- 
lar state,  and  six  of  them  are  in  har- 
mony, the  chairman  gets  up  and  an- 
nounces nine  votes  for  the  particular  view 
for  which  the  majority  stands,  and  the 
six  have  disfranchised  the  three.  But  we 
are  not  in  old  party  politics.  We  want 
the  delegates  to  speak  for  themselves. 
And  I  rest  my  position  on  this,  that  we 
have  the  absolute  right  to  determine  as 
this  vote  state  exactly  what  terms  we  will 
accept  the  vote  on. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  In  support  of  my 
ruling  I  will  say  this:  I  have  absolutely 
no  sympathy  for  the  practice  of  binding 
delegations.  I  think  it  is  a  very  vicious, 
a  very  unsocialistic  method.  I  think  it 
should  not  be  tolerated  in  the  Socialist 
Party.  But  I  think  our  constitution 
should  make  provision  against  it.  I  hold 
that  under  the  present  constitution  the 
state  organization  is  the  sole  authority 
for  the  action  of  its  delegates.  The  dele- 
gates represent  the  state  organization. 
The  state  organization  may  instruct  its 
delegates  to  vote  for  certain  candidates, 
or  for  certain  measures;  and  it  may  in- 
struct its  delegates  to  vote  as  a  unit;  and 
we  are  powerless  under  the  constitution 
to  override  the  will  of  the  membership  in 
that  state. 

Whether  this  is  proper  or  improper 
is  not  the  question.  If  in  my  state  an 
attempt  had  been  made  to  gag  the  dele- 
gation by  the  unit  rule  I  should  vote 
against  it,  but  I  say  that  the  National 
Convention  of  this  party  has  no  power 
to  override  a  decision  of  the  state  intro- 
ducing the  unit  rule,  bad  as  that  rule  is. 
That  is  all  there  is  to  it.  The  vote  comes 
now  upon  the  appeal.  The  question  is: 
shall  the  decision  of  the  chair  be  sus- 
tained. Those  in  favor  of  sustaining  the 
decision  of  the  chair  will  say  "Aye." 
Those    opposed    "No." 

The  chair  is  in  doubt.  It  was  a  long 
"No;"  I  don't  know  whether  it  is  a 
strong  "No." 

DEL.  GAYLORD    (Wis.):  Division. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  A  division  is  called 
for.  All  those  in  favor  of  sustaining  the 
ruling  of  the  chair  will  rise  and  remain 
standing  until  counted. 

Upon  the  division  the  vote  stood  79  to 
sustain  the  ruling  of  the  chair,  and  129 
opposed. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  ruling  of  the 
chair  is  not  sustained.  Comrade  Goebel's 
motion  is  now  in  order  and  he  has  the 
floor. 

DEL.  DAN  WHITE  (Mass.):  I  thought 
I  was  voting  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
question. 

DEL.  BERGER:  Count  me  the  other 
way. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Are  there  any  oth- 
ers who  voted  under  a  misapprehension? 
There  was  a  majority  of  fifty  votes 
against  the  chair,  and  one  or  two  votes 
won't  affect  the  result.  Comrade  Goebel 
has  the  floor. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  desire  to  have  added 
the  following  words:  "The  vote  of  no 
state   shall    be   cast  as  a  unit,    where    the 


delegates  of  such  states  are  not  in  agree- 
ment upon  the  matter  up  for  vote." 

The  motion  of  Delegate  Goebel  was  sec- 
onded. 

DEL.  EDWARDS  (Tex.):  I  move  to 
amend  that  by  adding:  "Providing,  that 
where  an  instruction  has  been  given  by 
referendum  on  any  particular  question 
the  instruction  of  that  particular  ques- 
tion  shall   be   obeyed." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment  Is 
unless  there  should  have  been  contrari- 
wise  instructions   by   a   state   referendum. 

The  amendment  of  Delegate  Edwards 
was  duly  seconded. 

DEL.  BERGER:  I  originally  opposed 
the  amendment  of  Comrade  Goebel  be- 
cause I  thought  it  was  unnecessary;  but 
after  I  heard  the  explanation  of  our 
chairman  I  think  Goebel's  amendment  is 
very   necessary. 

We  have  had  the  same  modus  operandi 
in  the  past.  No  one  has  ever  questioned 
the  right  of  every  delegate  to  vote  as  he 
pleases.  But  the  chairman  of  the  dele- 
gation acted  as  the  spokesman  for  the 
delegation.  He  announced  the  result, 
whatever  the  result  was. 

But  since  the  chairman  construes  the 
rule  differently  I  believe  it  is  necessary 
to  have  an  amendment  of  this  kind.  On 
the  other  hand  I  am  not  in  favor  of  the 
amendment  to  the  amendment  offered  by 
the  delegate  from  Texas.  That  would 
put  the  state's  right  idea  back  where 
Comrade    Hillquit    wants    it. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Thinks  it  is. 

DEL.  BERGER:  We  have  just  voted 
something  down,  and  now  you  want  to 
put  it  in  through  the  back  door.  I  hope 
the  convention  will  reject  the  amendment 
to  the  amendment  and  accept  the  original 
amendment  offered  by  Comrade  Goebel  of 
New  Jersey. 

DEL.  BERLTN  (111.):  The  amendment 
offered  by  Comrade  Goebel  I  look  upon  as 
vicious  in  a  Socialist  organization.  I 
am  here  today  representing  the  state  of 
Illinois — not  Barney  Berlyn's  views,  but  I 
am  here  in  a  representative  capacity:  I 
am  here  in  a  delegated  capacity  in  any 
way  that  my  state  chooses  to  direct  me. 
I  am  in  duty  bound  to  carry  their  mes- 
sage here;  or  if  I  could  not  do  that  I 
should  refuse  to  act  for  them.  Now  let  us 
understand  this  proposition.  This  is  not  a 
Democratic  convention;  this  is  not  a  Repub- 
lican convention.  This  is  a  Socialist  con- 
vention. We  are  here  in  a  delegate  capac- 
ity to  carry  out  the  principles  and  wishes 
of  our  constituency.  If  our  constituents 
on  a  special  subject  have  instructed  us  it 
is  the  duty  of  the  delegation  to  see  that 
every  member  of  that  delegation  follows 
the  instructions  of  his  state  in  his  dele- 
gated capacity.  If  not,  if  he  violates  those 
instructions,  when  he  goes  home  he  should 
be  expelled  from  the  party. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  rules  having  been 
adopted  so  far  as  the  time  fixed  for  our 
sessions  the  hour  of  adjournment  has  nvre 
than  arrived,  and  the  convention  stands 
adjourned. 

The  convention  then  adjourned  until  2.30 
p.  m. 


AFTERNOON   SESSION. 


Chairman  Hillquit  called  the  convention 
to  order  at  2:30  p.  m. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  are  now  consid- 
ering the  twelfth  rule  and  there  are  twenty- 
five  before  you  for  your  consideration. 
There  may  be  more  offered.     When  we  have 


passed  upon  the  rules  we  shall  have  to 
elect  our  permanent  officers;  and  we  shall 
then  have  to  nominate  fourteen  different 
committees,  with  117  members  on  those 
various  committees.  Every  state  will  nom- 
inate.     Now,    comrades,    if    we    dispose    of 


> 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1910 


13 


those  nominations  today  we  can  have  the 
ballots  printed  over  night,  and  we  shall  be 
able  to  vote  upon  the  nominees  tomorrow 
morning1.  If  we  don't  do  that  we  lose  an 
entire  day.  So  we  have  to  dispose  of  our 
business  with  great  dispatch.  Please  bear 
that   in   mind. 

Rule  12  is  now  before  you.  The  secretary 
will  read  Rule  12;  and  then  the  amendment 
and  then  the  amendment  to  the  amend- 
ment. 

THE  SECRETARY:  The  amendment  of- 
fered by  Delegate  Goebel  of  New  Jersey 
is  that  the  vote  of  no  state  shall  be  cast 
as  a  unit  where  the  delegates  of  that  state 
are  not  ip  agreement  on  the  matter  up  for 
vote.  The  amendment  to  the  amendment 
offered  by  Delegate  Edwards  of  Texas  is 
this:  "Unless  instructed  to  vote  as  a  unit 
by  a  referendum  vote  of  their  state." 

DEL.  EDWARDS:  I  wish  to  make  a 
correction.  As  read  it  refers  only  to  spe- 
cific instructions,  and  not  as  an  instruc- 
tion vote  as  a  unit.  I  will  read  the  mo- 
tion to  amend:  "Provided  that  where  an 
instruction  has  been  given  by  referendum 
on  a  particular  question  the  instruc- 
tion on  that  particular  question  shall  be 
obeyed." 

Speaking  to  that  I  wish  to  say  that  I  am 
heartily  in  favor  of  the  motion  of  Com- 
rade Goebel  which  will  prevent  tying  up 
a  delegation  b  '  the  unit  rule  where  the 
delegation  is  c  ivided.  But  where  a  state 
has  expressed  by  referendum  its  opinion  on 
a  particular  question  I  believe  that  if  a 
delegate  is  unwilling  to  abide  by  the  de- 
cision of  the  party  of  that  state  on  that 
particular  question  he  should  not  be  a  dele- 
gate; and  believing  that  an  instruction  on 
a  particular  question  should  be  obeyed  I 
offer  that  amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  secretary  will 
read  the  amendment  as  corrected. 

THE  SECRETARY:  "Provided  that 
where  an  instruction  has  been  given  by  a 
referendum  vote  on  any  particular  question 
the  instructions  on  that  particular  question 
shall  be  obeyed." 

DEL.  HARRIMAN  (Cal.):  This  entire 
question  has  arisen  over  instructions  given 
by  the  state  of  California.  I  presume  there- 
fore it  is  our  duty  to  inform  the  delegates 
here  of  the  facts.  The  facts  are  that  our 
state  secretary  wrote  a  resolution  upon 
matters  of  general  policy,  generally  con- 
sistent with  the  policy  adopted  in  the  state 
of  California.  This  proposition,  all  of  it 
in  fact,  "would  be  looked  upon  favorably  by 
the  membership  of  that  state.  After  hav- 
ing written  his  resolution  he  sent  it  to 
Local  Vista  and  had  it  initiated  and  passed 
out  through  the  state  without  submitting 
it  to  the  State  Committee.  We  were  there- 
fore instructed  on  all  the  propositions  con- 
tained in  the  resolutions  prepared  by  the 
secretary,  and  at  the  close  of  the  general 
Instructions  this  instruction  was  given  and 
this  I  want  to  read  to  the  convention,  so 
that  you  may  know  precisely  what  the 
situation  is  and  what  it  is  that  you  are 
acting  upon: 

"And  be  it  further  resolved  that  the 
foregoing  shall  be  and  constitute  instruc- 
tions by  the  membership  of  California  to 
its  state  delegation  to  the  National  Con- 
vention to  be  held  May  12,  1912;  that  on 
all  questions  said  delegation  shall  vote  as 
a  unit,  and  that  on  all  matters  where  not 
instructed  a  majority  vote  of  the  delegation 
shall  determine  the  attitude  of  the  delega- 
tion." 

Now  that  is  what  we  are  up  against;  and 
that  is  what  you  people  are  acting  upon. 
'  nd  that  is  the  source  of  the  resolution. 


DEL.  WRIGHT  (Neb.):  This  convention 
is  not  responsible  for  the  instructions  given 
to  the  California  delegation;  they  should 
formulate  their  own  method  of  voting  as 
a  unit;  and  it  is  not  essential  that  we 
shape  our  rules  of  order  to  meet  the  situa- 
tion presented  in  their  state. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Do  you  rise  to  a  point 
of  order? 

DEL.  WRIGHT:  I  am  speaking  to  the 
resolution. 

DEL.  MERRICK:  It  seems  to  me  to  be 
very  clear  at  this  time  that.. this  matter  is 
one  of  importance  to  this  party  as  a  matter 
of  precedent  that  you  are  going  to  set  for 
future  conventions.  Comrade  Goebel's 
proposition  is  perfectly  clear.  There  can 
be  no  question  for  a  minute  but  what  any 
good  Socialist  who  comes  instructed  by  his 
state  should  live  up  to  those  instructions. 
But  to  claim  for  one  minute  that  on  mat- 
ters where  there  is  no  instruction  the  dele- 
gation should  hold  a  caucus  and  bind  and 
throttle  the  members  of  that  delegation  in 
all  probability  in  violation  of  the  will  of 
the  majority  of  the  members  of  the  party 
in  the  state  is  certainly  contrary  to  Social- 
istic ethics  and  principles.  And  if  there 
has  been  a  matter  of  very  great  Importance 
arisen  since  that  vote  was  taken  in  the 
state  of  California,  upon  which  they  could 
not  instruct  the  delegates,  I  cannot  as  a 
Socialist  look  with  favor  on  any  practice 
that  smacks  of  Republicanism  or  Democ- 
ratism by  bringing  in  a  gag  unit  rule 
here. 

I  say,  comrades,  that  we  should  stand  by 
instructions  given  on  any  specific  proposi- 
tion; but  the  Socialist  Party  shall  say 
whether  any  unsocialistic  practice  shall 
prevail  in  this  National  Convention  of  the 
party;  and  whether  any  state  delegation 
shall  be  allowed  to  proceed  in  a  way  that 
is  in  violation  of  fundamental  socialist 
principles. 

I  think  it  is  an  unfair  proposition  in  any 
sense  that  if  a  state  has  instructed  its 
delegates  on  any  important  question  that 
it  has  also  the  right  and  power  to  say  to 
those  delegates  at  the  convention  when 
something  of  importance  suddenly  arises 
which  they  cannot  know  about  except  as 
delegates  at  the  convention,  that  the  ma- 
jority of  the  delegation  shall  have  the 
power  to  override  and  silence  the  minority 
on  that  uninstructed  matter.  It  seems  to 
me  that  you  are  setting  a  dangerous  prece- 
dent, derived  from  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic politics,  and  having  no  proper  place 
in  a   Socialist  organization. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.)  I  think  it  should 
be  made  possible  where  a  delegation  has 
been  instructed  on  a  particular  subject 
for  the  chairman  of  the  delegation  to  cast 
the  entire  vote  of  that  delegation,  no  mat- 
ter how  the  individual  delegates  may  feel 
about  the  matter.  That  is  not  the  busi- 
ness of  this  National  convention.  And  so 
far  as  the  delegates  carrying  out  their  in- 
structions from  their  state  on  any  given 
proposition,  if  any  delegate  who  comes 
here  instructed  on  any  such  proposition 
disregards  the  instructions  of  his  state, 
it  is  for  the  state  organization  to  settle 
that  question;  and  it  is  not  for  us  to 
settle  here.  If  when  he  has  been  selected 
by  a  state  as  a  delegate  to  this  conven- 
tion representing  that  state  he  has  been 
given  instructions  how  the  state  wishes 
him  to  vote  on  a  particular  question 
he  should  follow  those  instructions;  and 
if  he  does  not  he  should  be  dealt  with 
by  his  state.  But  the  delegates  here 
can  not  by  any  means  pass  a  unit  rule 
whereby  a  chairman  of  a  delegation  will 
cast  a  solid  vote  of  the  delegates  from  a 


\ 


14 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION, 


particular  state   irrespective  of  the  wishes 
of  the  individual  delegates. 

I  believe  the  proposition  by  Goebel  was 
absolutely  superiluous.  At  no  time  was  it 
the  purpose  to  have  the  chairman  of  the 
delegation  cast  the  entire  vote  of  -the  dele- 
gation regardless  of  the  wishes  of  the  indi- 
vidual delegates.  On  the  other  hand  the 
proposition  of  the  gentleman  from  Texas 
would  make  it  possible  in  a  caucus  for  the 
majority  to  claim  that  there  was  an  under- 
standing in  the  state  for  the  delegates  to 
vote  one  way,  or  fche  other,  and  then  for 
the  majority  of  the  delegation  from  that 
state  to  claim  the  entire  vote  of  the  state 
and  cast  the  vote  accordingly. 

DEL.  COLLINS  (Colo.):  I  do  not  believe 
there  is  anybody  who  sticks  more  for  the 
democratic  control  of  the  party  than  I  do. 
But  I  want  to  say  that  if  any  state — my 
state  or  any  other  state — instructs  its  dele- 
gation to  cast  their  vote  in  a  certain  way; 
and  then  it  is  not  done,  it  is  the  v/ill  of 
the  majority  and  not  the  will  of  the  mi- 
nority that  is  being  violated.  If  the  ma- 
jority of  the  members  of  the  party  in  a 
state  decide  that  I  shall  cast  my  vote  ac- 
cording to  the  wish  of  the  majority  of  the 
delegates,  and  as  a  whole,  why  that  is  the 
instruction  of  the  majority  of  socialists 
in  that  state;  that  is  the  will  of  that  state. 
If  it  came  from  some  subdivision  of  the 
party  in  that  state  without  a  referendum 
vote  that  would  be  a  different  thing.  But 
when  it  comes  to  a  clear  majority  of  the 
state  on  a  straight  referendum  if  you  are 
to  have  state  autonomy  at  all  then  you 
must  stand  back  of  the  vote  of  that  state, 
and  let  them  decide  whether  they  wish 
their  delegates  at  this  convention  to  cast 
their  votes  as  one  unit.  If  they  have  more 
faith  in  the  opinion  of  a  majority  of  their 
delegation  than  they  have  in  the  indi- 
vidual views  of  a  minority  that  is  their 
right.  If  they  wish  the  majority  of  the 
state  delegation  to  rule  the  delegation  it 
is  their  right  so  to  instruct  the  delegation. 
I  maintain  that  the  majority  of  the  Social- 
ist  Party   still   have   the   right   to   run   it. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio) :  I  believe  that  since 
this  is  a  question  of  procedure  and  as  the 
convenience  of  this  convention  is  opposed 
possibly  to  the  will  of  the  constituents  of 
a  certain  delegation,  I  think  it  will  be  well 
for  the  convention  to  subject  its  conve- 
nience to  that  will  by  tabling  this  whole 
matter.  And  therefore  I  move  as  a  substi- 
tute that  we  table  the  original  rule  and  all 
the  amendments  that  have  been  offered. 

SEVERAL  DELEGATES:  Second  the 
motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  to  table 
is  always  in   order   and  is   not  debatable. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  A  point  of  information. 
Under  Robert's  Rules  of  Order — and  that 
is  what  we  are  acting  under — if  a  motion 
to  table  is  carried  it  carries  with  it  all  the 
rules  does  it  not? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Not  all  the  rules; 
simply  Rule  12. 

The  motion  to  table  was  declared  lost. 

DEL.  KAPLAN  (Minn.):  I  want  to  say 
that  I  am  in  favor  of  the  amendment  to 
the  amendment.  I  take  it  that  we  are  a 
delegate  body;  not  at  all  an  authoritative 
body.  When  we  come  here  from  states 
have  instructed  us  on  certain  "propo- 
rtions— it  makes  no  difference  whether 
those  instructions  are  on  matters  that  they 
have  not  had  an  opportunity  to  consider — 
the  rule  that  the  majority  of  that  state 
has  laid  down  by  its  votes  must  be  our 
rule.  We  have  no  right  to  take  away  the 
referendum  powers  of  the  state  that  in- 
structed that  delegation.  It  would  be  es- 
tablishing   a    bad    precedent.      If    you    vote 


down  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  it 
leaves  you  establishing  a  proposition  here 
that  takes  entirely  away  from  the  states 
the  right  to  instruct  their  delegates,  go- 
ing as  delegates  to  a  delegate  body,  and 
according  to  the  wishes  of  the  party  mem- 
bership of  a  state  plainly  expressed.  Now 
do  we  want  to  take  such  a  position  or  do 
we  not?  We  know  there  are  differences 
of  opinion  among  delegates  from  a  state. 
And  it  is  precisely  because  there  are  differ- 
ences of  opinion  that  delegations  are  most 
frequently  instructed  on  certain  definite 
propositions.  Now  do  you  say  that  we, 
delegates  in  convention  assembled,  must 
override  the  action  and  decree  of  the  whole 
membership  of  a  state?  If  you  do  vote 
down  the  amendment.  But  if  you  believe 
in  democracy;  if  you  believe  in  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  referendum,  and  the  right  of 
the  membership  to  express  themselves,  and 
their  right  to  instruct  their  delegates,  and 
the  moral  duty  of  the  delegates  to  follow 
those  instructions  then  vote  for  the  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment. 

The  previous  question  having  been  moved 
and  seconded  was  carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  previous  ques- 
tion having  been  called  the  secretary  will 
read  the  original  rule;  the  amendment  and 
the  amendment  to  the  amendment. 

THE  SECRETARY:  Rule  12.  The 
original  rule  you  have  before  you.  Amend- 
ment by  Goebel:  "The  vote  of  no  state 
shall  be  cast  as  a  unit  where  the  delegates 
of  said  state  are  not  in  agreement  on  the 
matter  up  for  vote.  The  amendment  to  the 
amendment  by  Edwards  is:  "Provided  that 
where  instructions  have  been  given  by  ref- 
erendum on  a  particular  question  the  in- 
structions on  that  particular  question  shall 
be  obeyed." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  -The  question  comes 
on  the  amendment  to  the  amendment. 

DEL.    GOEREL:      Have    I    not    the    right 
to  close  under  our  rules? 
THE  CHAIRMAN:     No. 
DEL.  BERGER:     Some  one  has  the  right 
to  close.     See  Rule  10. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  have  the  right  under 
that  rule. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  is  wrong. 
Speak   on,    George. 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  believe 
Goebel  has  spoken  once. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  He  is  on  one  side, 
the  chair  holds.  That  rule  has  been 
adopted. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  want  to  say  that  I  do 
not  give  the  snap  of  my  finger  for  Cali- 
fornia or  any  other  state  in  this  matter. 
We  are  here  representing  the  national  So- 
cialist Party,  the  Socialist  Party  of  Amer- 
ica. Comrade  Kaplan  says  that,  we  are 
going  to  establish  a  precedent.  I  am  per- 
fectly willing  to  concede  the  point.  What 
is  tried  to  be  established  here  is  the 
method  by  which  crooked  politicians  m 
various  states  have  been  able  to  trade  off 
the  vote  of  entire  state  delegations  to 
others  having  like  powers  for  favors  prom- 
ised to  them.  And  the  precedent  that  we 
shall  establish  here  will  be  that  it  will 
not  go  that  way  in   the   Socialist  Party. 

Comrade  Edwards'  amendment  does  not 
alter  my  original  motion  one  iota  except 
to  make  it  more  clear.  What  he  proposes  is 
verv  clear.  If  I  have  been  instructed  by 
a  referendum  of  my  state  to  vote  a  certain 
way  on  a  certain  proposition,  on  the  trades 
union  question,  or  the  immigration  ques- 
tion it  is  my  business  to  obey  those  plain 
instructions. Y  But  that  is  not  the  point 
here  The  party  in  California  have  in- 
structed their  delegates  how  they  shall  vote 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1910 


15 


on  certain  specific  questions  and  then  on 
top  of  that  added  another  referendum  by 
which  they  are  directed  to  vote  as  a  unit 
on  the  matters  about  which  they  have  not 
been  specifically  instructed  by  their  state. 
That  means,  if  they  have  eighteen  dele- 
gates as  I  think  they  have,  that  if  ten  of 
them  who  think  a  certain  way  on  any  new 
proposition  get  together  then  even  though 
the  membership  of  that  state  know  nothing 
of  the  merits  of  that  particular  question, 
yet  if  the  ten  of  them  agree  that  way  a 
certain  one  representing  that  ten  will  stand 
up  and  cast  the  entire  vote  of  the  eighteen 
delegates.  And  that  is  what  I  do  not  be- 
lieve in.  If  that  is  Socialism,  then  it  is 
not  my  kind  of  Socialism.  It  is  crooked 
Socialism.  If  we  are  going  to  establish  a 
precedent  let  us  establish  it  and  make  it 
clear  that  we  won't  have  the  methods  that 
appiy  in  the  old  parties.  Let  us  say  that 
we  don't  want  that  condition  of  things 
where  one  boss  can  meet  another  boss  and 
say:  "Let's  shake  hands.  I  will  give  you 
my  delegation  on  this  proposition  if  you 
will  give  me  yours  on  that."  That  is 
what  this  thing  means. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Does  any  delegate 
wish  to  speak  in  opposition  to  Comrade 
Goebel's  position? 

DEL.    GAYLORD    (Wis.):      I    do. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  Gay  lord. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  This  does  not  look 
such  an  awfully  s<  rious  proposition  to  me, 
and  perhaps  I  ha  e  had  as  much  experi- 
ence in  old  party  politics  as  some  of  the 
others.  And  perhaps  I  do  not  understand 
the  terrible  possibilities  of  this  sort  of 
thing.  But  it  looks  to  me  that  we  are  all 
here  in  a  representative  capacity;  and  that 
when  the  state  organization  of  one  state 
has  made  up  its  mind  and  voted  that  its 
delegation  shall  vote  as  a  unit  I  do  not 
know  what  right  we  have  as  a  convention 
to  override  those  instructions.  Delegates 
accept  their  positions  as  delegates  under 
the  conditions  prescribed  by  their  state 
organizations.  And  they  do  so  under  the 
national  constitution.  There  is  nothing  in 
the  national  constitution  so  far  prevent- 
ing or  prohibiting  the  action  that  is  re- 
ported to  have  been  taken  by  the  mem- 
bership  of  California. 

The  appeal  to  Socialist  principles  m  is 
rather  vague  and  indefinite.  No  specific 
principle  of  Socialism  has  been  named  in 
support  of  the  other  side.  Democracy  is 
too  big  a  word,  and  the  ideas  too  hazy 
when  so  generally  called  upon  in  support 
of  a  proposition.  I  have  known  democracy 
to  be  invoked  on  both  sides  of  a  contro- 
versy, on  both  sides  of  the  same  proposi- 
tion, and  I  could  just  as  well  invoke  it  here 
against  Comrade  Goebel's  proposition. 
Goebel  wants  the  organization  in  Cali- 
fornia which  has  thousands  of  members  in 
it  to  be  overridden  by  these  few  score 
people  gathered  from  the  four  winds  of 
the  universe.  How  is  that?  That  sounds 
as  good  as  yours  does.  I  could  say  it 
louder,  too,  if  I  wanted  to.  What's  the 
use? 

But  there  is  a  more  serious  matter  here, 
and  that  is  the  right  of  the  membership 
of  a  state  to  instruct  its  delegation  as  to 
all  actions  and  as  to  the  entire  method  of 
their  action  in  the  national  convention. 
And  this  convention  has  no  right  to  set 
that  aside.  I  cha.Wenge  the  right  of  this 
convention  to  do  it.  I  challenge  our  right 
to  make  that  rule,  especially  in  the  case 
of  the  specific  instructions  of  California 
there.  I  don't  care  particularly  about  Cali- 
fornia; but  we  are  setting  a  bad  precedent 
when  a  national   convention  without  a  con- 


stitutional   provision    to    that    effect,    pre- 
sumes to  override  a  state  referendum. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  shall  vote  first 
on  the  amendment  to  the  amendment,  of- 
fered by  Delegate  Edwards. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  upon 
a  rising  vote  was  then  declared  carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  vote  now  comes 
on  the  amendment  of  Comrade  Goebel.  The 
secretary  wjU  read. 

THE  SCRETARY:  "The  vote  ot  no  state 
shall  be  cast  as  a  unit  where  the  dele- 
gates of  said  state  are  not  in  agreement  on 
the  matter  up  for  vote." 

DEL.  SOLOMON:  The  amendment  just 
passed  I  think  does  away  with  this  amend- 
ment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:    The  chair  thinks  not. 

The  amendment  of  Delegate  Goebel  as 
read  was  then  declared  carried.  And  Rule 
12  as  reported  was  declared  carried  as 
amended. 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.)  asked  that  the  rule, 
be  read  as  amended. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  secretary  will 
read  the  rule  as  amended. 

THE  SECRETARY  (reading):  Each  dele- 
gation shall  select  one  of  its  members  to 
announce  its  vote.  The  vote  of  no  state 
shall  be  cast  as  a  unit  where  the  delegates 
of  such  state  are  not  in  agreement  on  the 
matter  up  for  vote;  provided,  that  where  an 
instruction  has  been  given  by  referendum 
on  a  particular  question  the  instruction  on 
that  particular  question  shall  be  obeyed." 
RULE    13. 

"Each  delegation  shall  designate  in  the 
absence  of  any  delegate  the  alternate  who 
shall  fill  such  vacancy." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Any  objection  to 
Rule  13? 

DEL.  BRANSTETTER  (Okla.):  I  would 
like  a  ruling  of  the  chair.  If  the  (rule 
means  that  the  delegation  shall  select  an 
alternate  where  a  vacancy  exists  regard- 
less of  the  rules  of  their  particular  state 
then  that  is  a  rule  that  this  convention 
has  no  right  to  adopt.  Most  state  organ- 
izations provide  in  their  state  constitution 
a  particular  order  or  rotation  in  which  al- 
ternates shall  be  selected;  and  this  con- 
vention has  neither  -the  right  nor  the  power 
to  give  to  any  state  delegation  the  right 
to  select  an  alternate  except  in  accordance 
with .  the  rules  of  that  state  constitution 
wherever  the  state  organization  lias  al- 
ready decided  the  way  in  which  an  alter- 
nate shall  be  seated.  If  that  is  the  con- 
struction of  the  rule  it  is  unconstitutional 
and  out  of  order.  If  it  is  the  intention  of 
this  rule  that  in  the  absence  of  any  regu- 
lar elected  delegates  or  alternates  that  the 
state  delegation  shall  then  have  the  right 
to  fill  the  vacancy  as  stated  I  am  in  favor 
of  the  rule. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  holds  that 
this  proposed  rule  does  not  contravene  the 
rule  of  any  state  organization;  but  leaves 
it  to  each  delegation  to  follow  the  rules 
of  its  own  state  or  to  use  its  discretion  in 
the  absence  of  such   a  rule. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  move 
to  strike  out  Rule  13. 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded.  On  vote 
it  was  declared  lost. 

Rule  13  as  read  was  then  adopted. 
RULE    14. 

"Such  members  of  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  who  are  not  delegates,  and 
the  National  Secretary,  shall  have  a  voice 
and  no  vote  in  the  convention.  This  pro- 
vision also  applies  to  members  of  the 
Women's  National  Committee.'' 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  there  any  objec- 
tion?    There  is  none.     The  rule  is  adopted. 


\ 


16 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


RULE    15. 

"Neither  contesting  nor  contested  dele- 
gates shall  vote  upon  any  question  in  re- 
lation to  their  rights  to  be  seated." 

THE        CHAIRMAN:  Any        objection. 

There  is  none.     The  rule  is  adopted. 

RULE    16. 

"The  nomination  for  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  shall  be  by  at  least 
a  majority  of  all    the   votes   cast." 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  I  move  to 
amend  the  rule  by  making  it  read  ""A  ma- 
jority of  all  votes  entitled  to  a  seat  in  this 
convention." 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  Some  of  the 
delegates  may  be   going  home. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment  of- 
fered by  Delegate  Solomon  of  New  York 
is  that  it  shall  require  for  the  nomination 
of  presidential  and  vice-presidential  candi- 
dates not  a  majority  of  the  delegates  pres- 
ent and  voting,  but  a  majority  of  all  dele- 
gates entitled  to  be  seated  in  the  conven- 
tion. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.) :  I  want  to 
speak   in  favor  of  that. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Delegate  Slobodin 
has   the   floor. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  The  Socialist  Party 
ought  to  be  the  most  democratic  party  in 
the  world.  We  can  not  have  our  candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice  President 
nominated  by  a  minority  of  the  convention. 
We  cannot  have  a  minority  candidate.  It 
would  not  look  good.  It  would  not  repre- 
sent properly  the  spirit  and  practice  of 
the  Socialist  Party.  If  delegates  should 
want  to  leave  they  will  take  into  consid- 
eration the  fact  that  there  are  still  the 
nominations  of  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice  President  to  be  made,  and  they 
will  probably  stay  until  such  candidates 
are  named.  I  urge  that  we  vote  for  the 
amendment    offered    by    Comrade    Solomon. 

DEL.  FLOATEN  (Col.):  I  wish  to  op- 
pose a  rule  that  requires  a  majority  of  all 
the  votes  of  the  people  elected  as  delegates 
here  to  decide  any  question  before  us.  We 
have  this  question  which  is  causing  a  fac- 
tional fight  in  the  state  of  Colorado  where 
one  organization  of  its  own  motion  has 
taken  the  position  that  you  shall  not  de- 
cide anything,  nominate  anybody,  elect  an 
official  of  the  party,  or  amend  the  consti- 
tution unless  you  have  a  majority  of  all 
the  members,  at  least  all  the  members  who 
are  dues  paying  members  in  the  party.  This 
is  exactly  on  the  same  line.  Those  people 
already  have  three  counties  in  our  state* 
under  their  control,  an  entirely  factional 
division,  entirely  opposed  to  the  body  of 
the  Socialist  Party  of  Colorado.  Suppose 
now  that  there  are  200  members  here.  A 
time  is  set  when  we  shall  nominate  our 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice  Presi- 
dent. Assume  now  that  90  out  of  those 
go  away.  That  leaves  110  of  us.  It  is 
possible  that  only  60  of  those  will  vote 
for  any  one  candidate.  It  might  be  im- 
possible to  get  100  out  of  the  110  to  vote 
for  one  candidate.  We  should  have  a  ma- 
jority of  the  110  that  are  left  but  not  a 
majority  of  all  the  delegates  entitled  to 
seats  in  the  convention.  I  do  hope  that 
you  will  not  adopt  any  such  rule  com- 
pelling them  to  be  here.  They  are  in  duty 
bound  to  be  here  and  if  they  are  not  here 
the  organization  that  they  represent  will 
lose   all   rierht   to   complain. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  There  is  very 
little  difference  between  the  two  contend- 
ing views.  We  expect  that  most  of  the 
delegates   will   stay   here   at  least   until   we 


nominate  for  President  and  Vice  President 
on  the  Socialist  ticket.  We  expect  that. 
There  are  about  300  delegates  here  and  a 
majority  of  the  300  will  be  at  least  160. 
However,  as  to  the  comparison  with  the 
old  parties  if  the  Republican  party  would 
be  more  democratic  because  it  requires  a 
majority  of  all  the  delegates,  well,  then 
the  Democratic  party  would  be  still  more 
democratic  because  they  require  two-thirds 
of  all  the  delegates.  We  use  the  word  de- 
mocracy too  much,  in  a  vague,  foolish  way. 
So  far  as  I  am  concerned  I  am  just  as  well 
satisfied  with  Solomon's  amendment — so 
long  as  we  don't  lose  too  much  time,  be- 
cause at  the  rate  we  are  going  we  won't 
do  very  much  in  two  weeks. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  I  move  that  this  rule 
be  tabled,  and  that  this  convention  in- 
struct the  National  Secretary  to  issue  a 
referendum  call  for  nominations  to  the 
political  offices  of  President  and  Vice 
President  and  that  the  names  so  received 
be  sent  out  to  a  referendum  vote  of  the 
membership  in  the  regular  manner. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  All  of  which  is  ex- 
ceedingly interesting  but  entirely  out  of 
order. 

The  previous  question  was  called  for  and 
ordered. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  secretary  will 
please  read  the  amendment. 

THE  SECRETARY:  The  amendment  of 
Solomon  of  New  York  is:  "Nominations  for 
President  and  Vice  President  shall  be  made 
by  a  majority  vote  of  all  delegates  entitled 
to  a  vote  in  this  convention." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  All  in  favor  of  this 
amendment  will  say  "aye."  The  chair  is  in 
doubt. 

(Cries  of  "division.") 

A  DELEGATE:  On  the  previous  ques- 
tion there  is  a  chance  to  speak  on  both 
sides. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Not  after  the  vote  is 
under  way.  All  in  favor  of  the  amendment 
requiring  a  majority  of  delegates  entitled  to 
be  seated  for  the  nomination  of  candidates 
for  President  and  Vice  President  will  please 
rise  and  stand  until   counted. 

On  a  division  the  amendment  was  de- 
feated by  a  vote  of   81  ayes  and   159   noes 

Rule  16  as  read  was  then  adopted. 

RULE   17. 

"A  roll  call  shall  be  had  when  demanded 
by  at  least  50  delegates." 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  I  move  that  the 
number  be  reduced  to  15. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

DEL.  ALEXANDER  (Tex.):  If  we  have 
a  roll  call  every  time  fifteen  members  de- 
mand it  we  shall  consume  half  of  the  time 
of  the  convention  in  roll  calls.  I  there- 
fore move  to  amend  that  it  require  forty 
delegates. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  It  is  our  cus- 
tom I  believe  to  have  a  roll  call  on  the 
request  of  about  one-sixth.  Fifteen  is 
simply  ridiculous.  We  should  do  nothing 
but  call  the   roll  here. 

(Cries   of   "previous   question.") 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  I  have  a  reason  for 
making  this  motion  or  I  would  not  have 
made  it.  I  believe  if  fifteen  members  want 
the  delegates  to  go  on  record  on  a  par- 
ticular proposition  they  should  go  on  rec- 
ord as  voting  for  or  against.  I  think  if  a 
question  comes  up  of  importance  to  our 
constituents  and  we  believe  that  those  con- 
stituents should  know  how  the  delegates 
vote.  We  have  a  right  to  require  that. 
That  is  what  they  are  sending  us  here 
for.  We  are  sent  here  to  take  certain  ac- 
tion, and  any  delegate  who  is  afraid  of  the 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1910 


17 


roll  call  should  not  be  entrusted  with  the 
duty  of  voting-. 

DEL.  ONEAL  (Ind.):  I  want  to  say  that 
if  a  delegation  desires  to  make  a  note  of 
how  its  individual  members  vote  they  can 
keep  a  record  of  that  vote  and  report  it 
back  to  their  state. 

(The  previous  question  was  then  or- 
dered.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  that 
it  requires  fifty  members  to  demand  a  roll 
call.  The  amendment  is  that  it  require 
fifteen  and  the  second  amendment  is  that 
it  require  forty.  We  are  now  voting-  upon 
the  question  of  whether  a  roll  call  shall 
be    had   at    the   request   of  forty   delegates. 

A  division  having  been  called  for  the 
amendment  to  make  the  number  necessary 
for  a  roll  call  forty  delegates  was  lost  by  a 
vote  of  86  ayes  and  131  noes. 

The  amendment  fixing  the  number  at 
fifteen  delegates  was  then  put  and  declared 
lost. 

The  original  rule  requiring  fifty  delegates 
as  reported  to  the  convention  was  then 
adored- 

RULE    18. 

"On  Friday,  May  17th,  at  3  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  all  business  of  the  convention 
shall  be  suspended  and  the  convention  shall 
proceed  to  the  nomination  of  candidates  for 
President  and  Vice  President  of  !  he  United 
States." 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Pa.):  I  move  to 
amend  the  rule  by  substituting  the  word 
Wednesday,  May  15th,  instead  of  Friday, 
May  17th. 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  desire  to  offer 
this  amendment:  "Provided  that  the  na- 
tional platform  shall  at  that  time  have 
been  adopted." 

The  amendment  of  Delegate  Hogan  was 
duly  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment  is 
that  we  nominate  on  that  day  provided  the 
platform  shall  have  been  adopted  at  that 
time. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  We  made  it 
Friday  in  order  to  give  the  Committee  on 
Platform  a  chance  to  report.  It  would  not 
be  the  proper  thing  for  a  Socialist  conven- 
tion to  nominate  a  President  and  a  Vice 
President  before  we  had  adopted  a  plat- 
form. For  that  reason  we  made  it  Fri- 
day. We  also  put  it  off  as  late  as  possible 
in  order  to  hold  the  members  in  Indianap- 
olis. Moreover,  if  you  are  to  discuss 
everything  as  you  discuss  the  rules  today, 
how  are  you  going  to  get  to  the  platform 
even  on  Friday?  I  hope  you  will  accept 
the  propositibn  as  laid  down  in  this  rule 
and  make  it  Friday  afternoon  at  3  o'clock. 

DEL.  BURKE  (N.  H):  I  have  always 
had  the  idea  that  Socialists  were  sensible 
people.  Now,  the  idea  seems  to  be  to  get 
ill  our  names  in  the  minutes.  Let's  get 
lown  to  business.     I  am  in  favor  of  Friday. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  I  thought  I 
«new  something  about  the  Socialist  move- 
ment. I  have  had  ten  or  twelve  years  of 
experience.  My  understanding  is  that  you 
annot  conceive  of  a  candidate  that  you 
ivill  nominate  for  these  offices  who  will 
-efuse  to  run  on  any  platform  that  you 
idopt  at  any  time.  You  nominate  your  can- 
lidate  and  the  man  nominated  for  that  pub- 
ic position  must  stand  on  the  platform  as 
enunciated  by  the  convention  no  matter 
vhether  it  is  enunciated  before  or  after. 
7ou  don't  have  to  consult  your  candidate 
r  his  wishes  in  the  matter.  We  are  here 
o  tell  him  where  he  gets  off,  and  if  he 
loesn't  get  off  as  we  tell  him  we  may  ac- 
elerate  his  getting  off. 


"    Del.  Solomon  (N.  Y.)  moved  the  previous 

question. 

The  previous  question  was  then  ordered. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  previous  ques- 
tion having  been  ordered  one  speaker  will 
be  recognized  on  each  side  of  the  discus- 
sion. 

DEL.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):  I  speak  against 
the  proposition. 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Pa.):  As  mover  of 
the  amendment  I  claim  the  floor. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Let  us  see  whether 
the  comrade  is  against  you.  If  he  is,  you 
can  speak,  otherwise  not. 

DEL.  SLAYTON:  I  am  opposed  to  the 
amendment  setting  the  nominations  tfo** 
Wednesday,  for  the  reason  that  Cor~:ade 
Berger  stated,  but  in  addition  f  2  know 
enough  to  know  that  after  ±fr*  T  r  andidates 
are  nominated  the  avera  .•*;■■>  delegate  loses 
interest;  the  big  thing  is  done,  and  he  goes 
home.  Now,  don't  jump  up  all  over  the 
floor  and  say  it  doesn't  mean  you.  We  are 
all  apt  to  feel  that  it  means  not  us,  but 
them.  Still  it  happens  nine  times  out  of 
ten.  You  can  do  the  business  better  if  you 
nominate  the  candidates  after  the  impor- 
tant business  is  done.  Let  us  do  our  im- 
portant business  and  then  make  the  nomi- 
nations for  President  and  Vice  President 
the  last  business  before  us.  It  should  be 
our  last  business.  Your  candidates  are 
human  vehicles  to  carry  out  the  conclusions 
that  you  reach  here,  to  do  the  things  that 
you  direct  to  be  done  here.  If  we  make 
that  the  first  order  of  business  it  looks  as 
though  we  thought  that  they  were  more 
important  than  all  of  the  rest  of  the  con- 
vention put  together,  which  I  deny. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  there  any  delegate 
wishing  to  advocate  the  claims  of  Wednes- 
day. 

DEL.   WHEELER    (Pa.):     The  big  thing 
in    this    convention    is    the    nomination    of  . 
these    candidates — that    is    Comrade    Slay- 
ton — 

DEL.  SLAYTON:     No. 

DEL.  WHEELER:  I  misunderstood  him. 
Very  well.  We  decide  that  the  majority  of 
those  here  shall  nominate  the  candidates. 
If  we  put  it  off  until  Friday  a  number  will 
go  home.  Some  will  go  because  they  are 
unable  to  pay  the  price  for  staying  here. 
In  Pennsylvania  we  nominated  our  candi- 
dates very  early  in  our  convention;  after- 
wards we  adopted  our  platform.  Well,  no- 
body in  Pennsylvania  was  of  the  opinion 
that  our  candidates  were  less  able  or  effi- 
cient because  we  nominated  them  that  way, 
or  that  they  won't  stand  for  the  platform 
because  we  did  it  that  way.  The  proposi- 
tion back  of  this  amendment  is:  That  more 
of  the  delegates  will  be  here  Wednesday; 
all  who  are  here  Wednesday  will  be  voting 
on  that.  We  are  not  deferring-  any  of  the 
important  business.  We  are  not  putting 
any  important  business  aside  if  we  do 
that  Wednesday.  The  platform  that  will 
be  adopted  will  not  be  altered  any.  The 
candidates'  position  will  not  be  altered. 
Some  of  us  who  may  have  to  go  later  will 
be  here  Wednesday.  My  point  is  that  if 
we  nominate  Wednesday  the  greater  part 
of  the  men  and  women  who  have  come  here 
to  nominate  the  candidates  will  be  able  to 
join  in  naming  them.  I  do  not  contend  that 
the  naming  of  candidates  can  be  of  the 
utmost  importance  An  a  Socialist  conven- 
tion. We  can  just  as  well  name  them  now 
as  later.  I  think  that  since  we  have  de- 
cided that  it  requires  only  a  majority  of 
those  who  are  present  when  the  nomina- 
tions are  made  this  amendment  is  impor- 
tant, as  it  gives  the  greatest  possible  at- 
tendance. 


/ 


18 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION, 


THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  vote  is  now  in  or- 
der. The  Secretary  will  now  read  the  orig- 
inal rule,  the  amendment  and  the  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment. 

DEL.  HOGAN  .(Ark.):  I  claim  my  right 
to  speak. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  main  question  is 
between  Friday  and  Wednesday. 

THE  SECRETARY:  The  original  rule  is 
No.  18  as  printed,  that -we  nominate  Friday, 
May  17th„  at  3  o'clock.  The  amendment  of 
Wheeler  is  that  it  be  made  Wednesday, 
May  15th,  instead.  The  amendment  of  Del. 
Hogan  is  that  we  add:  "Provided  that  the 
platform  shall  have  been  adopted  at  that 
time." 

!?!*&  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  comes 
on  the"  .adoption  of  the  amendment  to  the 
amending,  provided  that  we  shall  adopt 
the  platform  Vtefere  nominating  candidates 
for  President  and  Vice  President. 

A  division  having  been  called  for  the 
amendment  to  the  amendment  was  lost  by 
a  vote  of  90  Aye  and  134  No. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  vote  now  occurs 
on  the  substitution  of  Wednesday  for  Fri- 
day. 

The  amendment  was  defeated. 

Rule  18  as  reported  by  the  committee 
was  then  adopted. 

RULE  19. 

"The  convention  shall  adjourn  not  later 
than  Saturday,  May  18th,   at  midnight." 

DEL.  RINGLER  (Pa.):  I  move  to  amend 
by  making  it  Friday  night. 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 

An  amendment  that  no  time  be  fixed  for 
adjournment  was  made  and  seconded. 

DEL.  SOLOMON:  I  move  to  table  the 
whole  matter. 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 

Cries  of  "Question." 

DELEGATES:  What  is  the  motion? 
I*  THE  CHAIRMAN:  Some  delegates  do 
not  understand  the  motion,  or  say  so.  The 
motion  is  that  the  rule  proposed  and  all 
amendments  be  tabled.  That  would  mean 
that  we  have  no  rule  as  to  the  time  of 
adjournment. 

On  division  on  the  motion  to  table  there 
was  a  tie  vote  of  112  for  and  112  against. 

THE    CHAIRMAN:       There    being    a    tie 
vote  the  chair  will  decide  against  the  mo- 
tion to  table. 
*        The    previous    question    was    then    called 
for. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  Most  of  us  have 
neither  time  nor  money  to  stay  here  indefi- 
nitely. We  rented  this  hall  for  one  week 
only.  So  if  you  extend  the  business  of  the 
convention  beyond  Saturday  night  we  shall 
have  to  hire  another  hall.  I  believe  we  can 
do  the  work  of  the  party,  all  the  work  be- 
fore this  convention  in  the  time  suggested 
if  we  use  a  little  common  sense.  Please 
help  us  to  do  the  work  of  the  party  and 
don't  take  up  unnecessary  time  with  points 
of  order  and  points  of  information  and  un- 
necessary discussion  of  unimportant  mat- 
ters. 

DEL.  SOLOMON:  I  proposed  the  motion 
to  table.  If  we  fix  a  definite  time  for  the 
adjournment  then  the  tendency  will  be  to 
drag  ^long  until  that  time,  whether  we  need 
to  do  so  or  not.  It  will  prevent  us  getting 
through  perhaps  on  Thursday  evening.  If 
we  find  that  we  can  conclude  our  business 
by  Thursday  or  Friday  evening,  then  we 
should  adjourn  then.  I  see  no  reason  for 
fixing  a  definite  time  for  adjournment.  I 
know  in  many  of  our  state  conventions  we 
do  not  waste  time  by  setting  a  definite 
limit  for  the  adjournment.  There  we  al- 
ways adjourn  six  hours  earlier  than  we 
expected. 


THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  to 
adopt  rule  19.  The  amendment  offered  by 
Ringler  is  that  we  adjourn  Friday.  The 
amendment  to  the  amendment  by  Killing- 
beck  is  that  no  time  be  fixed  for  adjourn- 
ment. 

DEL.  KILLINGBECK  (N.  J.):  My  mo- 
tion was  that  this  convention  adjourn  when 
it  has  concluded  its  business. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment  to 
the  amendment  is  that  this  convention  ad- 
journ when  it  has  concluded  or  completed 
its  business. 

A  division  being  called  for  the  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment  was  lost  by  a  vote 
of  Aye  55,  No  145. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was 
defeated  by  a  vote  of  55  to  145. 

The  amendment  to  substitute  Friday  for 
Saturday  was  put  to  a  vote  and  lost. 

The  original  motion,  to  adjourn  not  later 
than  Saturday  midnight,   was   then  carried. 

Rule  20  was  then  read  by  the  Secretary. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Any  opposition  or 
objection? 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  When  are  we 
permanently  organized? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  suppose  perma- 
nently organized  means  when  we  have 
elected  a  permanent  chairman. 

DEL.  SOLOMON:  I  move  an  amendment 
that  all  speeches  of  welcome  be  postponed 
till  after  the  election  of  committees. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  move  as  an  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment  that  we  hear 
speeches  of  welcome  this  day  at  5  P.  M. 
(Seconded.) 

DEL.  JACOBS  (Wis.):  Mr.  Chairman,  is 
it  necessary,  when  a  motion  is  offered,  to 
always  offer  an  amendment  and  then  an 
amendment  to  an  amendment,  and  then 
vote  those  down  and  then  adopt  the  orig- 
inal proposition?  Is  it  necessary  to  do 
that  on  every  question?  It  seems  to  me  we 
are  wasting  time.  I  want  to  get  the  in- 
formation. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  information  of 
the  chair  is  that  so  far  it  has  been  neces- 
sary. Whether  it  will  be  necessary  in  the 
future,   God  knows.      (Laughter.) 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  desire  to  state  briefly 
the  reason  for  making  my  proposition.  The 
local  comrades,  I  understand,  have  arranged 
for  a  demonstration  for  tonight,  and  it 
would  seem  particularly  inappropriate,  af- 
ter we  have  held  a  public  demonstration 
under  their  auspices,  to  be  then  welcomed 
in  their  behalf.  I  think  we  ought  to  have 
that  much  courtesy. 

A  vote  was  then  taken  on  the  amendment 
to  hear  the  speeches  of  welcome  at  f 
o'clock  this  afternoon,   and   it  was  carried 

Rule  21  was  then  read  and  adopted  with- 
out objection. 

Rule  22  was  also  adopted  without  objec- 
tion. * 

The  Secretary  then  read  rule  23. 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Pa.):  The  Pennsyl- 
vania  delegates  think  that  four  hours  eaclj 
should  be  allowed  for  the  debate  on  th« 
questions  of  immigration  and  agriculture 
each  side  to  choose  a  manager  to  divide  th< 
speeches  and  give  notice  in  writing  of  th< 
assignments  of  speakers,  and  all  votes  shal 
be  taken  without  further  debate.  I  movt 
the  adoption   of  the   following  amendment 

"That  four  hours  each  shall  be  allowed 
for  debates  on  Industrialism,  Immigratioi 
and  Agriculture.  Each  side  shall  choose  f 
manager  of  time,  to  whom  all  who  desire  t< 
speak  shall  give  notice  and  shall  receive  ai 
equal  division  of  the  time.  When  all  haw 
spoken  on  the  questions  the  vote  shall  bj 
taken  without  further  debate."     (Secon. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  I  move  to 
amend    that    by    inserting    instead    of    th 


^ 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1910 


19 


Suestion  of  Industrialism,  the  report  of  the 
ommittee  on  Labor  Organizations  and 
Their  Relations  to  the  Socialist  Party.' 
(Seconded.) 

DEL.     WILSON     (Cal.):       The    delegates 
who  were  present  at  recent  conventions   of 
the   Socialist  Party   will   remember   that   on 
every  question  that  came  before  those  bod- 
ies   for    discussion    there    were    not    simply 
two    sides    discussed,    but    many    sides    dis- 
cussed.     Those   of   you   who   remember   the 
prolonged  discussion,  lasting  for  nearly  two 
whole  days,   on  the  subject  of  Immigration 
at  the  last  congress  which  met  in  Chicago, 
will  remember  that  we  did  not  have  only  a 
majority  report  and  a  minority  report,  but 
we  had  a  substitute  motion,  and  then  we  had 
delegates  from  all  over  America  giving  their 
views   on   the   subject   of  immigration,   that 
could  not  be  related  either  pro  or  con,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  against  or  for  one  of 
these  propositions.     That  may  seem  almost 
impossible,  but  it  is  a  fact;  and  I  say,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  when  these  great  questions 
come  up  before  us  in  this  assemblage  every 
delegate  on  this  floor  ought  to  have  a  right 
to  express  himself  on  the  subject  involved. 
(Applause.)      It    is    not    simply    two    naked 
propositions   that  will  be  before   us,    or  an 
amendment     and     an     amendment     to     the 
amendment.      It    will    be    an    effort    on    the 
part  of  the  delegates  here  to  express  their 
yiews,    and    they    may    not   be   able    to    say 
exactly  whether  they  are  for  or  against  any 
other    particular    person's    views,    but    they 
ought    to    have    a    right    to    express    their 
views.      I    think,    Mr.    Chairman,    that    this 
kind  of  a  division  of  time  will  be  contrary 
to    the    best    interests    of    the    delegations. 
(Applause.)     I  think  that  it  will  be  impor- 
tant for  us  to  leave  this  matter  of  discus- 
sion  of   these   questions   open   to   the   chair 
and  to  the  delegations,  and  if,   at  the  con- 
clusion of  any  great  and  serious  debate,   it 
comes   finally   down    to   the   accepting   of   a 
majority  or  minority  report,   then  we   have 
made  provisions  in  the  rules  by  which  that 
debate  may   be   closed,   and   we  may  extend 
that  if  we  choose  to  two  or  three  persons 
on  conflicting  sides.     But  on  the  main  ques- 
tions   that    shall    arise    before    us    here,    at 
least    seven    or    eight    of    these    questions, 
there    should    be    no    limit    to    who    stands 
where  when  he  rises  to  speak.     As  near  as 
we  can,  let  us  leave  that  to  the  care  of  the 
chair  and  to  the  honor  of  the  delegates.     I 
hope  this  management   of  time,   dividing  it 
into   so-called   two   sides,   will   be  voted   en- 
tirely down.     (Applause.) 

DEL.  O'REILLY  (111.):  There  is  another 
point  to  be  considered.  I  recognize  the  im- 
portance of  the  questions  named,  but  if  we 
give  twelve  hours  to  those  questions  at  five 
hours  a  day  we  will  find  ourselves  allotting 
two  days  .and  two-fifths  to  the  discussion 
of  those  three  questions.  Now,  they  are) 
all  questions  which  have  been  thoroughly  . 
discussed  in  previous  conventions  and  in 
papers  and  magazines,  and  which  will  be 
thoroughly  discussed  outside  of  the  conven- 
tion. I  think  almost  every  delegate  has 
his  views  on  this. subject  pretty  well  crys- 
tallized; and  if  he  is  working  for  the  best 
interests  of  the  delegation  and  working  for 
the  speedy  business  of  the  delegation,  as 
some  of  the  delegates  have  been  doing  to- 
day, I  think  he  will  be  willing  to  have  the 
views  which  he  has  crystallized  on  these 
questions  voiced  by  one  member's  explana- 
tion of  the  views  which  he  holds.  I  do  not 
believe  we  should,  at  the  beginning  of  our 
convention,  pledge  ourselves  to  spend  two 
days  and  two-fifths  of  the  time  of  our  con- 
vention in  considering  three  questions,  and 
tie  ourselves  to  any  such  pledge.  (Ap- 
plause.) 


DEL.  DAVIS  (Pa.):  If,  after  receiving 
the  reports  of  the  various  committees,  and 
if  after  the  various  reports  are  printed  in 
the  Socialist  papers,  the  delegates  come 
here  Undecided,  all  the  speechmaking  that 
you  orators  here  can  make  will  not  change 
3'our  view  one  iota.  I  have  studied  this 
subject,  and  I  know  how  I  am  going  to  vote, 
because  I  have  tried  to  inform  myself  be- 
fore coming  here.  I  am  positively  opposed 
to  putting  that  much  of  the  time  of  the 
convention  into  the  hands  of  any  two  men 
or  any  five  men.  When  it  comes  to  the  ac- 
tion of  this  convention  on  the  question  of 
Immigration  or  the  question  of  Industrial- 
ism, I  represent  a  branch  that  has  over  800 
members;  I  know  their  sentiments  and  I 
know  my  sentiments,  and  I  want  a  voice 
as  well  as  a  vote  on  this  question,  and  I 
am  unalterably  opposed  to  limiting  this 
question  to  any  one,  two  or  half  a  dozen 
men.  I  want  every  Socialist  here  to  ex- 
press himself  on  this  question  and  to  have 
the  courage  of  his  convictions  to  vote 
them. 

DEL.  PEACH  (Conn.):  This  motion  now 
occupying  the  attention  of  the  delegates  on 
these  questions  is  in  conflict  with  the  rule 
already  adopted  which  governs  the  mode  of 
procedure.  After  reports  are  made,  each 
delegate  is,  by  these  rules  that  have  been 
adopted,  assigned  a  certain  time.  Therefore, 
it  is  out  of  order. 

The  Chairman  held  the  point  of  order  not 
well  taken. 

DEL.  HOG  AN  (Ark.):  I  understand 
these  three  questions  named  are  to  be  the 
most  important  that  will  come  before  this 
convention.  When  this  work  is  done,  when 
we  have  determined  the  policy  of  the  So- 
cialist Party  of  America  with  respect  to 
these  three  questions,  we  shall  have  accom- 
plished the  major  part  of  our  work.  Now, 
I  understand  that  in  the  congress  of  two 
years  ago,  which  I  had  not  the  honor  of 
attending,  over  two  days  were  spent  in  the 
discussion  of  this  question  of  Immigration. 
Now,  if  it  was  necessary  then,  if  it  was  a 
large  question  then,  it  must  necessarily  be 
as  large  now.  Men  who  have  read  the  re- 
port of  the  congress  and  have  gone  out  and 
given  the  subject  more  than  the  ordinary 
attention  since  that  time,  have  something 
to  say  here  that  I  want  to  hear;  and  I  am 
sure  that  when  this  convention  passes  upon 
this  most  important  matter  it  ought  to  be 
as  a  result  of  our  deliberations.  And  I 
hope,  with  Com.  Wilson  of  California,  that 
you  will  not  limit  the  discussion  here.  You 
have  already  limited  the  day.  You  have 
already  said  how  many  minutes  a  speaker 
may  give  to  a  subject.  You  have  already 
in  the  rules  hedged  about  a  discussion  of 
this  character.  Now,  let  us  not  leave  a 
subject  till  we  have  thrashed  it  out  com- 
pletely. Let  us  not  hamper  ourselves  in 
this  sort  of  way.  Let  it  be  left  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Chairman  and  the  judg- 
ment of  the  delegates,  who,  I  am  sure,  are 
here  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  the  larg- 
est  information  before  they  vote. 

The  previous   question  was   then  ordered. 
The  Secretary  read  the  pending  questions 
and  amendments. 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Pa.):  I  rise  to  speak 
in  favor  of  the  amendment.  I  do  not  think 
Com.  Wilson's  objection  can  be  maintained, 
for  we  must  recognize  that  even  though 
there  are  a  great  many  variations  in  opin- 
ion on  these  three  subjects,  yet  they  can 
be  divided  into  two  general  "sides."  We 
find  two  well-defined  situations.  I  am  sure 
you  all  agree  with  that.  There  may  be  ex- 
pressions of  opinion  that  are  at  variance, 
but  in  the  main  one  or  the  other  side  is 
going    to    be    maintained.      The    proposition 


20 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


here  is  plain  to  all  those  who  understand 
the  question.  I  doubt  whether  there  are 
here  who  do  not  understand  where 
they  are  standing  on  these  three  questions, 
and  I  agree  with  the  comrade  over  here  that 
we  could  take  a  vote  on  these  two  and  not 
take  much  time  in  the  debate,  and  arrive  at 
the  same  conclusion  you  would  after  spend- 
ing five  hours.  The  position  of  Com.  Wil- 
son, that  there  are  so  many  opinions  on  the 
subject,  I  do  not  think  can  be  maintained  if 
both  sides  are  given  an  opportunity  to  pre- 
sent and  consider  the  line  of  argument  they 
want  to  present.  Let  us  not  decide  on  four 
hours.  That  is  48  periods  of  5  minutes 
each.  I  doubt  whether  there  are  48  persons 
in  the  convention  who  wish  to  speak.  That 
is  too  long  a  time.  I  am  "perfectly  willing 
to  allot  less  time,  except  on  the  Agricul- 
tural question.  I  do  not  believe  these  objec- 
tions are  well  founded.  We  are  trying  to 
promote  expedition  and/  accomplish  the 
most  possible  and  obtain  the  best  judgment 
on  these  three  questions.  Now,  some  may 
think  we  are  trying  to  kick  somebody.  I 
hardly  think  that  is  just,  because  here  are 
48  opportunities  on  each  side.  I  am  sure 
that  is  absolutely  liberal  enough.  There- 
fore, I  cannot  see  how  we  can  do  better. 
Com.  Berger  may  testify  from  his  experi- 
ence as  a  parliamentarian  that  you  cannot 
handle  a  question  of  such  magnitude  with- 
out you  in  some  way  control  the  time.  Now, 
consider  that  you  are  allotting  plenty  of 
time  to  everybody  who  cares  to  give  notice 
to  the  person  selected  by  each  side  to  man- 
age the  time.  No  person  who  desires  to 
speak  can  be  excluded  up  to  48,  and  I  am 
sure  we  will  be  well  within  that  number. 
Therefore,  I  think  the  amendment  is  a  sane 
proposition. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Now  we  have  heard 
one  on  a  limitation  of  the  time.  Is  there 
anyone  who  wants  to  speak  for  unlimited 
time  in  these  debates? 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  I  take  that 
position.  I  take  the  position  for  an  unlim- 
ited opportunity  for  every  delegate  in  this 
convention  to  express  his  views  on  this 
question.  I  will  tell  you  why.  When  this 
discussion  on  any  of  these  propositions  gets 
on  the  floor,  sometimes  some  of  the  dele- 
gates are  not  ready  to  talk,  but  after  hear- 
ing the  question  discussed  for  a  few  min- 
utes they  arise,  and  they  are  able,  even 
though  the  are  humble  followers  of  Marx — 
I  am  not  an  alleged  intellectual — they  may 
possibly  be  able  to  advise  those  who  think 
they  understand  the  subject  thoroughly. 
Now,  for  myself,  on  one  of  these  proposi- 
tions, if  you  would  appoint  me  a  committee 
of  one  and  refer  it  to  me,  I  would  report  in 
three  minutes  and  settle  the  whole  song 
and  dance  right  there. 

The  pending  motion  and  amendment  were 
again  read  by  the  Secretary. 

The  amendment  to  allow  four  hours  to 
each  side,  under  the  management  of  a 
leader  to  divide  the  time,  was  defeated. 

The  original  motion  was  then  carried. 

The  next  rule,  Number  24,  was  adopted 
without  objection. 

Rule  25  was  read. 

Del.  Floaten  (Colo.)  moved  to  strike  out 
"two-thirds"  and  insert  "majority." 

The  amendment  was  lost  and  the  orig- 
inal rule  adopi 

THE  CHAIRMAN:.  Additional  rules  are 
now  in  order. 

!L.  KRAFFT  (N.  J.):  I  move  that  all 
committees  selected  by  this  convention 
shall  be  in  session  for  one  day,  and  that  the 
<>ss  of  the  convention  shall  be  sus- 
led  during  that  period.  (Seconded.) 
Now,  we  wish  to  expedite  matters.  It  may 
horrify  you  to  say  that  we  should  suspend 


the  convention  for  one  day.  I  would  give 
you  to  understand  that  these  committees 
would  thereby  have  a  good  chance  to  air 
their  views  and  allow  those  members  of  the 
convention  who  are  not  on  the  committees 
to  give  their  views  also.  Suppose  we  have 
14  committees  elected:  We  will  then  do  in 
one  day  14  committees'  work.  That  is 
plain.  The  committees  will  then  bring  their 
findings  in  complete  form  after  all  the  gas 
has  been  exploded  before  the  convention, 
and  it  will  save  us  considerable  time.  An- 
other thing,  comrades;  when  these  commit- 
tees, composed  of  150  men,  are  in  session, 
one-half  of  this  convention  carries  on  the 
work  of  the  convention.  I  wish  to  be  pres- 
ent, and  I  hope  many  others  do  also.  Work 
can  be  done  in  this  convention  that  will  be 
contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  150  who  are 
in  session  on  the  committees.  Therefore,  I 
hope  that  you  will  adopt  this  rule. 

DEL.  MILLER  (Nev.):  I  am  against 
this  proposition.  I  can  state  my  reason  in 
two  words:     Forget  it. 

The  amendment  offered  by  Del.  Krafft 
was  lost. 

DEL.  CAREY  (Mass.):  I  wish  to  offer 
an  amendment  to  the  rules.  I  move  that 
no  nominating  speeches  be  made.  That  is 
to  be  inserted  in,  I  believe,  Rule  17. 

The  amendment  was  carried  by  a  vote 
of  162  to  36. 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  move  that  the 
rules  be  adopted  as  a  whole,  and  that  they 
be  printed  immediately  and  that  all  dele- 
gates be  supplied  with  copies. 

DEL.  BERGER:  No,  there  is  an  order  of 
business  that  comes  next,  and  must  be  ac- 
cepted.    It  belongs  with  the  rules. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  right.  We 
will  complete  it  and  have  it  in  type. 

DEL.   LOWE    (111.):      I  move   a  reconsid- 
eration of  Rule   14,   in  which  you  say  that 
the  National  Secretary  and  National  Execu- 
tive Committee   shall   have   a  voice  but  no 
•  vote. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Did  you  vote  in  fa- 
vor of  it? 

DEL.  LOWE:  Yes.  I  want  to.  amend  it 
and  to  include  the  Woman's  National  Com- 
mittee to  have  a  voice  and  no  vote. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Then  you  do  not  need 
a  reconsideration.     You  move  to  amend? 

DEL.  LOWE:     Yes. 

The  amendment  was  carried. 

ORDER   OF  BUSINESS. 
.  THE    CHAIRMAN:      The    order   of   busi- 
'  ness  will  now  be  read  as  submitted  by  the 
Committee  on  Rules. 

The  Secretary  read  the  first  nine  rules. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Any  objection  to  this 
order  of  business? 

DEL.  BERGER:  Yes,  I  just  want  to  add 
that  the  original  printed  draft  did  not  con- 
tain the  provision  for  a  vice-chairman.  The 
National  Executive  Committee  added  a  vice- 
chairman;  however,  the  Secretary  seems  to 
have  forgotten  it.  I  move  that  a  provision 
for  the  election  of  a  vice-chairman  every 
day  be  added  to  the  rules. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Com.  Berger  moves 
that  a  vice-chairman  be  elected  every  day, 
together  with  the  chairman  for  the  day.  Is 
there  any  objection?  None.  The  Secretary 
will  please  add  the  vice-chairman.  Is  there 
any  objection  to  the  order  of  business  as 
read?  As  there  is  no  objection,  the  order 
of  business  will  be  adopted. 

A  delegate  moved  that  at  the  close  of  the 
last  session  of  the  convention  the  record 
of  that  day  be  read  and  approved  before 
adjournment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     In  other  words,  that 
miniites  of  the  last  day  be  read  at  the 
close  of  that  day's  session? 

THE  DELEGATE:     Exactly. 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  12,  WA 


THE  CHAIRMAN:  Any  objection?  The 
Secretary  will  please  make  a  note  of  it. 

DEL.  EDWARDS  (Tex.):  I  move  that 
no  question  shall  require  more  than  a  ma- 
jority of  those  voting.  In  some  cases  Rob- 
ert's Rules  require  two-thirds. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Com.  Edwards  moves 
that  no  question  shall  require  more  than  a 
simple  majority  of  those  voting,  as  modify- 
ing Robert's  Rules  of  Order,  which  requires 
two-thirds  in  some  cases.    Any  objection? 

DEE.  BERGER:  Excepting  for  the  sus- 
pension of  the  rules.  For  this  we  have 
made  our  own  rule. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Excepting  suspension 
of  the  rules  specifically  provided  for.  With 
that  understanding  there  is  no  objection. 

DEL.  MENG  (Ark.):  I  think  we  should 
have  a  two-thirds  vote  on  the  previous 
question.  We  don't  want  any  kick.  The 
previous  question  requires  two-thirds  ac- 
cording to  Robert's  Rules  of  Order. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Yes. 

The  motion  of  Del.  Edwards  was  then 
carried. 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  move  that  the 
rules  and  order  of  business  as  read  be  now 
adopted  as  a  whole  as  amended,  and  that 
they  be  printed  immediately  and  that  the 
delegates  be  furnished  with  copies  thereof.* 

Motion  seconded  and  carried. 

On  motion  of  Del.  White  (Mass.)  the 
temporary  officers  were  made  the  perma- 
nent officers  of  the  day. 

James  Reilly  of  New  Jersey  was  then 
elected  permanent  secretary  of  the  conven- 
tion. 

Elizabeth  Goldstein  of  Massachusetts  and 
John  Russell  of  New  York  were  elected  per- 
manent assistant  secretaries. 

The    convention    then    proceeded    to    the 
election    of    a    vice-chairman    for    the    day. 
The  following  nominations  were  made: 
».  Maley  (Wash.).     Declined. 

RiCxwoi    (Ark.).     Declined. 

Miller   (Nev.).     Declined. 

Berlyn  (111.).     Declined. 

Ramp'  (Ore.) 

Del.  Ramp  was  elected  vice-chairman. 

The  chairman  called  for  nominations  for 
four  permanent  tellers  and  two  judges. 

Del.  Clark  (Conn.)  moved  that  the  four 
temporary  tellers  be  declared  the  perma- 
nent tellers  of  the  convention.     (Seconded.) 

Of  the  four  temporary  tellers  Del.  Strebel 
of  New  York  declined  to  be  a  candidate  for 
permanent  teller,  leaving  the  acceptances 
for  permanent  tellers  as  follows:  Oneal 
(Ind.),   Rodriguez    (111.).   Floaten    (Colo.) 

Del.  Scott  (Mont),  Bruce  (Pa.)  and  Meit- 
zen   (Tex.)   were  placed  in  nomination. 

Delegates  Scott  and  Bruce  accepted,  and 
Meitzen  and  Oneal  declined.  Thereupon 
Delegates  Scott,  Bruce,  Floaten  and  Rodri- 
guez were  elected  permanent  tellers. 

For  two  permanent  judges  the  following 
nominations  were  made: 

Burt  (Utah). 

%.  Sadler  (Wash.) 

Furman  (N.  Y.) 

McCartan   (Ohio). 

Burke  (N.  H.). 

Delegates  Furman,  McCartan  and  Burke 
declined,  and  Delegates  Burt  of  Utah  and 
S.  Sadler  of  Washington  were  elected  per- 
manent judges. 

Del.      Bran^tetter     announced     that     the 
Oklahoma  delegation  had  selected  Ernest  O. 
Schilling  alternate  in  place  of  Del.  Fifer. 
SPEECH  OF  WELCOME. 

Comrade  Ott  of  Local  Marion  County  then 
welcomed    the    convention    to    Indianapolis. 

•The  complete  Rules  and  Order  of  Busi- 
ess  as  adopted  will  toe  found  in  Appen- 
dix A. 


He   was   greeted   with  loud  applause  and 

cries  of  "Where  are  the  overalls?"* 

COMRADE  OTT:  The  call  for  the  over- 
alls is  made  by  some  who  were  disap- 
pointed. Others  are  disappointed  because 
the  overalls  have  not  put  in  an  appearance. 
But  the  overalls  made  their  appearance  at 
this  hall  this  morning.  I  had  them  here. 
They  are  not  here  now. 

Marion  County  Local  has  instructed  me 
to  address  the  convention,  and  to  welcome 
the  convention  and  the  delegates  to  Indian- 
apolis; and  I  do  so  with  great  pride,  from 
the  very  fact  that  there  have  only  been 
two  events  of  great  importance  in  this  city 
of  Indianapolis;  one  occurred  in  July,  1901, 
when  the  Unity  Convention  was  assembled 
in  this  city;  and  the  other  is  this  conven- 
tion assembled  here  in  the  year  1912. 
(Cheers.) 

Comrades,  the  statement  was  made  from 
the  floor  of  this  very  hall  that  in  the  year 
1912  the.  great  issue  would  be  Socialism  and 
the  Socialists.  That  statement  was  made 
in  this  hall  by  that  friend  of  labor,  Mark 
Hanna.  That  was  his  prophecy,  and  his 
prophecy  is  being  fulfilled.  We  are  in  this 
convention,  the  largest  convention  that  has 
ever  assembled  from  the  working  class  as 
a  class-conscious  political  organization. 

There  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  the 
Indianapolis  papers  and  the  Indianapolis 
reporters  are  surprised  to  see  you.  Be- 
cause they  have  got  it  into  their  heads  that 
as  a  rule  Socialists  are  not  very  intelligent 
people.  They  are,  no  doubt,  surprised  to 
see  the  high  order  of  intelligence  of  the 
delegates  here;  and  also  to  see  how  orderly 
they  are.  In  Chicago,  four  years  ago,  it 
was  necessary  for  the  Republicans  to  post 
all  about  their  convention  hall  such  notices 
as  "Leave  your  valuables  at  the  hotel. 
There  are  pickpockets  in  the  crowd."  I 
have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  there  may  be 
a  local  detective  here;  but  I  positively  know 
that  their  services  are  not  required;  and 
their  space  is  more  valuable  to  the  Socialist 
movement  than  their  presence. 

Therefore,  comrades,  in  conclusion,  I  ex- 
tend the  welcome  of  the  Marion  County 
Local;  and  I  wish  to  say  that  if  the  organ- 
ization of  Local  Marion  County  can  be  of 
service  to  any  of  the  delegates,  we  are 
at  your  service.  Our  headquarters  are  open 
to  you  for  anything  that  will  be  of  benefit 
or  comfort  to  the  delegates.  We  are  here 
to  serve  you.  I  thank  you,  comrade  chair- 
man. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  On  behalf  of  the  con- 
vention we  accept  the  key  to  the  city  of 
Indianapolis  which  you  have  placed  in  our 
hands.  We  wish  to  thank  Local  Marion 
County,  represented  by  you,  very  heartily 
for  the  hospitality  that  you  have  extended, 
and  that  is  to  be  extended  and  enjoyed  ana 
to  be  enjoyed  by  us  all. 

Comrades,  Branch  175  of  the  Workmen^ 
Circle  has  asked  for  the  privilege  of  mak- 
ing us  welcome  on  behalf  of  that  local. 
We  are  ready  to  be  welcomed  by  anyone 
representing  the  Workmen's  Circle,  and  if 
he  is  here  he  will  be  heard. 

#  We  shall  now  proceed  with  the  nomina- 
tions of  the  various  committees.  If  we 
get  through  with  them  today  we  shall  save 
a  whole  day.  We  can  have  the  ballots 
printed  over  night. 

At  this  point  a  body  of  workmen,  repre- 
senting Workmen's  Circle,  Branch  175,  came 
into  the  hall.  Comrade  J.  Goodman,  repre- 
senting the  Circle,  was  given  the  platform. 


♦Referring  to  an  alleged  motion  by  Local 
Marion  County,  instructing  Comrade  Ott  to 
wear  overalls. — [Ed.] 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


COMRADE  GOODMAN:  I  am  here  from 
Workmen's  Circle  175.  It  is  an  organiza- 
tion that  extends  all  over  the  United  States, 
and  has  40,000  members.  I  am  here  to  wel- 
come you  on  behalf  of  our  organization 
because  our  organization  does  not  accept 
members  who  do  not  pledge  themselves  not 
to  vote  for  candidates  of  the  Republican  and 
Democratic  parties;  and  that  they  will  not 
be  scabs.  While  It  is  organized  for  the  imme- 
diate material  benefit  of  its  members,  it  is 
also  an  organization  that  is  doing  all  it  can 
for  the  Socialist  Party.  I  am  here  to  welcome 
you  to  Indianapolis,  because  you  are  the  peo- 
ple who  are  to  bring  peace  and  happiness  to 
all  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The  peo- 
ple of  the  country  cannot  expect  anything 
from  the  Republican  and  Democratic  par- 
ties because  they  are  organized  for  the 
benefit  of  a  few.  But  you  delegates  here 
are  representing  all  the  men  and  women 
that  work,  the  men  and  women  who  produce 
everything.  Therefore,  I  welcome  you  in 
the  name  of  my  organization.     I  thank  you. 

Nominations  for  committees  were  then 
made  as  follows; 

NOMINATIONS  FOR  PLATFORM  COM- 
MITTEE. 
Wilson  (Cal.),  Geffs  (Colo.),  Ghent 
[< Washington,  D.  C),  Hogan  (Ark.),  Coon- 
rod  (Ida.),  Henry  (Ind.),  Lanfersick  (Ky.), 
Spargo  (Vt.),  Ricker  (Kan.),  Rosett  (Md.) 
Carey  (Mass.),  McMaster  (Mich.),  Kaplan 
(Minn.),  Vierling  (Mo.),  Duncan  (Mont), 
Lee  (N.  T.),  Russell  (N.  Y.),  Kelso  (N.  D.), 
Zitt  (Ohio),  Nagle  (Okla.),  Moore  (Pa.) 
Alexander  (Tex.),  Berger  (Wis.). 

NOMINATIONS  FOR  CONSTITUTION 
COMMITTEE. 

Richardson  (Cal.),  Floaten  (Colo.),  Peach 
(Conn.),  Allen  (Fla.),  Motley  (Ida.),  Berlyn 
(111.),  Oneal  (Ind.),  Jacobsen  (Iowa), 
Brewer  (Kan.),  Latimer  (Minn.),  Garver 
(Mo.),  Stedman  (111.),  Jacobs  (Wis.),  Cas- 
sidy  (N.  Y.),  Goebel  (N.  J.),  Hillquit  (N. 
Y.),  Bowen  (N.  D.),  Ruthenberg  (Ohio), 
Branstetter  (Okla),  Bostrom  (Wash.) 
Wheeler  (Pa.).  Williams  (Pa.),  Smith 
(Tex.),  Burt  (Utah),  Barnes  (Pa.),  Way- 
nick  (Wash.),  Hogan  (Ark.),  Carlson 
(Wyo.). 

A  DELEGATE:  A  point  of  information. 
Can  a  state  nominate  more  than  one  mem- 
ber of  a  committee? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  delegates  from 
any  state  can  make  as  many  nominations 
as  they  wish,  but  when  it  comes  to  election 
only  one  from  each  state  can  be  elected. 

NOMINATIONS  FOR  COMMITTEE  ON 
RESOLUTIONS. 
Slay  ton  (Pa),  Williams  (Cal.),  Collins 
(Colo.),  Cohen  (Pa.),  Slobodin  (N.  Y.), 
Spargo  (Vt.),  Thompson  (Wis.),  Maley 
(Wash.),  Taylor  (111.),  Rower  (Mass.), 
Morgan  (Minn.),  O'Dam  (Mo.),  McCrillis 
(la.),  Rodriguez  {111.),  Killingbeck  (N.  J.), 
Farrell  (Ohio),  Wills  (Okla.),  Dorfman 
(Ore.),  Lowe  (111.),  Reed  (R.  I.),  Rhodes 
(Tex.),  Meitzen  (Tex.),  Wilson  (Kan.),  Til- 
ler (N.  C),  Duncan  (Mont.),  Wells  (Cal.), 
Thomas   (Wis.),  Paulsen   (Wyo.). 

NOMINATIONS     FOR     COMMITTEE     ON 
WAYS   AND  MEANS. 

Gallery  (Ark.),  Reguin  (Cal.),  Troxel 
(Colo.),  Brown  (Iowa),  Burke  (N.  H.),  Mil- 
ler (Nev.),  Watkins  (Minn.),  Stewart 
(Ida.),  Clifford  (Ohio),  Goaziou  (Pa.), 
Jones  (N.  J.),  Spargo  (Vt.),  Endres  (N.  Y.), 
Hayes  (Ohio),  Irvin  (Okla.),  Bacon  (Pa.). 
LeSeur  (N.  D.),  Thompson  (Tex.),  Cupples 
(Wash.),  Aaltonen  (Mich.). 


At  this  point  it  was  moved  and  seconded 
that  the  rules  for  the  convention  be  sus- 
pended, and  that  the  delegates  remain  in 
session  until  all  the  nominations  for  the 
committees   have   been   completed. 

The  motion  was  carried. 

NOMINATIONS  FOR  COMMITTEE  ON 
REPORTS  OF  NATIONAL  OFFICERS. 
Simons  (Kan.),  Wattles  (Ind.),  Stallard 
(Kan.),  England  (Me.),  Grant  (Minn.),  Pre- 
vey  (Ohio),  Miller  (Nev.),  Duffy  (N.  Y.">, 
Storck  (Ohio),  Sherman  (Ore.),  Young 
(Pa.),  Anna  Cohen  (Pa.),  Ricker  (Kan.). 

NOMINATIONS  FOR  COMMITTEE  ON 
INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  What  is  the  meaning 
of  this  committee? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  assumes 
that  that  committee  -reports  on  the  prog- 
ress of  the  Socialist  Party  abroad  and  our 
relations  with   the  party  abroad. 

The  following  delegates  were  then  nomi- 
nated for  the  Committee  on  International 
Relations: 

Twining*  (— ),  Hillquit  (N.  Y.),  Haemer 
(111.),  Simons  (Kan.),  Spargo  (Vt.),  London 
(N.  Y.),  Russell  (N.  Y.),  Solomon  (N.  Y.), 
Bessemer  (Ohio),  Strickland  (Ohio),  Laukki 
(Minn.),  Berger  (Conn.),  Wanhope  (N.  Y.), 
Reynolds  (Ind.),  Bennets  (N.  Y.),  Barnes 
(Pa,), 

NOMINATIONS  FOR  COMMITTEE  ON 
PARTY  PRESS. 

The  following  delegates  were  nominated 
for  the  Committee  on  Party  Press. 

Maynard  (Cal.),  Reynolds  (Ind.),  Reilly 
(111.),  Korngold*  ( — ),  Beardsley  (Conn.), 
Harriman  (Cal.),  Sheffler  (Ind.),  Hickey 
(Tex.),  Ingalls  (Minn.),  Wesley  (Utah), 
Owen  (Okla.),  Maley  (Wash.),  Krafft  (N. 
J.),  Kennedy  (111.),  Malkiel  (N.  Y),  Lon- 
don (N.  Y.),  Bachmann  (Ohio),  "I:  "ord 
(Ohio),  Ramp  (Ore.),  Erwin  (Pa.),  o^argo 
(Vt.),  Wilson  (Kan.),  Lowe  (111.),  Morrow 
(Pa.),  Rosett  (Md.),  Bentall  (111.),  Cupples 
(Wash.),  Barnes  (Pa.),  Jacobs  (Wis.), 
Brewer  (Kan.). 

NOMINATIONS    FOR    PUBLICITY    COM- 
MITTEE. 
Frank  W.  Wolf.     Accepted. 
E.  P.  Clark.     Accepted. 
Oyler   (Neb.).     Declined. 
Ricker  (Kan.).     Declined. 
C.  J.  Wright.     Accepted. 
Theimer  (N.  J.).     Accepted. 
Slay  ton   (Pa.).     Declined. 
Hogan  (Ark).     Declined. 
Oneal   (Ind.).     Declined. 
W.  J.  Ghent.     Declined. 
May  Wood  Simons.     Declined. 
John  Spargo.    Declined. 

NOMINATIONS     FOR     AUDITING     COM- 
MITTEE. 
Latimer  (Minn.).     Accepted. 
Garrison   (Ind.)-     Accepted. 
White  (Mass.).     Declined. 
Reynolds  (Ind.).     Declined. 
J.  A.  Smith  (Utah).     Accepted. 
Meitzen  (Tex.).     Declined. 
Solomon   (N.  Y.).     Declined. 
Bostrom   (Wash.).     Declined. 
Thompson  (Wis.).     Declined. 
Fritz   (Miss.).     Accepted. 

NOMINATIONS     FOR      COMMITTEE     ON 
FOREIGN-SPEAKING   ORGANIZA- 
TIONS. 
Carolyn  Lowe.     Accepted. 
Burckle  (N.  Y.).     Accepted. 


•Not  a  delegate. 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  12,  1910 


33 


Ameringer  (Okla.).    Declined. 
Coleman   (Mass.).     Accepted. 
Aaltonen  (Mic...).     Accepted. 
Barnes  (Pa.).     Declined. 
Goaziou.     Accepted. 
Laukki.     Declined. 
Malkiel  (N.  Y.).     Declined. 
Devoid   (Minn.).     Accepted. 
Jacobson  (Minn.).     Declined. 
McCartan    (Ohio).     Accepted. 
London  (N.  Y.).     Declined. 
Petrich   (Go.  Slov.).     Accepted. 
J.  E.  Cohen  (Pa.).     Accepted. 

NOMINATIONS      FOR      COMMITTEE     ON 
LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS  AND  THEIR 
RELATIONS   TO   THE   SOCIAL- 
IST PARTY. 
Merrick  (Pa.).     Accepted. 
Harriman   (Cal.).     Accepted. 
Troxell    (Colo.).     Accepted. 
McLevy   (Conn.).     Accepted. 
London   (N.  Y.).     Declined. 
Williams  (Pa.).     Accepted. 
Richardson  (Cal.).     Declined. 
Goebel   (N.  J.).     Declined. 
Rodriguez    (111.).     Accepted. 
J.  H.  Maurer  (Pa.).     Accepted. 
Strickland   (Ohio).     Accepted. 
J.  J.  Jacobsen  (Iowa).     Declined. 
Stallard  (Kan.).     Accepted. 
Foley   (Pa.).     Declined. 
Staub  (Md.).     Accepted. 
White   (Mass.).     Accepted. 
J.  A.  C.  Menton  (Mich.).     Accepted. 
Dempsy  (S.  D.).     Accepted. 
Branstetter   (Okla.).     Declined. 
Behrens   (Mo.).     Accepted. 
Smith  (Mont.).     Accepted. 
Hickey  (Tex.).    Accepted. 
Lewis  (Ore.).     Accepted. 
Lee  (N.  Y.).     Accepted. 
VanLear.     Absent. 
Clifford  (Ohio).     Accepted. 
Cosgrove  (N.  J.).     Accepted. 
Max  Hashes   (Ohio).     Not  arrived. 
Reguin    (Cal.).      Declined. 
Lawrance  (Mass.).     Accepted. 
Ameringer  (Okla.).     Accepted. 
Reid  (R.  I.).     Accepted. 
Spargo    (Vt.).      Declined. 
Edwards    (Tex.).     Accepted. 
Goebel  (N.  J.).     Accepted. 
Barth   (Wash.).     Declined. 
Hillman   (Minn.).     Accepted. 
Moore  (Pa).     Declined. 
Minklein.     Accepted. 
Barnes   (Pa.).     Declined. 


NOMINATIONS      FOR      COMMITTEE 
CO-OPERATIVES. 
Lang  (Iowa).    Accepted. 


ON 


Blase  (Kan.).    Declined. 
Byrd  (Tex.).     Declined. 
Sjodin  (111.).     Accepted. 
Kaplan   (Minn.).     Declined. 
Bruce  (Pa.).     Accepted. 
Wright   (Neb.).     Declined. 
Cory  (Wash.).     Accepted. 
Lipscomb    (Mo.).     Accepted. 
Stanley  (Fla.).     Declined. 
Powell   (Ohio).     Accepted. 
Lindgren  (N.  Y.).     Accepted. 
Kopp  (N.  J.).     Declined. 
Gay  lord   (Wis.).     Accepted. 
Cumbie    (Okla.).      Accepted. 
Wells  (Cal.).     Accepted. 

NOMINATIONS      FOR     COMMITTEE     ON 
STATE  AND  MUNICIPAL  PROGRAM. 
Simmons   (N.  Y.).     Accepted. 
May  Wood  Simons.     Declined. 
Williams   (Tex.).     Accepted. 
Lanfersiek   (Ky.).     Accepted. 
Rhodes  (T«x.;.     Declined. 
McCrillis   (Iowa).     Accepted. 
Noble  (Tex.).     Accepted. 
Kennedy   (111.).     Accepted. 
Jacobson  (Minn.).     Declined. 
LeSueur  (N.  D.).     Declined. 
Grant  (N.  D.).     Accepted. 
Thompson    (Wis.).     Accepted. 
Seidel   (Wis.).     Not  present. 
Kopp  (N.  J.).     Accepted. 
Dooley  (Okla.).     Accepted. 
Berger  (Conn.).     Accepted. 
Lockwood   (Mich.).     Absent. 
Anna  Maley  (Wash.).     Accepted. 
Houck  (Del.).     Accepted. 
Maatala   (Minn.).     Accepted. 
E.  J.  Brown   (Wash.).     Accepted. 
Hoogerhyde  (Mich.).     Accepted. 
Prevey  (Ohio).     Accepted. 
Todd  (Colo.).     Accepted. 
Downing  (Cal.).     Accepted. 
Duncan  (Mont.).     Declined. 
Parker  (Pa.).     Declined. 

It  was  moved  and  seconded  that  the  com- 
mittees nominated  be  printed  on  the  ballot 
and  be  distributed  to  the  delegates,  and 
when  voted  upon  that  the  requisite  number 
of  each  committee  receiving  the  highest 
number  of  votes  be  declared  elected,  that 
the  candidate  receiving  the  highest  number 
of  votes  be  the  chairman  of  the  committee, 
and  that  when  there  are  more  than  one  can- 
didate from  a  given  state  the  candidate  re- 
ceiving the  highest  vote  be  chosen  as  a 
member  of  the  committee. 

The  motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 

The  convention  then  adjourned  until 
Monday  morning  at  10  o'clock. 


24 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


SECOND  DAY'S  SESSION. 


The  meeting1  was  called  to  order  by  Chair- 
man Hillquit. 

The  following  delegates  were  nominated 
for  the  Chairman  of  the  day. 

J.  Mahlon  Barnes  (Pa.),  James  P.  Carey 
(Mass.),  James  A.  Schmidt  (Utah),  Sam 
Beardsley  (Conn.),  George  Goebel  (N.  J.), 
G.  H.  Lockwood  (Mich.),  E.  A.  Greene 
(Tex.),  Morris  Hillquit  (N.  Y.),  Charles  T. 
Peach  (Conn.),  Arthur  LeSueur  (N.  D.),  J. 
Stitt  Wilson  (Cal.). 

All  of  the  above  delegates  declined  the 
nomination  excepting  Barnes  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Schmidt  of  Utah. 

Upon  the  vote  being  taken  it  resulted, 
Barnes,  166;  Schmidt,  50.  Thereupon  J. 
Mahlon  Barnes  of  Pennsylvania  was  de- 
clared elected  as  the  Chairman  of  the  day. 

The  next  order  of  business  was  the  elec- 
tion of  a  Vice-Chairman. 

DEL.  MALKIEL:  I  move  that  the  sec- 
ond name  on  the  list  for  Chairman  be 
chosen  as  the  Vice-Chairman  for  the  day. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  desire  to  speak 
briefly  against  the  motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN :  Will  Comrade  Schmidt 
accept  the  nomination? 

DEL.  SCHMIDT:     No. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Nominations  for 
Vice-Chairman  are  now  in  order. 

The  following  delegates  were  then  nomi- 
nated for  the  office  of  Vice-Chairman. 

J.  G.  Strickland  (Ohio),  George  Goebel 
(N.  J.),  J.  C.  Edwards  (Tex.),  Anna  Maley 
(Wash.),  N.  A.  Richardson  (Cal.),  John 
Troxell  (Colo.). 

All  the  above  nominees  having  declined 
the  nomination,  excepting  Delegate  Ed- 
wards, the  latter  was  declared  elected  Vice- 
Chairman  by  acclamation. 

DEL.  COLLINS  (Colo.):  We  cannot  hear 
the  proceedings  at  these  side  tables,  and  I 
move  that  the  delegates  seated  under  the 
balconies  be  allowed  to  remove  their  tables 
forthwith  to  the  center  of  the  room. 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  wish  to  amend- 
the  motion  that  the  National  Secretary,  or* 
whoever  has  the  convention  arrangements 
in  charge,  be  instructed  to  secure  another 
hall  in  which  we  can  all  be  heard.  It  is  a 
matter  of  impossibility  for  us  to  hear  under 
the  balconies. 

A  DELEGATE:  We  can  all  hear  over 
here. 

DEL.  HUNT  (Pa.):  I  believe  if  the  con- 
versation in  the  hall  were  conducted  in  a 
whisper,  and  if  curtains  were  put  down 
around  the  galleries  we  could  all  hear. 

DEL.  HOG  AN:  We  could  see  the  ges- 
tures of  the  lady  who  has  just  been  ad- 
dressing us,  but  not  a  word,  not  a  syllable, 
could  we  understand. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Let  me  suggest  that 
we  are  wasting  a  lot  of  time  by  this  dis- 
cussion. Let  us  take  action  upon  this  mat- 
The  motion  is  that  the  delegates  under 
the  balconies  move  their  seats  back  in  the 
center  and  rear.  The  amendment  is  that 
a  new  hall  be  procured.     As  many  as  are 


in  favor  of  the  amendment  that  another 
hall  be  procured  will  say  aye.  Those  op- 
posed no.  The  noes  have  it.  The  amend- 
ment is  lost. 

The  original  motion  is  that  the  delegates 
located  under  the  balconies  be  permitted  to 
move  to  the  center  of  the  hall  in  the  rear. 
Is  there  a  sergeant-at-arms? 

A  DELEGATE:  There  has  been  none 
elected. 

DEL*.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  I  move  that 
the  Chairman  appoint  six  temporary  ser- 
geants-at-arms  until  we  elect  them  regu- 
larly. 

DEL.  HOGAN:  The  election  of  sergeants- 
at-arms  is  in  order  now.  Why  not  proceed 
with  that? 

The  motion  that  the  Chair  appoint  six 
temporary  sergeants-at-arms  was  carried. 
The  following  delegates  were  appointed  as 
temporary  sergeants-at-arms:  Comrades 
Newman,  Hogan,  Greene,  White  and  Brans- 
tetter. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  thing  in  or- 
der is  the  roll  call  of  delegates  unless  dis- 
pensed with. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  I  move  the 
roll  call  be  dispensed  with. 

DEL.  REILLY  (N.  J.):  I  suggest  that 
while  we  may  dispense  with  the  roll  call, 
that  any  delegates  who  were  not  here  yes- 
terday, and  were  not  recorded,  be  given  an 
opportunity  to  have  their  names  recorded 
today. 

The  motion  to  dispense  with  the  roll  call 
was  carried. 

The  following  additional  delegates  were 
then  reported  present:  Kruse,  Strickland, 
Lantz,  Zitt  (Ohio),  Ameringer  (Okla.), 
Beery  (Ohio),  Harold  (Tenn.),  Foley  (Pa), 
Prosser  (Pa.),  Huston  (W.  Va.),  Seidel 
(Wis.),  Maxwell  (111.),  Ohsol  (Mass.),  Bax- 
ter (la.),  Cox  (Ala.),  Krahl  (111.),  Frank 
Prevey   (Ohio),  Hayes    (Ohio). 

On  motion  the  reading  of  the  minutes  of 
the  preceding  day  be  postponed  until  the 
unfinished  business  is  reached. 

It  was  moved  and  seconded  that  the  min- 
utes of  each  day  be  printed  and  placed  upon  . 
the  desk  of  each  delegate  on  the  morning 
of  the  following  day,  and  if  any  delegate 
finds  anything  objectionable  in  the  minutes 
he  can  raise  the  objection.  If  no  minutes 
are  objected  to  they  will  stand  adopted  as 
printed. 

The  motion  was  carried. 

THE    CHAIRMAN:      The    motion    having: 
been  adopted,  the  proper  arrangements  will  , 
be  made  by  authority  of  this  convention  to 
have    the    minutes    so   printed    and    distrib-i 
uted. 

THE     SECRETARY:       That     means,     of 
course,  that  the  minutes  of  yesterday's  ses- 
sion will  be  here  tomorrow  because  we  hadj 
to  arrange   all  these  committees  alphabetl-3 
cally  and  it  was  an  awful  job. 

THE   CHAIRMAN:      The   minutes    of   to- 
day's   session    will    also   be   here    tomorrow.  '4 
The  next  order  of  business  will  be  the  re-] 
port     of     the     Committee     on     Credentials.  I 
There  are  no  additional  reports.     The  next  * 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  13,  1912 


251 


order  is  the  unfinished  business  of  yester- 
day. 

COMRADE  A.  B.  BAKER:  There  is  a 
certain  human  element  in  getting-  printing 
done.  We  decided  at  yesterday's  session  to 
have  the  printed  list  of  the  nominations 
here;  the  copy  was  sent  to  the  printer  last 
night  in  plenty  of  time  and  the  ballots  will 
not  be  here  for  an  hour.  That  is  the  best 
we  can  do. 

DEL.  RICHARDSON  (Cal.):  A  matter 
of  personal  privilege.  We  have  come  from 
all  over  the  nation  and  there  is  an  impor- 
tant question  of  railroad  fares.  The  slips 
have  been  handed  out  and  we  don't  know 
how  to  fill  them  out.  Are  we  to  be  allowed 
our  sleeper  fares  in  coming  to  this  conven- 
tion? To  bring  the  matter  properly  before 
the  meeting,  I  move  that  regular  sleeper 
fares  be  considered  a  part  of  the  railway 
fare. 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 
DEL.  SPARGO  (Vt.):  I  move  that  the 
matter  be  referred  to  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  for  consideration  and  re- 
port; otherwise  we  shall  repeat  the  per- 
formance of  1904  and  have  four  hours'  dis- 
cussion of  this  matter. 

The  amendment  of  Delegate  Spargo  was 
duly  seconded. 

DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):  There  are  dele- 
gates here  who  come  from  the  Pacific  Coast 
who  ought  to  know  whether  they  are  going 
to  receive  the  Pullman  car  fares. 

THE  SECRETARY:  Does  that  motion 
mean  that  the  committee  shall  report  to- 
morrow? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  they  report  to 
this  convention,  I  suggest. 

DEL.  LOCKWOOD:  We  are  here  for 
business. 

The  motion  to  refer  to  the  National  Ex- 
ecutive Committee  was  carried  on  a  divi- 
sion, 128  voting  aye  and  56  no. 

DEL.  REILLY:  There  is  a  matter  on 
the  election  of  committees.  On  one  com- 
mittee on  which  there  were  five  members 
to  be  elected  and  we  had  only  five  nomi- 
nees. The  rule  provides  that  there  shall 
not  be  more  than  one  member  on  a  com- 
mittee from  any  one  state.  I  found  that  we 
had  only  five  nominees  on  that  committee 
and  two  of  them  were  from  the  state  of 
New  Jersey.  Therefore,  I  didn't  send  the 
copy  for  that  ballot  to  the  printers.  I  was 
included  on  the  committee.  Some  comrade 
made  a  motion  that  the  Secretary  should 
act,  and  that  made  the  five.  Now  there  was 
another  nominee  from  my  state.  I  thought 
likely  it  would  be  possible  to  fill  that  pub- 
licity committee  by  a  motion  on  the  floor 
of  the  convention.  So  I  take  my  name  off 
the  committee  and  we  have  the  names  of 
Clark,   Theimer,  Wolf  and  Hayden. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Shall  we  fill  the  com- 
mittee by  nominating  one  additional  nomi- 
nee? 

The  suggestion  of  the  Chair  was  agreed 
to. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Nominations  are  in 
order. 

DEL.  MARGARET  PREVEY  (Ohio):  I 
nominate  Max  Hayes  of  Ohio. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  are  no  fur- 
ther nominations  the  nominations  will 
close. 

On  motion  the  five  nominees  were  de- 
clared the  Committee  on  Publicity. 

COMMUNICATIONS. 

Communications  and  telegrams  conveying 
greetings  to  the  convention  were  received 
from  the  following  organizations: 

New  York  Young  People's  Socialist  Fed- 
eration. 


Executive    Committee    Russian    Branches 
Socialist  Party  of  the  Northwestern  States. 
Schenectady  Italian  Socialist  Branch 
Children   of   the   Southeast   Socialist  Sun- 
day Schools,  Cleveland,  Ohio 

Third    Ward    Branch,    Allegheny    County 
Pennsylvania.  y' 

Atlantic  County  Local,  New  Jersey 
Branch  San  Diego,  California. 
Jewish  Daily  Forward. 
Socialist   Agitation  Bureau,   New  York 
United  Hebrew  Trades  of  New  York 
Locals     Grafton     and     Simpson,     Tavlor 
County,  West  Virginia. 

Labor  League  of  Boston,  Mass. 
Poplar  BluiJ  Local,  Missouri. 
Socialist   Sunday   School,  'Cleveland    Ohio 
Jewish   Socialist  Territorialists,   Philadel- 
phia. 

Jewish.  Socialist    Party    Conference,    Chi- 
cago. 

Naturalization  League,  Newark    N    J 
Central   Committee   Jewish   Socialist   Ter- 
ritorialist  Labor  Party  of  America. 
Armenian  Revolutionary  Federation 
United  Hungarian  Socialist  Federation  of 
America. 

Newark  Young  People's  Socialist  Federa- 
tion. 

Branch      434, 
Haven,  Conn. 


Workmen's      Circle,      New 
Branch    127,    Workmen's    Circle,    Chicago, 

Local  Kings  County,  Socialist  Party,  New 
York. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  are  a  number 
of  letters  which  need  reference  to  the  com- 
mittee which  will  be  read  and  referred  to 
the  proper  committees  when  elected 

National  Executive  Committee,  Independ- 
ent Workmen's  Circle,  Incorporated,  Boston. 
Mass. 

Referred  to  the  Committee  on  Immigra- 
tion. 

Wichita  Falls,  Local  1149. 
Referred  to  Committee  on  Immigration. 
Communications      from      Swedish      Local, 
West  Concord,  N.  H,  and  from   Slovak  So- 
cialist Section,   Socialist  Party  of  America- 
Referred  to  the  Resolutions  Committee. 

Communication  from  the  Polish  Section 
of  the  Socialist  Party. 

Referred   to  the  Committee  on   Platform. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  reading  of  the 
communication  from  the  Swedish  Local, 
West  Concord,  N.  H.,  the  following  oc- 
curred: 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.):  I  have  an  idea 
that  we  are  wasting  time.  That  last  com- 
munication is  not  a  greeting.  I  think  it  is 
an  attempt  to  influence  the  convention. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  Berlyn  is 
right.  The  Chair  announced  that  there  were 
some  congratulatory  telegrams  and  letters, 
and  that  there  were  some  others  that  would 
be  referred  to  the  committee.  But  there 
are  only  two  more. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  reading  of  let- 
ters and  telegrams.  Comrade  Haywood  ad- 
dressed the   convention  as  follows: 

COM.  HAYWOOD:  I  have  a  telegram 
from  San  Diego,  Cal.,  that  I  would  like  to 
have  read  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Conven- 
tion. 

A  DELEGATE:  I  would  like  to  know 
whether  it  refers  to  a  branch  of  the  Social- 
ist Party  or  some  other  organization. 

(Cries  of  "Read  it.") 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  is  no  objec- 
tion the  Secretary  will  read  it. 

The  Secretary  then  read  the  telegram  re- 
ferred to  as  follows: 
"William  D.  Haywood, 

"Socialist  Convention,  Indianapolis. 


26 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


"Am  sending  dispatch  to  Indianapolis, 
registered.  Bring  it  up  on  floor  of  conven- 
tion. Conditions  critical  here.  Secure  an 
appropriation  from  national  organization  to 
aid  us.  Present  fight  against  anti-picketing 
ordinance,  which  also  prevents  all  public 
meetings.  Object  suppression  of  Socialist 
and  industrialist  agitation.  All  radicals  be- 
ing deported.  Employers  seek  to  establish 
precedent  which  will  allow  deportation  of 
all  strikers  in  future.  American  Federation 
of  Labor  must  take  firm  stand  with  us. 
Over  150  men  still  in  jail;  100  I.  W.  W. 
and  trade  unionists  deported  Wednesday. 
Trade  union  officials  arrested  and  assaulted 
by  vigilantes  and  police.  Attempt  made  to 
force  them  to  leave  city.  Chief  of  police 
personally  attacks  trade  unionist,  crippling 
him.  Gigantic  funeral  demonstration  Los 
Angeles;  killed  by  police  in  raid  on  I.  W.  W. 
Hall.  Unable  to  hold  funeral  here  on  ac- 
count of  police  antagonism.  Two  men 
arrested  while  arranging  funeral.  Vigi- 
lantes patrolling  county  roads.  Six  men 
arrested.  Socialist  organizer  held  charged 
with  conspiracy  to  murder.  Grew  out  of 
shooting  during  raid  on  hall.  Socialist  and 
union  headquarters  raided.  Property  taken." 
DEL.  CAREY  (Mass.):  I  move  that  the 
matter  be  referred  to  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee for  immediate  action. 

DEL.  WANHOPE  (N.  Y.):  I  second  the 
motion. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:    I  move  to  amend  that 
they  report  here  as  soon  as  possible. 
DEL.  CAREY:     Certainly. 
DEL.   FURMAN:     I  move  to  amend  that 
they  report  not  later  than  Wednesday  at  3 
o'clock. 

The  amendment  was  duly  seconded. 
The  motion,  as  amended,  that  the  mat- 
ter be  referred  to  the  Executive  Committee 
for  immediate  action,  with  instructions  to 
report  to  the  convention  as  soon  as  possible*  < 
and  not  later  than  Wednesday  at  3  o'clock, 
was  carried. 

DEL.  FURMAN  (N.  Y.):  I  move  that 
from  now  on  that  this  mass  of  daily  and 
weekly  literature  of  the  party  be  kept 
off  the  delegates'  tables.  We  are  utterly 
smothered  by  this  literature,  and  are  too 
busy  to  read  it.  Take  it  out  and  give  it 
to  the  heathen  on  the  street  where  it  will 
do  some  good. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  that 
no  more  literature  be  laid  upon  the  dele- 
gates' tables. 

On  motion  duly  seconded,  the  motion  of 
Delegate  Furman  was  laid  on  the  table. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT  (N.  Y.) :  If  we  have 
no  other  business  before  the  house  it  seems 
it  would  be  well  to  take  up  the  regular 
reports  from  committees  elected  by  the 
last  National  Congress  of  the  party.  There 
we  have  business  ready  for  us  and  we  need  j 
not  waste  any  time. 

DEL.  CAREY  (Mass.):  I  second  the  mo- 
tion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  have  heard  the 
motion  that  the  convention  take  up  the 
consideration  of  the  reports  of  the  perma- 
nent committees. 

DEL.  MALKIEL  (N.  Y.):  I  move  as  an 
amendment  that  when  the  ballots  come  we 
take  a  recess  from  the  matter  then  under 
consideration  and  proceed  to  the  election 
of  the  various  committees  so  that  those 
committees  may  be  able  to  go  to  work. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  accept  the  amend- 
ment. .    . 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  understood  then 
that  when  the  ballots  arrive  the  then  order 
of  business  shall  be  set  aside  and  we  pro- 
ceed to  elect  the  committees.  It  is  moved 
that  we  now  take  up  the  reports  of  stand- 
ing committees. 


DEL.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):  I  move  to  amend 
that  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Immi- 
gration be  taken  up  first. 

DEL.  SPARGO  (Vt):  On  behalf  of  my 
comrades  of  the  minority  of  the  Committee 
on  Immigration  I  ask  the  delegates  that 
they  will  not  carry  this  motion.  We  have 
held  one  meeting  and  it  would  be  neces- 
sary for  us  to  have  still  another. 

DEL.  SLAYTON:  In  view  of  the  state- 
ment of  Delegate  Spargo  I  will  withdraw 
my  motion  if  my  second  is  willing. 

DEL.  FURMAN  (N.  Y.):  This  is  the 
same  committee  that  has  been  standing  for 
two  years;  and  it  is  not  ready  yet. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  not  the  point 
under  discussion.  The  question  is  shall 
we  take  up  this   subject  now. 

DEL.  STREBEL  (N.  Y.):  I  move  that 
we  now  take  up  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Farmers'   Programme. 

COM.  SIMONS:  That  committee  Is  In 
the  same  position  as  the  Committee  on  Im- 
migration. We  are  not  quite  ready  to 
report. 

THE  SECRETARY:  The  Committee  on 
Vocational   Education  is   the   next. 

DEL.  STREBEL:  They  are  in  a  similar 
position.  They  have  a  report  but  only  one 
of  the  committee  is  in  thfs  convention.  The 
report,  however,  is  here  and  can  be  read 
and  acted  upon. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  shall  then  take 
up  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Edu- 
cation, Comrade  Strebel,  reporting. 

DEL.  LANFERSECK  (Ky.):  I  move  that 
the  reading  of  this  report  be  dispensed 
with. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  that 
the  reading  be  dispensed  with.  I  might 
suggest  that  it  does  not  follow  that  every 
report  will  be  read  because  we  read  this 
one.  We  are  competent  from  time  to  time 
to  decide  that  matter. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  There  is  no  good  rea- 
son for  taking  the  time  of  the  convention 
in  reading  printed  reports.  The  comrades 
are  assumed  to  have  had  the  time  to  read 
them.  There  is  occasion  for  the  discussion 
of  the  recommendations  of  a  committee,  or 
the  report  of  the  committee.  You  will  find 
the  printed  recommendations  in  the 
printed  report.  I  suggest  that  Comrade 
Strebel  read  the  recommendations;  and  then 
the  matter  can  be  brought  definitely  before 
us  by  a  motion  for  their  adoption. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Do  you  make  that 
motion? 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  There  is  a  motion  now 
that  the  reading  of  the  report  be  dispensed 
with.  I  move  to  amend  that  the  recom- 
mendations only  be  read  at  this  time. 

DEL  HILQUITT:  I  am  opposed  to  the 
motion  to  dispense  with  the  reading  of 
this  report.  It  is  true  that  the  printed 
reports  have  been  sent  out.  It  is  not 
equally  true,  I  venture  to  say,  that  every 
delegate  has  read  all  the  reports  atten- 
tively Also  the  comrade  reporting  for  a 
committee  may  desire  to  change  parts  of 
the  report,  or  to  elucidate  the#  report  as  he 
reads  it  I  want  to  warn  this  convention 
against  the  practice  of  acting  upon  printed 
reports  upon  the  assumption  that  they  have 
been  read  and  that^their  contents  are 
known  and  understood  by  the  delegates 
That  leads  to  that  vicious  practice  that 
Prevails  in  our  legislative  bodies  where 
things  are  not  disposed  of  intelligently 
where  things  are  read  and  done  or  assumed 
To  be  read  and  done,  without  intell  gent 
thought  as  to  what  action  they  are  taking. 
These  reports  are  printed  and  distributed 
for ^  the  purpose  of  giving,  the  delegates 
if  they  desire  the  opportunity  to  consider 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  13,  1»13 


27 


1 


them,  but  not  for  the  purpose  of  eliminat- 
ing the  reading  from  the  noor. 

DiiiJL..  JACO-tssiiiN  (la.):  a  pomt  of  order. 
Under  our  rules  adopted  yesterday  each 
chairman  of  a  committee  has  twenty  min- 
utes in  which  to  report.  The  cnairman 
Of  a  committee  may  employ  his  time  in 
any  way  that  he  chooses.  He  can  read 
the  report  or  he  can  read  the  recommenda- 
tions, or  he  can  give  the  synopsis  of  the 
report.     That  is  my  point  of  order. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  of  order  is 
not  well  taken  because  the  convention  is 
always  competent  to  decide  whether  it 
will  have  a  report  read  or  not;  and  that 
is  what  the  convention  is  now  doing.  The 
motion  is  that  the  report  be  not  read.  The 
amendment  is.  that  the  recommendations 
only  be  read.  As  many  as  are  in  favor  of 
having  the  recommendations  only  read  will 
say  aye. 

The  amendment  to  read  the  recommenda- 
tions only  was  declared  lost. 

The  motion  to  dispense  with  the  reading 
of  the  report  was  then  defeated. 

DEL.  STREBEL:  At  the  congress  of  the 
Socialist  Party  at  Chicago,  two  years  ago, 
the  question  was  raised  that  all  over  the 
United  States  an  agitation  was  in  prog- 
ress for  the  adoption  of  the  vocational 
school  system;  that  in  different  states  differ- 
ent attitudes  were  taken  by  different  locals; 
some  favoring,  some  opposing  the  adoption 
of  vocational  schools.  As  this  was  a  mat- 
ter of  great  importance  to  the  party  it  was 
brought  before  the  Congress  and  this  com- 
mittee appointed,  and  the  supposition  was 
that  this  committee  would  be  constituted  of 
those  who  were  capable  of  analyzing  this 
subject,  giving  a  thorough  analysis  to  tho 
vocational  school,  and  the  ideas  upon  which 
the  theories  in  support  of  such  schools  were 
founded.  But  as  to  the  report  that  is  be- 
fore you  we  never  had  a  meeting;  we  never 
got  together;  and  I  am  frank  to  say  that 
this  report  may  not  be  the  very  best  that 
the  convention  or  the  party  should  have. 
Personally  I  should  like  to  see  it  go  back 
for  further  consideration.  The  report  is 
here.  As  such  I  was  willing  to  sign  it  to 
get  the  matter  before  this  convention  so 
that  some  further  action  could  be  taken 
on  this  important  matter.  I  will  read  the  re- 
port as  we  have  it  as  written  by  the  chair- 
man of  the  committee.* 

DELEGATE  STREBEL:  I  move  the 
adoption  of  the  report.     (Seconded.) 

DEL.  M.  W.  SIMONS  (Kas.):  While  I  am 
thoroughly  in  accord  with  all  the  recom- 
mendations that  have  been  made  by  this 
committee  on  vocational  education,  I  think 
that  several  of  the  recommendations  should 
have  been  much  stronger;  because  as  edu- 
cation is  a  matter  of  public  service  I  think 
we  should  lay  great  emphasis  on  the  state- 
ment that  all  education  should  come 
through  the  public  schools.  I  think  that 
we  should  say  that  instead  of  stating  it 
as  it  is  stated  by  the  committee.  Per- 
haps those  who  have  not  been  about  the 
country  so  as  to  know  the  real  situation 
do  not  realize  how  tremendously  important 
this  question  is  becoming  since  we  have 
been  electing  members  of  school  boards  in 
different  parts  of  the  United  States.  In 
Kansas  we  have  men  elected  and  in  con- 
trol of  school  boards.  Two  years  ago  the 
Woman's  National  Committee  appointed  a 
committee  on  this  question  and  that  com- 
mittee has  reported  to  the  Woman's  Na- 
tional Committee,  and  we  are  ready  to  bring 
in  certain  recommendations  which  we  be- 
lieve  are   a   little   more   specific,    especially 

^  *The  report  is  printed  in  full  as  Appendix 
B.— Editor. 


upon  the  industrial  education  of  girls. 
That  has  not  been  touched  upon  here;  and 
it  is  very  general  in  its  import. 

We  have  also  some  recommendations  to 
bring  in  that  we  believe  to  be  very  specific 
upon  the  manner  of  handling  this  question 
of  education  as  a  whole.  This  committee 
dealt  only  with  vocational  education.  We 
believe  that  the  scope  of  such  a  committee 
should  be  enlarged.  I  would  like  very 
much,  as  we  do  not  wish  to  have  our 
recommendations  brought  in  at  this  time,  I 
would  like  the  delegates  to  remember  in 
any  discussion  upon  this  matter  that  there 
is  a  second  report  coming  ?.n. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Do  .you  offer  an 
amendment.  The  motion  has  been  made  to 
adopt   the  report. 

DEL.  M.  W.  SIMONS:  I  offer  this 
amendment:  That  the  convention  defer 
action  upon  this  report  of  the  Committee 
on  Vocational  Education  until  this  commit- 
tee from  the  Woman's  National  Committee 
has  reported. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

DEL.  OHSOL  (Mass.):  I  am  opposed  to 
these  recommendations,  No.  5  and  No.  9. 
No.  5  demands  that  we  oppose  all  legisla- 
tion giving  work  to  children  which  does 
not  create  social  wealth.  What  do  we 
mean  by  this  lame  statement.  What  is 
social  wealth;  what  is  economic  wealth? 
Who  is  going  to  determine  which  work  of 
children  creates  wealth  and  which  creates 
economic  wealth,  which  is  industrial  and 
which  is  social?  It  will  be  decided  by  the 
capitalist'  bodies  that  are  in  control  and 
they  will  determine  that  any  work  done  by 
children  between  fivo  and  fourteen  years 
of  age  creates  social  wealth.  Now,  what 
you  are  dealing  with  here  is  education. 
Education  should  not  be  made  work  at 
all.  So  long  as  the  capitalists  decide  what 
is  social  wealth  this  is  detrimental  to  the 
working  class.  For  that  reason  I  move 
to  strike  out  the  fifth  recommendation. 

Now,  as  to  the  ninth  recommendation, 
that  is  also  vague.  It  says  that  we  should 
insist  upon  emphasis  being  laid  upon  citi- 
zenship, manhood  and  womanhood.  Those 
words  have  become  really  absurd.  What 
does  the  committee  mean  by  citizenship,  by 
manhood  and  womanhood.  We  should  im- 
prove on  those  words.  What  do  you  mean  by 
good  r'tizenship?  If  they  mean  that 
citizenship  shall  be  determined  by  the  T.  M. 
C.  A.  that  is  entirely  opposed  to  our  idea 
of  citizenship.  We  cannot  trust  the  pres- 
ent state  or  any  private  organization  to  de- 
fine our  ideas  of  citizenship.  We  are  the 
organization  that  must  direct  the  young 
thinkers  of  the  working  class  what  our  con- 
ception of  /true  citizenship  is;  what  we 
mean  by  good  citizenship.  But  if  we  simply 
say  that  we  insist  that  the  public  schools 
shall  teach  manhood  and  womanhood  the 
capitalist  controlling  bodies  will  interpret 
it  as  their  courts  interpret  what  the  word 
conspiracy  means,  or  what  violence  is,  or 
what  accessory  means  in  murder.  Wo 
should  instruct  this  committee  to  revise 
this  recommendation  and  bring  in  *one 
that  will  be  very  plain  in  its  terms.  I 
therefore  move  to  strike  out  this  recom- 
mendation  9. 

The  motion  was   duly  seconded. 

DEL.  BOEHM  (O.):  I  move  that  action 
on  the  recommendation  of  this  committee 
be  deferred  until  we  receive  the  report 
of  the  special  committee  from  the  Woman's 
National  Committee  on  vocational  educa- 
tion. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  X):  I  didn't  know 
that  we  had  a  woman's  committee  on  edu- 
cation. 


28 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


THE  CHAIRMAN:  Perhaps  I  misunder- 
stood the  motion. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  No.  What  has  the  wo- 
man's committee  to  do  with  this  question 
of  education?  They  are  butting-  into  some- 
thing- that  we  had  a  special  committee  ap- 
pointed to  consider. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  will  ask  Comrade 
Simons  to  give  me  the  exact  name  of  that 
committee. 

DEL.  M.  W.  SIMONS:  The  National 
Woman's  Committee  appointed  a  special 
committee  to  inquire  into  the  question  of 
industrial  education  for  girls.  Two  years 
ago  a  committee  was  appointed  to  investi- 
gate that  subject  and  report  to  the  Wo- 
man's Committee;  and  we  have  their  rec- 
ommendations to  bring  before  this  con- 
vention, as  a  part  of  the  recommendations 
of  the   National   Woman's   Committee. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  am  opposed  to  wait- 
ing for  the  report  of  the  Woman's  Na- 
tional Committee  before  acting  upon  this 
matter.  I  do  not  believe  that  this  comes 
properly  within  the  province  of  the  Wo- 
man's Committee.  Anything  relating  to 
Socialist  Sunday  Schools  might.  In  my 
judgment  this  other  matter  does  not.  I 
have  brought  this  up  at  this  time  because 
I  believe  that  the  Woman's  National  Com- 
mittee are  attempting  to  handle  many  things 
that  do  ,not  come  properly  within  their 
province/  They  have  a  special  work  to 
do  and  I  think  they  should  stick  to  it.  We 
have  a  matter  here  which  has  been  re- 
ported by  another  committee.  Let  us  dis- 
cuss it  and  dispose  of  it.  Let  us  settle 
it.  And  don't  let  us  wait  for  the  sug- 
gestions of  another  committee  upon  a  mat- 
ter that  may  be  remotely  connected  with 
the  subject  before  us. 

DEL.  STALLARD  (Okla.):  So  far  as  the 
right  of  the  Woman's  National  Committee 
to  handle  that  question  is  concerned,  I 
think  the  work  of  the  Woman's  National 
Committee  covers  all  things  that  pertain 
to  women  generally.  And  so  far  as  it  is  a 
fact  that  women  and  girls  do  enter  into 
the  industrial  field,  and  are  to  be  edu- 
cated in  those  schools,  I  think  that  it  comes 
within  their  province,  and  I  believe  we 
should  not  settle  this  question  rightly  until 
we  have  heard  from  the  Woman's  Commit- 
tee; and  therefore  I  am  in  favor  of  defer- 
ring  action    until    their   report    is    received. 

DEL.  GEFFS  (Colo.):  If  education  does 
not  come  properly  before  the  Woman's  Na- 
tional Committee  I  should  like  to  know 
what  does.-  I  should  like  to  know  who 
there  is  in  all  this  broad  land  who  has  a 
better  right  to  handle  the  question  of  the 
education  of  our  young  people,  and  espe- 
cially our  young  girls,  than  this  same  Wo- 
man's Committee?  I  should  like  to  know 
where  you  would  draw  the  line  on  that 
committee  in  regard  to  anything  that  con- 
cerns the  interest  of  the  young  girls  of  the 
land?  I  object  most  strenuously  to  this 
matter  being  disposed  of  at  this  time.  I 
object  most  strenuously  to  this  report  be- 
ing adopted  until  after  the  Woman's  Na- 
tion Committee  has  an  opportunity  to  be 
heard.  I  am  not  a  member  of  that  commit- 
tee but  they  have  a  right  to  be  heard.  It 
will  only  mean  a  little  time,  and  they  are 
entitled  to  this  courtesy.  It  is  our  right 
to  demand;  and  you  have  no  right  to  re- 
fuse it. 

DEL.  MALKTEL  (N.  Y.):  It  is  not  a 
question  of  whether  this  committee  or  that 
committee  should  be  the  one  to  handle  this 
question.  It  is  a  matter  of  this  conven- 
tion having  before  it  all  the  information 
it  can  gather  before  it  decides.  Before 
you  decide  you  want  to  know  all  you  can 
on  this   subject.     It  is   only  a  matter   of 


a  day  or  two.  It  makes  no  difference 
whether  you  decide  this  matter  now.  The 
fear  here  seems  to  be  that  the  Woman's 
Committee  will  sway  this  convention.  Don't 
fear.  If  you  wait  you  simply  get  more 
information.  Therefore  I  hope  you  will 
defer  action  on   this. 

DEL.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):  You  will  re- 
member that  when  Comrade  Strebel  read 
the  report  he  stated  that  he  would  like  to 
have  the  matter  referred  back  for  further 
consideration.  Now  the  report  that  we  are 
to  have  from  the  Woman's  Committee  may 
have  just  the  information  that  Comrade 
Strebel's  committee  lacked;  and  thus  en- 
able us  to  take  decisive  and  intelligent  ac- 
tion. I  add  that  as  an  additional  point. 
With  all  possible  information  before  us 
the  whole  convention   will   be  benefited. 

DEL.  LEE  (N  Y.):  Will  you  please  tell 
me  the  status  of  the  matter  at  the  pres- 
ent time? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  has  been  moved 
and  seconded  that  the  recommendations  of 
this  committee  be  approved.  It  has  been 
moved  as  an  amendment  that  action  upon 
this  matter  be  deferred  until  we  receive  the 
report  of  the  Woman's  National  Commit- 
tee. The  discussion  now  is  on  the  motion 
to  defer  action. 

DEL.  LEE:  I  hear  cries  from  various 
parts  of  the  hall  for  the  previous  question. 
I  think  that  when  we  were  discussing  mere 
questions  of  rules  of  procedure  it  was  very 
wise  to  adopt  the  previous  question  early 
in  the  discussion.  But  here  we  have  the 
report  of  a  committee  of  this  body.  That 
committee  has  considered  this  matter  for 
two  years.  They  have  presented  what 
seems  to  be  a  rather  carefully  worked  out 
report.  You  have  had  it  read  here.  Many 
of  you  have  not  listened;  and  most  of  you 
I  venture  to  say  have  not  read  the  printed 
report.  I  did  not  listen  to  all  of  it  because 
I  had  read  the  printed  report.  But  most 
of  you  have  done  neither.  Then  a  com- 
rade rises  here  and  says  there  is  another 
committee  that  has  important  information 
on  the  matter  before  us;  and  there  are 
very  good  reasons  why  that  committee 
should  have  important  matter  on  that 
question  to  present;  and  then  some  com- 
rade rises  and  moves  the  previous  ques- 
tion; thus  saying  that  the  Woman's  Com- 
mittee should  have  nothing  to  do  with  this; 
we  are  going  to  vote  upon  it  now.  My  point 
is  that  if  you  vote  now  to  defer  you  cut 
off  the  opportunity  to  discuss  this  matter 
when  we  have  nothing  else  before  us  and  a 
good  opportunity  to  discuss  the  matter. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  for  the 
previous    question   has   not   been   made   yet. 

DEL.  LEE:  The  previous  question  would 
carry  with  it  the  whole   matter. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No;  only  the  motion 
to  defer. 

DEL  LEE:  If  that  is  your  ruling  I  am 
willing  to  have  the  vote. 

DEL.  PEACH  (Conn.):  Had  I  been  given 
the  opportunity  I  would  have  accepted  the 
suggestion  offered  by  Comrade  Simons.  I 
realize  the  great  importance  of  this  ques- 
tion of  education.  We  have  it  facing  us 
in  our  state  and  it  is  a  very  important 
question.  We  have  it  in  a  form  where  it 
has  been  submitted  by  the  Board  of  Edu- 
cation, and  adopted  in  the  law,  that  the 
schools  shall  be  conducted  part  of  the 
time  and  the  children  attend  them;  and 
that  the  other  part  of  the  day  they  shall 
spend  in  factories.  We  believe  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  committee  on  such  a  point, 
as  that  is  very  important  and  should  re- 
ceive the  earnest  consideration  of  this  con- 
vention. We  from  Connecticut  believe  that 
everything  relating  to  education  should  re- 


MORNING  SLSSION,  MAY  13,  1912 


ceive  the  fullest  consideration;  because  it 
is  a  practical  thing  actually  confronting 
us.  And  I  want  to  say  that  the  question 
of  the  industrial  education  of  women  and 
girls  is  of  just  as  much  importance  as  the 
education  of  boys;  and  therefore  I  hope 
that  the  convention  will  accede  to  the  re- 
quest of  Comrade  Simons,  so  that  we  may 
get  all  the  light  possible  on  the  matters 
contained  in  this  report. 

DEL.  CASSIDY  (N.  Y.):  It  seems  to  me 
that  the  report  of  Comrade  Simons  if 
agreed  to  will  lead  to  a  lot  of  confusion, 
rhe  Committee  on  Education  deals  specifi- 
cally with  this  question.  They  have  con- 
sidered the  question;  and  have  dealt  with 
it  in  their  report.  During  their  delibera- 
tions the  National  Woman's  Committee  as 
well  as  any  one  else  in  the  Socialist  Party 
fttad  the  opportunity  to  present  to  that  com- 
mittee all  the  information  they  had  or  could 
gather  on  this  question.  To  take  up  the 
Consideration  of  the  matter  on  two  differ- 
jnt  reports  seems  to  me  to  lead  to  loss  of 
:ime  and  confusion.  What  subject  are  wo- 
nen  more  interested  in  than  the  education 
)f  children,  and  especially  the  industrial 
jducation  of  girls?  That  is  absolutely  true. 
But  it  is  no  reason  why  we  should  have 
:wo  committees  reporting.  It  is  said  that 
;he  women  are  very  much  interested  in  the 
-eport  of  our  Committee  on  Immigration, 
rhat  is  absolutely  true.  But  that  is  no 
•eason  for  separate  reports.  Then  there 
s  the  Committee  on  the  Relationship  of 
he  Party  to  the  Labor  ynions.  They  may 
>ring  in  a  separate  report  on  that.  Now 
:or  the  sake  of  logical  and  orderly  pro- 
;edure  let  us  keep  consistently  and  logi- 
ially  to  one  question  so  that  it  may  be  dis- 
)osed  of.  I  hope  that  the  motion  to  defer 
tction  until  the  women  report  will  be  de- 
feated. 

DEL.  ALEXANDER  (Tex.)  moved  the 
>revious  question.      (Seconded.) 

The  previous  question  was  then  ordered. 

DEL.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):  I  am  in  favor  of 
ilmost  all  of  the  recommendations  of  this 
:ommittee.  I  do  not  favor  the  method  by 
vhich  they  arrive  at  their  conclusions.  If 
ve  vote  down  this  motion  to  defer  and  take 
inal  action  on  this  report,  we  shall  be  tak- 
ng  action  on  something  which  contains 
ome  statements  which  I  do  not  see  how 
ve  could  approve,  unless  we  can  have 
•resented  here  the  data  concerning  these 
hings.  In  the  report  of  the  committee 
here  are  a  lot   of   things   that   up   to /date 

do  not  believe  can  be  established  to  be 
rue.  There  are  positions  taken  also  that 
ny  one  who  has  studied  industrial  educa- 
ion  deeply  knows  are  hardly  tenable.     It  is 

00  great  a  question;  it  contains  too  much 
f  moment  for  it  to  be  disposed  of  off- 
and  here  in  a  few  minutes. 

Another  thing:  The  women  of  the  Sb- 
ialist  Party  by  all  means  should  have 
omething  to  say  on  this  question.  I  am 
peaking  as  one  with  experience  in  this 
ne,  and  I  know  that  when  it  comes  to  the 
uestion  of  education  in  the  public  schools 
tie  women  have  the  first  and  last  word, 
'hey    have    it    by    right.      They    have    been 

1  the  main  the  educators  of  America,  and 
le  foremost  educator  in  this  country  today 
?  a  woman.  By  all  means  this  matter 
hould  be  deferred  and  all  possible  in- 
jrmation  brought  in  here.  If  we  pass 
non  this  now  I  want  to  say  that  there 
re  even  things  in  this  report  that  the 
bcialist  Party  cannot  stand  for;  unless 
^ey  can  be  established  by  the  proof  to  be 
.ought  in  here.  We  ought  to  have  more 
(formation.     We  ought  to  have  everything 

1'iat  the  women  can  give  us;  as  I  said  be- 
-)re  they  have  the  right   to  what  it  is.     I 


hope  that  we  shall  vote  to  defer  the  mat- 
ter until  the  Woman's  Committee  shall  be 
heard. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  What  is  the  status  of 
this  matter  now? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  One  speech  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  motion  to  defer. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  I  favor  deferring. 

DEL.  GOEBEL.  I  am  opposed  to  de- 
ferring. 

A  DELEGATE:  Has  not  Comrade  Goebel 
spoken  already? 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  was  the  original  one  to 
object  to  waiting.  And  whether  I  speak 
twice  or  not  I  think  we  all  agree  that  par- 
liamentary usage  would  give  me  the  right 
to  conclude. 

Now  I  want  to  say  to  the  women  of  this 
convention  and  to-  the  women  of  the  So- 
cialist Party — I  want  to  say  right  here  and 
now — that  I  refuse  to  allow  the  women  to 
claim  the  children  of  this  country  any  more 
than  I  claim  them  as  a  man.  (Applause 
and  laughter.)  Let  us  understand  each 
other  about  this.  We  have  certain  defi- 
nite commmittees.  We  have  the  National 
Committee,  we  have  the  National  Executive 
Committee;  and  then  we  have  separate 
standing  and  special  committees.  They 
have  each  some  duty  to  perfom.  The  mo- 
ment they  begin  to  infringe  on  the  duties 
of  other  committees  that  moment  we  have 
loss  of  time,  loss  of  money  and  confusion. 
That  is  the  proposition  here.  Not  whether 
we  shall  favor  this  report.  Not  whether  we 
shall  defer  further  action  until  we  hear 
from  the  Woman's  Committee.  There  is  a 
good  reason  for  my  objection.  I  under- 
stand that  the  women  are  bringing  in  a 
recommendation  on  a  party  owned  press. 
Doubtless  they  will  bring  in  separate  re- 
ports on  other  matters  that  are  of  general 
interest.  We  have  a  committee  to  deal  with 
education.  That  is  their  special  function. 
Special  propaganda  work  among  the  wo- 
men and  children  would  be  a  different  mat- 
ter. Let  us  understand  each  other.  I  am 
not  fighting  the  Woman's  Committee.  I 
want  the  national  committee  to  do  its  busi- 
ness; I  want  the  National  Woman's  Com- 
mittee to  do  its  business;  I  want  the  Com- 
mittees on  Immigration  and  on  Farmers' 
Program  to  do  their  business.  That  is  the 
only  way  in  which  we  can  have  business 
done   on   a   business   basis. 

DEL.  BOEHM  (O.):  I  should  like  to  ask 
when  the  Woman's  Committee  will  be 
ready   to   report. 

DEL.  M.  W.  Simons:  Our  recommenda- 
tions are  ready.  They  will  be  here  at  the 
beginning  of  the  next  session.  We  shall 
submit  it  as  a  part  of  our  report. 

The  motion  to  defer  action  until  after 
the  report  of  the  Woman's  National  Com- 
mittee had  been  received  was  then  voted 
upon   and   declared    carried. 

CHAIRMAN  BARNES:  One  word,  for  the 
benefit  of  our  soap  boxers  who  are  going 
to  distribute  our  philosophy.  It  is  signfi- 
cant  that  here  in  this  Socialist  convention 
the  first  subject  discussed  before  the  con- 
vention is  the  question  of  education.  It  is 
a  remarkable  contrast  to  the  subjects  dis- 
cussed in  the  republican  and  democratic 
conventions. 

ALLOWANCE   FOR    SLEEPING    CARS   TO 
DELEGATES. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  On  behalf  of  the  Na- 
tional Executive  Committee  I  am  ready 
to  report  on  the  question  of  Pullman  car 
allowances   to   delegates. 

The  National  Executive  Committee  has 
considered  the  matter  of  the  payment  of 
Pullman  car  fares  of  the  delegates  to  the 
convention  of  the  party  referred  to  it  by 
the    convention.      The    National    Executive 


f  w 


1 


30 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION, 


Committee  having  considered  the  matter 
from  the  standpoint  of  principle  and  the 
party's  finances  unanimously  recommends 
to  the  convention  that  payment  of  travel- 
ing expenses  be  interpreted  to  include  not 
only  the  bare  railroad  fare  but  the  neces- 
sary convenience  of  a  sleeper  for  traveling 
considerable  distances.  On  behalf  of  the 
National  Executive  Committee  I  desire  to 
state  very  briefly  our  reasons  for  that  de- 
cision. In  the  first  place  I  have  no  doubt 
at  all  that  with  very  few  exceptions,  by  an 
overwhelming  majority  of  this  convention, 
those  of  us  who  have  traveled  very  long  dis- 
tances have  come  by  way  of  a  sleeper  car. 
We  have  done  this  not  merely  for  our  own 
convenience,  our  desire  for  luxury,  but  we 
have  come  in  that  way  in  order  that  we 
might  be  efficient  and  fit  to  do  the  work 
imposed  upon  us.  Now,  comrades,  there 
Is  always  the  proposition  of  the  man  who 
says  that  as  a  working  class  party  we 
should  in  all  externals  represent  that  work- 
ing class.  I  don't  care  whether  that  point 
of  view  is  ,  represented  by  imagining  that 
all  delegates  should  come  with  the  tools 
and  clothing  of  their  craft,  or  whether  it 
is  expressed  in  the  notion  that  we  ought 
to  come  in  day  coaches  or  on  the  bumpers 
underneath  the  cars,  if  we  possibly  can  do 
so.  The  fact  is  that  is  not  the  working 
class  point  of  view  at  all.  As  a  working 
class  convention  we  first  of  all  recognize 
that  our  supreme  business  is  to  build  up 
an  effective  fighting  machine  of  the  work- 
ing class,  and  men  who  come  to  the  conven- 
tion tired  and  outworn  and  weary  are   not 


in  a  position  to  make  the  best  resistance 
to  the  forces  of  capitalism  which  can  be 
made. 

In  the  second  place,  I  believe  there  was  a 
time  in  this  party  when  it  was  necessary 
for  us  to  endure  hardships;  when  our  mem- 
bership was  small.  There  was  a  time  in 
the  history  of  this  party  when  opposition 
to  our  position  would  have  had  a  con- 
siderable basis  of  reason.  But  that  time  is, 
happily,   passel  forever. 

Finally,  comrades,  this  the  twentieth 
century.  And  we  of  the  working  class  de- 
mand for  ourselves  and  our  class  all  the 
advantages   of  the   twentieth   century. 

Moved  and  seconded  that  the  report  of 
the  National  Executive  Committee  be 
adopted.  , 

DEL.  FLOATEN  (Colo.):  I  move  to 
amend  that  wherever  it  is  possible  that 
they  travel  in  tourist  or  second  class 
sleepers,  because  the  sleeping  is  just  as 
good  and/costs  just  half  as  much. 

The    amendment   was   not   seconded. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  I  believe  that 
those  have  the  best  right  to  ride  in  sleep* 
ing  cars  who  build  the  sleeping  cars. 

The  report  of  the  National  Executive 
Committee  in  regard  tc  payment  of  Pull- 
man car  fares  to  delegates  was  then  de- 
clared adopted. 

The  Chairman  announced  that  the  local 
committee  had  made  arrangements  for  a 
group  picture  of  the  convention  to  be  taken 
in  front  of  the  court  house  immediately 
after  the  adjournment. 

The  convention  then  adjourned. 


AFTERNOON   SESSION. 


Chairman  Barnes  called  the  convention 
to  order  at  2:30  p.  m. 

LETTISH    ORGANIZATIONS. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Most  of  the  foreign 
organizations  have  submitted  in  print  cop- 
ies of  reports  of  their  respective  activities. 
The  Executive  Committee  of  the  National 
Lettish  Organization  of  the  S.  P.  has  svib- 
mitted  a  report  with  sundry  recommenda- 
tions, and  they  ask  that  it  be  made  part 
of  the  record  and  included  in  minutes.* 

On  motion  of  Del.  Goaziou  it  was  so  or- 
dered. s 

COMMITTEE  NOMINATIONS. 

The  roll  of  states  was  called  for  correc- 
tions in  the  printed  list  of  nominations  for 
the  various  committees.  Several  corrections 
and  withdrawals  were  announced,  and  the 
delegates  were  requested  to  correct  their 
copies    of    the    ballot    accordingly. 

In  consequence  of.  declinations  and  ab- 
sences, certain  committees  were  left  with- 
out enough  nominees  to  equal  the  numbers 
prescribed  by  the  rules,  and  the  subject  of 
nominations    was   reopened. 

It  was  moved  that  the  election  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Speaking  Organiza- 
tions be  postponed  until  the  other  com- 
mittees   have    been    elected. 

An  amendment  was  offered  that  the  elec- 
tion of  the  Auditing  Committee  take  the 
same   course. 

An  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  of- 
fered, that  the  convention  proceed  to  com- 
plete the  nominations  for  all  committees 
and   elect. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was 
carried. 

Del.  Dobbs  (Ky.)  moved  that  the  bal- 
lot with  the  corrections  be  referred  back  to 
the    proper    committee    and    reprinted    and 

•See  Appendix  O. — Editor. 


placed  on  the  desks  of  the  delegates.  Mo- 
tion lost. 

National  Secretary  Work  announced  the 
presence  of  A.  F.  Casselbury  as  an  alter- 
nate from  Georgia. 

The  Chairman  called  for  additional 
nominations  on  committees,  and  the  follow- 
ing were  made: 

AUDITING  COMMITTER 
Former  nominations: 

Fritz    (Miss.). 

Garrison    (Ind.). 

Ward    (Mo.). 
Additional   nominations: 

Blase    (Kans.). 

Benents   (N.  Y.). 

COMMITTEE    ON   REPORTS    OF   NA- 
TIONAL   OFFICERS. 

Del.  Young  (Pa.)  withdrew  his  name 
there  being  two  nominees  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  he  nominated  H.  W.  Houston  of 
West  Va. 

COMMITTEE    ON    INTERNATIONAL    RE- 
LATIONS. 
Additional    nomination: 
John   Ohsol    (Mass.). 
Del.    Duncan   moved   that   inasmuch   as   a 
sufficient  number  of  nominations  have  been 
made    for    the    Committee    on    International 
Relations,  that  the  nominees  constitute  the 
committee.     Seconded  and  carried. 

COMMITTEE  ON  FOREIGN  SPEAKING- 
ORGANIZATIONS. 

Del.  Strebel  (N.  Y.)  stated  that  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Speaking  Organizations, 
under  the  rules,  should  consist  of  nine 
members,  while  only  seven  delegates  had- 
been  nominated,  and  he  moved  to  completes 
the  nominations. 

So  ordered. 


1 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  13,  1912 


31 


The  following  additional  nominations 
were   made: 

Reynolds   (Ind.) — declined. 
Russel    (N.    Y.) — declined. 
Maxwell    (111.) — declined. 
On    motion    of    Del.    Bessemer    (Pa.)    the 
rules  were   suspended  and  the   seven  nomi- 
nees  elected    as    the   committee. 

ELECTION    OF   COMMITTEES. 

It  was  moved  that  the  respective  state 
delegations  tabulate  their  vote  for  com- 
mittees and  present  the  report  to  the  tell- 
ers,  accompanied  by  the  individual  ballots. 

An  amendment  was  offered  to  strike  out 
the  words  "accompanied  by  the  individual 
ballots."      The  amendment  was  lost. 

The  original  motion  was  then  carried  by 
a  vote  of  117  for,  110  against. 

A  recess  was  taken  in  order  to  permit 
delegates  to  prepare  their  ballots/ 

The  hour  of  five  o'clock,  the  time  for 
receiving  resolutions,  having  arrived  be- 
fore votes  were  tabulated,  it  was  moved 
and  carried  that  the  rules  be  suspended 
during  the  tabulation  of  the  votes  and  that 
the  resolutions  be  received  at  the  close  of 
the  session. 

COMMUNICATIONS. 

Communications  were  read  from  the  fol- 
lowing: 

Pittsburgh  Young  People's  Socialist 
League.  Referred  to  Resolution/3  jCom- 
mittee. 

From  Carl  M.  Sandberg,  Chicago,  relat- 
ing to  a  plank  in  the  platform.  Referred 
to  Platform  Committee. 

Resolution  adopted  by  the  25th  Ward 
Branch,  Chicago,  recommending  a  plank  for 
the  platform.  Referred  to  the  Platform 
Committee. 

Resolution      signed 
Keefer,    Secretary,    in 
press   and   its   conduct. 
Committee. 

Communication  from  Norfolk,  Va.,  on  the 
subject  of  party  papers.  Referred  to  Press 
Committee. 

Communication  from  National  Lettish 
Organization  in  reference  to  foreign  speak- 
ing organizations.  Referred  to  Committee 
on  Foreign   Speaking  Organizations. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  is  a  telegram 
of  a  controversial  nature,  assailing  the  right 
of  a  member  of  this  convention  to  have  a 
voice  herein,  signed  by  a  branch.  Is  it  the 
pleasure  of  the  delegates  that  the  commu- 
nication be  read? 

The   reading  of  the   telegram   was   called 
for  by  several  delegates. 
'  The    Secretary    began    to    read.    "Denver, 
Colo.,   May  12—" 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  stated  that  there 
is  a  telegram  of  a  controversial  nature  at- 
tacking the  rights  of  a  member  on  the 
floor,  and  asked  whether  you  desired  it  read 
or  not. 

A  delegate  moved  that  it  be  read.  Sec- 
onded. 

Another  delegate  suggested  that  there 
ought  to  be  a  consultation  with  the  state 
delegation  to  which  the  attacked  member 
belongs   before  the   communication   is   read. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Com.  Floaten  says 
with  authority  that  it  comes  from  his  state. 

A  DELEGATE:  Is  this  letter  from  a 
state  convention? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No;  from  a  local 
branch. 

A  DELEGATE:  What  right  have  we  to 
recognize  this  communication?  These  dele- 
gates are  elected  by  the  party. 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.):  This  would  be  es- 
tablishing a  precedent.  I  do  not  want  to 
establish     such    a    precedent.       There    are 


by      Mrs.      Charles 

reference    to    Party 

Referred   to  Press 


5.000  locals,  and  if  one  should  address  this 
convention    it   would   take    up   all    the    time. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  but  fair  to  give 
you  the  further  information  that  it  assails 
the  rights  of  one  who  is  not  a  delegate, 
but  one  who  by  courtesy  has  been  given  a 
voice  in  this  convention.  I  refer  to  a  mem- 
ber of  the  National  Executive  Committee. 
He  is  not  a  delegate. 

A  delegate  moved  to  refer  to  the  Com- 
mittee  on   Contested    Seats. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  is  no  such 
committee.  The  motion  is  that  the  com- 
munication be  read. 

DEL.  MILLER  (Nev.) :  I  move  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  the  motion  that  the  communi- 
cation be  referred  to  the  delegation  from 
Colorado,    to   report.      (Seconded.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  would  come  in 
the  form  of  an  amendment. 

DEL.  MILLER:  All  right. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  move  to  lay  that  com- 
munication on  the  table.      (Seconded.) 

The  question  was  put  on  the  motion  to 
lay  on  the  table. 

DEL.  COLLINS  (Colo.):  A  point  of  order 
on  the  taking  of  this  vote.  You  have  no 
right  to  table  this  communication  till  you 
know    what   your   are    tabling. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  no  point  of 
order. 

The  motion  to  table  was  then  carried  by 
a  vote  of  128  for,  50  against. 

RESOLUTIONS. 

The  following  resolutions  were  then  pre- 
sented and  read  and  referred  as  respective- 
ly noted. 

From  William  H.  Prosser.  Delegate  from 
Pennsylvania  on  the  liquor  traffic.  Referred 
to  Platform   Committee. 

From  C.  L.  Furman,  Albert  Pulay  and  E. 
Lindgren,  on  behalf  of  Local  Kings  County, 
New  York,  on  using  the  national  machinery 
of  the  party  to  promote  private  views  on 
party  tactics.  Referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Constitution. 

From  Indiana  delegation  on  propaganda 
among  the  army,  navy,  etc.  Referred  to 
Committee   on   Resolutions. 

Resolution  submitted  by  Del.  Theimer  of 
New  Jersey  on  the  subject  of  systematic 
propaganda.  Referred  to  Committee  on 
Resolutions. 

From  U.  Solomon,  delegate  from  N.  Y., 
on  the  defense  of  Joseph  Ettor  and  Arturo 
Giovannetti.  Referred  to  Committee  on 
Resolutions. 

Resolution  on  industrial  unionism,  sub- 
mitted by  R.  J.  Wheeler,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Referred  to  Committee  on  Labor  Organiza- 
tions and  Their  Relations  to  the  Socialist 
Party- 
Resolution  submitted  by  Del.  Walter  Lan- 
fersiek,  of  Kentucky,  on  extending  financial 
aid  to  the  party  in  the  southern  states. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  will  be  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  move  that  the  resolu- 
tion be  referred  to  the  National  Executive 
Committee.      (Seconded.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Ways  and  Means.  It  is  the 
property  of  this  convention.  We  have  a 
committee  handling  that  subject,  the  Ways 
and  Means  Committee.  This  is  a  financial 
proposition.  That  is  the  reference  of  the 
chair,  unless  there  is  a  motion  made  to 
some  other  purpose. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  have  so  moved,  Com. 
Chairman,  that  it  be  referred  to  the  Na- 
tional Executive  Committee.  I  claim  that  it 
is  not  within  the  province  or  scope  of  the 
work  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means.  The  functions  of  the  Committee 
on  Ways  and  Means  is  to  devise  ways  and 


32 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


means  to  finance  the  party.  The  function 
of  the  National  Executive  Committee  is  to 
administer  the  finances  on  hand.  This  is  a 
request  for  a  specific  sum  of  money  for  a 
specific  purpose,  and  ought  to  be  referred 
to  the  committee. 

DEL.  MAHONEY  (Mass.):  A  point  of 
order.  We  have  a  Resolution  Committee. 
What  is  the  function  of  the  Resolution 
Committee  unless  to  pass  on  just  such 
matters  as  that.  Or  is  that  a  point  of 
order? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  of  order  is 
not  well  taken.  The  rules  provide  that  the 
chair  shall  make  reference  without  dis- 
cussion being  had  as  to  the  subject  matter, 
but  the  convention  is  entitled  to  make  ref- 
erence as  it  sees  fit. 

DEL.  MAHONEY:  Then  I  move  that  it 
be    referred    to    the    Resolution    Committee. 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (O.):  A  point  of  or- 
der. Resolution  coming  before  this  body 
must  be  referred  to  the  proper  committees 
without  discussion,  and  cannot  be  acted  on 
by  this  convention  till  after  they  are  re- 
ported back  to  the  committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  the  judg- 
ment of  the  chair.  But  a  motion  is  in 
order  to  make  a  reference  other  than  that 
decided  upon  by  the  chair. 

DEL.  PATTERSON:  You  hold  that  a 
motion  is  out  of  order? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  hold  that  your  point 
of  order  is  not  well  taken.  It  is  within 
the  province  of  the  body  to  make  a  motion 
to  refer  in  opposition  to  the  judgment  of 
the  chair.  The  chair's  judgment  is  that 
it  belongs  to  the  Ways  and  Means  Commit- 
tee. 

DEL.  PATTERSON:  I  appeal  from  the 
decision  of  the  chair. 

Appeal  seconded,  and  vice  chairman  Ed- 
wards assumed  the  chair. 

DEL.  PATTERSON:  The  reason  I  take 
this  position  is  that  this  convention  has 
adopted  rules  to  govern  the  convention,  and 
to  allow  a  motion  to  be  made  that  sets 
aside  all  rules  without  consideration  is  not 
fair  to  the  convention.  That  is  one  of  the 
reasons.  And  further,  that  the  Executive 
Committee  is  not  a  committee  of  this  con- 
vention, and  the  resolution  coming  before 
the  convention  is  the  property  of  the  con- 
vention and  not  the  property  of  any  stand- 
ing committees  or  officers  of  the  Socialist 
Party.  The  referring  of  the  communica- 
tion or  the  resolution  to  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee takes  it  out.  of  the  hands  of  the  con- 
vention and  leaves  it  subject  to  the  discre- 
tion of  the  Executive  Committee  whether 
they  will  report  back  here,  whether  they 
will  give  you  a  voice  in  the  matter  or  not. 
It  simply  means  the  pigeonholing  of  any 
communications  or  resolutions  that  the  Ex- 
ecutive Committee  shall  see  fit. 

A  vote  was  taken  on  appeal,  and  the  chair 
was  sustained. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  (Del.  Barnes):  Action 
recurs  upon  the  motion  of  Del.  Spargo, 
that  this  subject  be  referred  to  the  Na- 
tional Executive  Committee. 

DEL.  MAHONEY:  I  made  an  amendment 
to.  the  motion,  that  it  be  referred  to  the 
Resolution  Committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Was  that  motion  sec- 
onded, Com.  Mahoney's  motion  to  refer  to 
the  Resolution  Committee? 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Action  recurs  on 
Spargo's  motion  to  refer  to  the  National 
Executive    Committee. 

DEL.  REID  (R.  I.):  I  want  to  say  here 
that  I  think  it  is  the  duty  of  this  con- 
vention to  refer  this  resolution  as  the 
chairman  decides,  to  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee    of    this    convention.      If    they 


should  see  fit  to  refer  it  further  to  the 
National  Executive  Committee,  they  should 
do  it.  But  this  convention  should  refer  it 
to  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  this 
convention,   to  let  them   report  on  it. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (O.):  As  an  amend- 
ment to  the  motion  proposed  by  Com.  Spar- 
go,  I  move  that  this  resolution  be  referred 
to  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee.  (Sec- 
onded.) 

The    amendment    was    carried. 

^oretary  next  read  a  resolution  sub- 
mitter -e  Oregon  delegation,  Delegates 
Dorfman,  Hayden,  Sherman,  Lewis  and 
Ramp,  warning  workers  to  stay  away  from 
the  Pacific  Coast.  Referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  to  provide  a  special  commit- 
tee to  investigate  and  report  on  the  sub- 
ject of  establishing  a  moving  picture  ex- 
change. Referred  to  Committee  on  Ways 
and   Means. 

Resolution  submitted  by  Mary  L.  Geffs 
of  Colorado,  favoring  the  abolition  of  cap- 
ital punishment  Referred  to  Committee  on 
Resolutions. 

Resolution  submitted  by  Montana  dele- 
gation, containing  declaration  on  the  sub- 
ject of  industrial  democracy.  Referred  to 
Platform  Committee. 

Resolution  adopted  by  Missouri  state 
convention  protesting  against  the  Root 
amendment  to  the  Immigration  Law  now 
pending  in  Congress.  Referred  to  Commit- 
tee on  Resolutions. 

Proposed  amendment  to  Article  II,  Sec- 
tion 2,  of  the  national  constitution,  making 
ineligible  to  membership  any  person  whose 
principal  source  of  income  is  derived  from 
rent,  interest  or  profit.  Submitted  by  Dele- 
gates Bostrom,  Kate  Sadler,  Samuel  Sadler 
and  A.  H.  Barth,  delegates  from  Washing- 
ton. Referred  to  Committee  on  Consti- 
tution. 

Resolution  on  Socialist  agitation  among 
trade  unions  and  other  labor  organizations. 
Submitted  by  Robert  Lawrence  of  Massa- 
chusetts. Referred  to  Committee  on  Labor 
Organizations. 

Resolution  submitted  by  Del.  J.  P.  Reid 
of  Rhode  Island  to  provide  each  member 
of  the  party  with  a  Monthly  Bulletin.  Re- 
ferred  to   Committee   on   Constitution. 

Resolution  submitted  by  D.  M.  Caldwell, 
of  Pennsylvania,  warning  members  to  be- 
ware of  all  persons  who  advise  violence. 
Referred   to   Committee   on   Resolutions. 

Speech  by  Oscar  Ameringer. 

While  waiting  for  the  announcement  of 
the  vote  on  committees,  Del.  Oscar  Amer- 
inger of  Oklahoma,  was  called  to  the  plat- 
form and  spoke  as  follows: 

DEL.  AMERINGER:  Friends  and  com- 
rades, I  am  very  sorry  that  we  did  not 
have  an  opportunity  to  see  you  in  Okla- 
homa City  instead  of  this  town  here  for  a 
great  many  reasons.  In  the  first  place, 
we  have  an  excellent  hall  down  there  where 
you  can  hear  and  can  see  things.  Up  here 
we  are  somewhat  in  a  very  peculiar  place. 
It  reminds  me  somewhat  of  an  experience  I 
had  coming  up  from  Biloxi,  Miss.,  to  New 
Orleans  one  Sunday  night.  A  little  fellow 
got  on  the  train  with  me  and  sat  down  in 
the  seat  next  to  me.  He  said,  "Some 
people  surely  got  bad  luck."  I  said,  "That 
is  right,  that  is  right."  He  said,  "Some 
people  v  surely  got  a  hard  time."  I  said, 
"That  is  so,"  being  there  myself.  He  said, 
"Some  people  surely  don't  know  what  a 
hard  time  other  people  have."  I  said,  "That 
is  so.  What  is  the  trouble?".  "Oh,"  he 
says,  "we  have  a  man  down  here  in  Biloxi 
who  has  surely  got  bad  luck.  He  was 
born  deaf  and  dumb  and  couldn't  hear  and 
couldn't    talk."       "Well,"    I    said,    "that    is 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  13,  1912 


33 


1 


hard  luck."  He  said,  "Yes,  and  some  time 
ago  he  broke  his  leg,  and  we  fixed  it  up 
as  good  as  we  knew  how,  and  it  was  all 
right,  so  that  they  took  him  up  to  New 
Orleans  and  sawed  his  leg  off.  Now  he  is 
deaf  and  dumb,  can't  hear,  can't  talk,  and 
only  has  one  leg,  and  yesterday  they  brought 
him  home,  and  he  got  blind  drunk  and  is 
crazier    than    hell    now." 

Now,  friends,  we  are  somewhat  in  the 
same  kind  of  predicament  in  this  hall  here. 
We  can't  hear,  we  can't  see,  we  can't  talk 
and  everybody  is  hollering  until  the  blood 
goes  up  in  the  head,  and  I  am  afraid  we 
will  be — well,  not  crazier  than  that  other 
place,  but  it  will  be  bad  enough  after 
iwhile. 

In  the  meantime,  comrades,  just  put  on 
smiling  countenances.  There  is  absolute- 
ly no_ reason  in  God's  creation  why  some 
ot  you  Socialist  delegates  should  have 
'aces  that  long  (illustrating).  You  make 
iwful  faces,  very  bitter  faces.  Are  you 
iware  of  the  fact  that  the  whole  Socialist 
movement  is  nothing  but  a  movement  for 
oy,  for  happiness,  for  health,  for  laughter, 
for  flowers,  and  for  the  good  things  of  earth 
n  general?     (Applause.) 

Now,  I  don't  want  you  to  take  yourselves 
00   doggoned   serious.      Because,    remember 
;hat   this   world   rolled   on   for   a   couple   of 
rears  before  you  were  born,  and  it  is  going 
o   roll   on   for   a   few   years   after   you   are 
;one.      Remember   that   the  whole   Socialist 
novement    at    this    critical    time    does    not 
■est  on  your  shoulders  exclusively.   (Laugh- 
er.)     Aye,    friends,    even    Karl    Marx   died, 
did  the  Socialist  movement  went  on.     And 
f  some  of  you  don't  get  exactly  what  you 
vant,  you  most  likely  don't  get  it  because} 
t  is  not  coming  to  you.     (Laughter.)     And 
f   the   majority   seems   to   have   a   different 
lea  than  you  have,  and  although  you  are 
horoughly       convinced       that       you        are 
he    only    second    infallible    person    in    cre- 
tion,     remember    that    the    majority    may 
e    right    after    all,    and    just    take    things 
asy  and  take  it  with  a  smile  on  your  face. 
My    particular    mission    in    the    Socialist 
lovement  for  the  last  couple  of  years  has 
een  to  get  sufficient  activity  in  your  faces 
o  you  could  crack  a  smile  once  in  awhile, 
ometimes  our  friends,   our  Socialists  even, 
re    very    unsocial     Socialists.       We     come 
lto  a  meeting  like  this,  and  instead  of  be- 
lg  happy  that  there  are  so  many  of  us,  in- 
tead    of   being   happy   that    they   are    hav- 
lg    140,000    party    members    and    going    to 
ave  1,200,000  votes,  instead  of  being  happy 
fter  we  have  carried  town  after  town  and 
ty    after    city,    why,    do    you    know    what 
ou  talk  about?     About  slavery  and  feudal- 
m  and   capitalism.      You   live   in  the   past 
istead   of  living   today.      This   is    the  best 
orld  I  ever  got  into,  in  spite  of  the  fact, 
lat  it  is  run  by  the  capitalist  class.     I  am 
ttisfied    that    the    capitalist    has    been    a 
irned   sight  better   to  us   than   the   feudal 
rd  has  been  or  the  slave  owner.    (Laugh- 
r.)      And    the    further    back    you    go    the 
orse  it  gets.     Now,  here  we  are,  working 
jople,   most  of  us   stopping  at  pretty  fair 
)tels,  aren't  we,  and  you  are  eating  good 
rub.      Why,    50,000    years    ago,    instead    of 
ttlng   we    would   have    furnished    a   meal, 
daughter.) 

So  you  see,  friends,  considerable  progress 
is  been  made.  The  further  back  you  go 
ie  worse  it  gets,  and  the  further  on  you 
>  the  better  it  gets.  Therefore,  smile; 
>t  that  face  broader.  I  want  to  give  one 
ientific  advice  to  a  great  many  of  you 
>cialists  here;  the  advice  that  I  have 
me  to  the  conclusion  that  the  only  salva- 
■>n  of  our  movement  is  to  eat  more,  and 
ink    more    and    get    fatter.       (Applause.) 


One  of  the  reasons  why  our  first  Congress- 
man has  made  such  a  howling  success  as 
a  Congressman  was  because  he  had  the 
necessary  weight  of  gray  matter  and  other 
matter. 

Keep  ycur  eyes  on  the  future.  There  are 
many  days  of  fighting  ahead  of  us,  and  it 
is  the  fight  itself  that  gives  the  great 
pleasure,  understand.  It  is  the  struggle  it- 
self, the  class  struggle,  that  can  be  fought 
in  such  a  manner  as  will  repay  us  for  all 
our  trouble.  As  soon  as  the  working  class 
fights  with  a  smiling  face,  as  soon  as  we 
are  in  a  position  where  we  can  laugh  at  all 
opposition,  as  soon  as  that  time  comes 
we  are  a  power,  and  not  before.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Take  it  easy,  boys,  take  it  easy.  Don't 
think  that  if  the  working  class  is  not  or- 
ganized according  to  a  certain  way  it  will 
ruin  everything.  It  is  not  going  to  .  Don't 
think  that  if  this  or  that  resolution  is 
killed  the  labor  movement  is  killed.  No; 
remember  we  are  the  child  of  necessity.  We 
are  the  child  of  the  capitalist  system,  and 
that  system  is  better  than  anything  we 
had,  and  we  are  going  to  be  better  than 
that.  We  are  the  child  of  necessity.  The 
Socialist  movement  has  its  foundation  in 
a  very  simple  thing,  and  that  is  the  desire 
of  the  working  people  to  live  as  good  as 
the  people  who  don't  work.  (Applause.) 
It  is  so  fundamental,  it  is  so  elementary. 
What  we  want  is  to  live  better,  to  live 
happier,  to  enjoy  life.  I  want  to  say  to 
some  of  you  doggoned  Socialists,  don't 
make  such  sour  faces  and  spoil  the  milk 
that  way.  (Laughter.)  You  are  not  going  to 
catch  flies  with  vinegar,  and  if  you  want 
to  catch  bear  use  honey  or  molasses.  You 
don't  take  fish  hooks  or  vinegar,  do  you. 
Now,  friends,  be  cheerful  about  the  thing, 
and  don't  duarrel  much,  and  when  you  do 
quarrel  put  on  a  smiling  face.  It  don't 
hurt.  And  the  more  you  smile  the  fatter 
you  get.  Look  at  me.  (Laughter  and  ap- 
plause.) 

DEL.  SPARGO:  Com.  Chairman,  there 
was  an  order  made  at  the  time  of  the  elec- 
tion of  the  International  Committee  we 
would  proceed  with  the  reception  of  the 
fraternal  delegates.  I  see  that  one  of  the 
fraternal  delegates  is  in  the  hall,  Com.  Pet- 
tigrew  of  the  Canadian  Socialist  Party.  I 
think  we  should  hear  from  Com.  Pettigrew. 

ADDRESS    OF    GEORGE    PETTIGREW. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  George  Pet- 
tigrew, of  the  Canadian  Socialist  Party  is 
with  us.  In  accordance  with  the  expression 
of  the  delegates  and  the  arrangement  on 
the  program,  I  bid  him  welcome  in  be- 
half of  the  Socialist  Party,  and  give  him 
an  opportunity  to  present  his  message  at 
this    time.    (Applause.) 

Comrade  George  Pettigrew  then  addressed 
the  convention. 

COMRADE  PETTIGREW:  Mr.  Chair- 
man and  comrades,  in  coming  from  the 
other  side  of  the  line,  it  is  rather  unfor- 
tunate that  we  of  the  Canadian  Social- 
Democratic  Party  had  not  a  convention  in 
time  to  appoint  a  representative  to  speak 
here.  However,  I  have  been  here  doing 
business  as  an  executive  member  of  the 
United  Mine  Workers  of  America  and  I 
have  been  asked  to  speak  to  the  Socialists 
here  on  behalf  of  the  comrades  on  the 
Canadian  side. 

Unfortunately,  on  the  Canadian  side  we 
have  not  been  able  to  show  the  same  prog- 
ress as  is  shown  here  at  this  convention. 
We  have  had  our  difficulties  over  there, 
but  I  am  pleased  to  say  to  the  comrades 
here  that  for  the  first  time  in  history  we 
have  now  got  on  the  right  lines  of  a  real 


34 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Social-Democratic  party.  (Applause.)  The 
Socialist  party  of  Canada  for  ten  or  twelve 
years  has  been  the  dominant  party.  They 
have  been  pretty  much  a  disruptive  party 
rather  than  a  party  who  have  meant  to 
build  up  the  organization,  and  because  of 
the  methods  employed  by  that  party  two 
other  existing  organizations  were  formed 
two  years  ago,  but  by  the  referendum  vote 
six  munths  ago  the  Social-Democratic  Party 
and  the  Canadian  Socialist  Federation  went 
together,  and  consequently  we  find  that 
since  that  time  thousands  have  joined  the 
organization.     (Applause.) 

We  as  a  Social-Democratic  party  in  Can- 
ada realize  that  if  progress  is  to  be  made 
by  the  Socialist  movement  it  must  embrace 
every  other  organization  which  has  as  its 
object  the  emancipation  of  the  working 
class.  And  we  are  pleased  to  say  that 
this  new  movement  which  has  been  estab- 
lished in  Canada  has  made  up  its  mind  to 
work  hand  in  hand  with  our  fellow  workers 
in  the  organizations  which  are  engaged  on 
the  industrial  field.  We  recognize  today 
that  even  though  the  political  issue  is  one 
of  the  issues  for  the  emancipation  of  the 
workers,  that  the  workers  themselves  must 
take  the  position  that  if  we  can  do  some- 
thing with  the  right  hand,  if  we  can  do 
something  with  the  left,  that  both  must  be 
used  alike,  because  we  recognize  that  the 
capitalist  class  are  organized  on  the  indus- 
trial and  on  the  political  field,  and  they  . 
sometimes  use  force  against  the  workers. 
We  do  not  advocate  force  in  any  way,  but 
the  position  that  we  take  over  there  is  that 
whatever  weapon  the  capitalist  class  are 
prepared  to  use  to  defeat  the  workers,  the 
workers  must  use  the  same  weapon  in  order 
to  defeat  the  capitalist  class.  (Applause.) 
However,  I  do  not  know  that* I  can  talk 
much  on  the  history  of  the  party.  As  I 
say,  I  am  pleased  to  be  here,  to  stand  on 
this  platform  at  the  convention  of  the 
American  Socialist  Party.  It  is  only  two 
years  since  I  left  Great  Britain  and  came 
to  the  American  continent,  and  I  am  more 
familiar  with  the  organization  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Atlantic  than  with  the  organi- 
zations on  this  side,  but  I  am  pleased  to 
say  that  since  I  have  come  to  this  hall 
I  have  met  the  second  comrade  whom  I 
heard  lecture  on  Socialism.  That  was  in 
far  away  Scotland,  in  the  year  1895.  I  refer 
to  Comrade  Spargo.     (Applause.) 

Comrades,  if  you  care,  I  should  like  to 
say  something-  relative  to  the  British  move- 
ment rather  than  the  Canadian,  since  I  have 
spent  the  greater  part  of  my  lifetime  work- 
ing in  that  movement.  We  are  beginning 
to  recognize  now  that  in  all  countries  in  the 
world  where  the  workers  are  beginning  to 
organize  they  are  beginning  to  come  all  to- 
gether, whether  it  be  on  the  industrial 
or  on  the  political  field.  We  are  beginning 
to  recognize  over  in  that  country  now  that 
we  have  millions  of  unemployed  men  and 
thousands  upon  thousands  of  starving  chil- 
dren. We  are  beginning  to  recognize  on 
the  American  continent  here  that  because 
of  those  unemployed  men  and  because  of 
those  starving  children  that  men  like  my- 
self are  compelled  to  seek  a  new  land.  I 
had  no  desire  to  leave  the  country  I  was 
born  in  but  because  of  economic  conditions, 
like  many  more,  I  was  compelled  to  come 
to  the  American  continent.  And  what  do 
we  find?  We  find  the  capitalist  class,  both 
on  the  Canadian  side  and  on  the  United 
States  side,  throwing  out  every  possible  in- 
ducement they  can  at  the  present  time  to 
the  workers  in  Great  Britain,  to  the  work- 
ers in  the  European  countries,  telling  them 
of  the  splendid  and  glorious  advantages  to 
b«    gained    en   the    American    and    Canadian 


continent.  But  what  do  we  find?  We  And 
that  many  of  those  people  who  would  not 
listen  to  the  question  of  Socialism  when 
we  were  propagating  Socialism  on  the  other 
side  of  the  ocean,  when  they  have  once 
been  brought  to  either  Canada  or  the 
United  States,  when  once  they  have  been 
brought  face  to  face  with  the  issue  of  cap- 
italism and  found  that  the  capitalist  class 
is  just  as  merciless  on  this  side  as  on  the 
other  side,  then  they  are  compelled  to 
vote,  then  they  are  compelled  to  act,  then 
they  are  compelled  to  advocate  industrial 
organization  and  join  the  Socialist  Party; 
and  because  of  those  results  we  find  the: 
movement  on  both  sides,  on  the  Canadian' 
side  and  the  United  States  side,  growing 
by  leaps  and  bounds  at  the  present  time. 
(Applause.) 

But,  fellow  workers,  we  are  pleased  to 
see  when  we  look  at  any  part  of  the  world 
that  the  movement  is  also  growing  there. 
When  we  look  at  Great  Britain  and  see  and 
examine  the  conditions  that  have  confronted 
the  people  and  the  action  that  the  work- 
ers have  taken  in  order  to  defeat  the  cap- 
italist class  during  the  past  twelve  months, 
to  me,  at  least,  they  are  signs  that  it  will 
not  he  many  years  till  the  workers  of  all 
countries  will  take  the  same  action  as  has 
been  taken  in  Britain  during  the  past 
twelve  months,  and  as  I  have  said  many 
times,  I  believe  that  if  I  live  ten  years 
more  I  will  live  to  see  the  workers  under 
a  Socialistic  regime.     (Applause.) 

Only  some  twenty  years  ago,  in  Britain, 
we  did  not  find  the  workers  organized  as 
they  are  now.  We  found  them  with  their 
small  craft  organizations.  We  found  that 
when  men  came  to  contest  a.  political  seat 
on  behalf  of  the  workers  they  were  not  re- 
garded in  any  way.  But,  because  of  the 
fact  that  the  capitalist  class,  with  the 
wealth  which  they  have  wrung  from  the 
workers,  are  continually  improving  machin- 
ery, the  improved  machinery  means  greater 
production  of  commodities,  which  on  the 
other  hand,  means  more  poverty  for  the 
workers.  But  the  workers  have  learned 
some  lessons  over  there.  They  have  begun 
to  recognize  that  those  little  strikes  have 
ceased  to  be  of  any  use  whatever;  they 
are  now  beginning  to  recognize  that  it  is 
no  use  for  men  connected  with  one  part 
of  an  industry  to  strike  while  some  men 
connected  with  another  part  of  that  same 
industry  remain  at  work.  Only  ten  years 
ago  over  there  when  we  first  began  to  talk 
of  this  it  was  said  to  be  useless.  We  be- 
gan to  see  how  it  worked  in  the  building 
trades,  for  example.  When  the  masons 
came  out  on  strike  the  carpenters,  plumb- 
ers, painters  and  other  workers  remained 
at  work,  and  the  masons  would  lose  theii 
strike.  Then  the  other  crafts  were  likewise 
attacked.  This  went  on  until  we  have 
come  to  the  point  where  the  workers  there 
are  ready  for  the  vote. 

But  because  of  those  lessons  that  have 
been  learned,  what  do  we  find  at  the  pres- 
ent time?  We  find  that  those  crafts  havt 
linked  un  into  one  organization.  In  place 
of  the  ship  buildine;  trader  having  ei?rhteei 
separate  organizations  as  they  had  five 
years  aero,  we  find  that  they  have  now  on< 
organization.  (Applause.)  Tn  plare  of  th« 
men  in  the  building  trades  having  thirteet 
separate  organization^,  we  find  the  sam< 
thing  applies;  ovo  buildine:  organization 
and  when  the  employers  fi°-ht  that  the! 
have  the  n«p  organization  to  fisrht.  W< 
find  that  because  of  the  gigantic  struggle: 
that  have  taken  place  durinsr  the  pas1 
twelve  months,  when  the  dock  men  an< 
the  railway  men  and  the  miners  have  beei 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  13,  1912 


out,  when  the  military  was  brought  out  as 
usual  to  beat  the  workers  down,  we  found 
something  more  in  the  month  of  March  of 
last  year  when  the  military  was  sent  into 
South  Wales.  We  found  that  for  the  first 
time  in  history  one  man  who  wore  the  uni- 
form of  the  King  refused  to  shoot  his  fel- 
low workers.  (Applause.)  This  young 
man,  who  refused  to  shoot  his  fellow  work- 
ers at  the  command  of  his  commanding  of- 
ficer, was  placed  under  arrest.  After  he 
was  arrested  he  made  up  his  mind  that  he 
would  desert,  and  he  did  desert.  He  was 
gone  for  ten  days.  He  walked  from  South 
Wales  into  the  city  of  Glasgow,  but  after 
he  had  got  to  his  home  in  the  city  of  Glas- 
gow, a  detachment  of  the  military  arrested 
him.  There  were  two  charges  against  him. 
One  charge  was  refusing  to  obey  the  com- 
mand of  his  superior  officer  when  asked  to 
shoot  men  belonging  to  the  railway  brother- 
hood. The  second  charge  against  him  was 
that  he  had  deserted  from  his  regiment. 
The  Socialist  party  began  to  take  up  the 
question,  and  what  was  the  result?  After 
they  had  taken  up  the  matter  and  began  to 
accumulate  funds  in  order  to  see  that  this 
young  man  got  a  fair  trial,  the  authorities 
were  so  cowardly  because  they  were  afraid 
of  the  effect  on  the  military  in  other  parts 
of  the  country  that  they  dropped  the  first 
charge  and  tried  him  on  the  second  and 
gave  him  seven  days'  imprisonment.  (Ap- 
plause.) A  few  days  ago  Comrade  Tom 
Mann  asked  the  military  not  to  use  their 
arms  against  the  workers  during  the  min- 
ers' strike,  and  for  that  he  has  been  sen- 
tenced to  six  months'  imprisonment.  Per- 
sonally, I  believe  that  Mann  is  proud  that 
he  is  in  prison  because  he  asked  the  mili- 
tary to  refuse  to  shoot.  And  what  is  more, 
every  Socialist  is  proud  of  the  fact  because 
the  military  is  beginning  to  recognize  that 
it  has  been  hunger  that  compelled  them  to 
go  into  the  ranks  of  the  army. 

We  begin  to  recognize  all  the  forces 
which  are  at  work,  and  more  especially 
when  we  recognize  that,  in  the  month  of 
November  last  year,  after  the  municipal 
elections  came  on,  then  we  found  another 
phase  of  the  situation.  Those  people  who 
had  been  starving  and  fighting  during  the 
early  part  of  the  year,  those  people  who 
had  had  policemen's  clubs  beaten  on  their 
heads,  what  did  we  find  them  doing?  We 
found  they  had  not  only  begun  to  act  to- 
gether on  the  industrial  field,  but  we  found 
that  in  place  of  the  Labor  Party,  the  So- 
cialist Labor  Party,  the  Clarion  Scouts  and 
other  organizations  fighting  separately  as 
they  had  been  doing  before,  they  had  come 
together  and  formed  what  is  now  known 
as  the  British  Socialist  Party.  (Applause.) 
And  when  the  British  Socialist  Party  was 
in  its  formation,  what  did  we  find?  At  the 
municipal  elections  no  less  than  137  can- 
didates were  put  in  the  field,  and  out  of 
the  137  there  were  85  returned  to  the 
municipal  chambers.  (Applause.)  Once  we 
find  the  working  class  beginning  to  or- 
ganize and  fight  on  the  industrial  field  as 
they  have  been  doing;  once  we  begin  to  see 
them  learning  the  lessons  of  the  capitalist 
class;  once  those  people  begin  to  see  that 
with  all  the  powers  they  possess  nothing 
can  defeat  the  working  class  when  a  strike 
does  take  place;  when  we  see  those  work- 
ers linking  up  into  one  organization  as  they 
|  are  doing-;  and  when  as  a  result  of  the  link- 
ing up  in  industrial  organizations  <we  see 
them  linking  up  on  the  political  field,  then, 
fellow  workers,  there  is  hope.  (Applause.) 
I  say,  in  conclusion,  fellow  workers,  I 
only  hope  that  you  at  this  convention  at 
the  present  time  will  carry  through  your 
deliberations    without    any    quarrels;    that 


you  will  have  no  quarrels  on  the  question 
of  physical  or  industrial  action;  that  you 
will  show  to  the  capitalist  class — and  after 
all  the  whole  capitalist  class  in  the  world 
has  its  eyes  on  this  small  body  at  the 
present  time — that  you  will  do  your  busi- 
ness and  show  them  that  the  party  is  go- 
ing to  be  the  power  of  the  future;  that 
even  now  we  can  teach  them  lessons;  and 
that  within  the  next  six  months,  as  a  result 
of  this  splendid  convention,  we  will  poll  two 
or  three  million  votes  on  the  American  con- 
tinent.     (Applause.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Vice-Chairman  Ed- 
wards will  respond. 

RESPONSE    BY    VICE-CHAIRMAN    ED- 
WARDS. 

VICE-CHAIRMAN  EDWARDS:  Com- 
rades, by  request  of  the  chairman  of  the 
convention,  I  greet  Comrade  Pettigrew  in 
your  behalf  and  in  doing  so  show  that  our 
brother  from  Canada  has  a  welcome  not 
only  from  the  central  part  of  the  United 
States  where  we  are  now  meeting,  but  from 
the  uttermost  ends  of  the  country.  Not 
only  as  your  representative,  but  especially 
as  a  delegate  from  the  Socialist  Party  of 
Texas,  do  I  greet  him.  I  wish  to  extend 
greetings  of  fraternity  from  our  southern 
delegates  to  our  northern  comrade.  And 
the  feeling  of  pleasure,  as  suggested  by 
Comrade  Ameringer,  should  exist  for  sev- 
eral reasons.  One  is  that  the  committee 
engaged  in  tabulating  the  votes  will  soon 
report  and  we  will  be  able  to  go  home  to 
supper.  The  other  is  that  we  have  seen 
from  the  remarks  of  our  comrade  from  the 
Mine  Workers  of  Canada  that  all  over  the 
world  the  workers  are  joining  hands  to 
put  an  end  to  war.  And  when  an  English- 
man becomes  an  advocate  of  peace,  and  his 
hand  is  joined  by  a  democrat  from  Texas, 
or  an  ex-democrat  from  Texas,  in  an  ad- 
vocacy of  peace,  surely,  I  believe  it  is  an 
augury  of  the  world  peace  that  is  sure  to 
come.  (Applause.)  We  should  feel  also  an 
element  of  satisfaction,  for  Comrade  Petti- 
grew is  not  only  a  representative  of  the 
Socialist  Party,  but  a  representative  also  of 
one  union  that  has  known  thoroughly  how 
to  attend  to  its  own  business  on  the  indus- 
trial field;  and  I  believe  that  the  tremen- 
dous success  of  that  organization  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  it  attended  to  its  own 
business  on  the  industrial  field.  (Ap- 
plause.) The  Mine  Workers  have  given  us 
a  practical  illustration  that  industrial 
unionism,  when  it  comes,  will  come  from 
the  workers  themselves  without  much  ad- 
vice from  outsiders.  And  so,  again,  I  be- 
lieve that  I  express  the  feeling  of  the  whole 
Socialist  Party,  and  certainly  of  the  So- 
cialist Party  of  Texas,  when  we  express 
our  welcome  and  our  gratification  at  hav- 
ing our  comrade  here  present  with  us. 
(Applause.) 

Del.  Reynolds  of  Indiana  moved  that  we 
now  hear  Comrade  De  Larra  of  Mexico. 
(Seconded.) 

Del.  Spargo  moved  to  amend  that  we 
set  the  first  order  of  business  tomorrow 
morning  for  hearing  Comrade  De  Larra  in 
order  to  give  him  more  time  to  deliver  his 
message. 

(Seconded.) 

The  amendment  was  carried. 

ELECTION    OF    COMMITTEES. 

The  tellers  then  reported  the  vote  on  the 
various  committees,  as  follows: 

Committee  on  Co7operatives,  seven  mem- 
bers: 

W.    L.    Gaylord,   Wis 192 

Emma  D   Cory,   Wash 172 

E.   I.   Lindgren,   N.   Y 162 


/  w 


J6 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


(  Caleb    Lipscomb,    Mo 158 

J.   T.   Cumbie  Okla 149 

L.    W.    Lang,    Iowa 143 

E.   E.   Powell,   Ohio 142 

Committee  on  State  and  Municipal  Pro- 
gram, nine  members: 

Carl   D.    Thomson 213 

Anna   A.    Maley .. 209 

John   C.    Kennedy 176 

Margaret    L.    Prevey 170 

Roscoe  E.   Dooley 147 

Ernest   Berger    142 

Edwin   J.   Brown 123 

George    W.    Downing 123 

Thomas    M.    Todd 120 

W.    W.    Farmer 83 

Committee  on  Party  Press,  nine  mem- 
bers: 

Mary   O'Reilly 207 

R.    A.    Maynard 169 

W.   A.  Jacobs    165 

J.    L.    Bachman 162 

Meyer   London    158 

Theresa    Malkiel    157 

William   M.   Wesley 155 

C.   E.   Owen 154 

S.   E.   Beardsley 149 

Fred    Krafft    i 117 

Delegates  Londcfci  and  Malkiel  being 
from  the  same  st%te,  Delegate  Malkiel's 
name  was  dropped  and  Delegate  Krafft  was 
made  the   ninth  member  of  the  Committee. 

The  chairman  stated  that  two  of  the 
candidates  for  Committee  on  State  and 
Municipal  Program,  Delegates  Maley  and 
Brown,  being  from  tbe  state  of  Washington, 
under  the  rules,  Delegate  Brown  having  the 
smaller  vote,  would  be  dropped  from  the 
committee,  and  W.  W.  Farmer  would  con- 
stitute the  ninth  member. 

The  vote  reported  by  the  tellers  on  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  nine  members, 
was  as  follows: 

Joseph  E.   Cohen 176 

John    Spargo     175 

George   E.    Roewer 168 

Ben    Wilson     153 

E.   H.    Thomas    151 

Henry  L.    Slobodin 148 

W.   P.  Collins 138 

E.    R.    Meitzen Ill 

John    G.    Wills,    Okla 107 


Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  nine 
members: 

Arthur    Le    Sueur 190 

Max    Boehm    181 

O.    S.    Watkins '.'.'.'.'.    173 

George    N.    Bacon , , .    177 

E.    S.    Reagan 173 

Margaret    D.    Brown i«J6 

L.   B.   Irvin 156 

Isaac    F.    Stewart 151 

Miles  C.  Jones 148 

Committee    on    Platform,    nine    members: 

Charles    Edward    Russell 219 

Victor  L.   Berger 204 

James    F.    Carey 180 

J.    Stitt    Wilson 177 

William  J.   Ghent 164 

L.    J.    Duncan 139 

Dan  Hogan    126 

Charles   Dobbs 126 

A.   W.   Ricker H8 

Committee  on  Labor  Organizations  and 
Their  Relations  to  the  Socialist  Party,  nine 
members: 

Oscar  Ameringer    177 

James  H.    Maurer 172 

Dan    White    164 

Algernon  Lee    153 

William    E.    Rodriguez 141 

Job    Harriman    126 

Robert    Lawrance    112 

Thomas    Clifford 109 

Fred   Merrick    107 

T.    J.    Lewis 98 

T.   A.    Hickey 97 

Of  the  candidates  for  this  committee,  it 
appearing  that  White  and  Lawrance  were 
both  from  Massachusetts  and  that  Maurer 
and  Merrick  were  both  from  Pennsylvania, 
the  Chairman  started  that  under  the  rules 
Lawrance  and  Merrick  having  respectively 
the  smaller  number  of  votes,  would  be 
dropped,  and  Lewis  and  Hickey  were  in- 
cluded in  the  list  to  complete  the  commit- 
tee. 

The  Chairman  declared  that  the  delegates 
reported  by  the  tellers  would  constitute  the 
respective   committees   of   the   convention. 

The  convention  then  adjourned  until  10 
o'clock  Tuesday  morning. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


3Y 


THIRD  DAY'S  SESSION. 


Del.  Barnes,  Chairman  of  yesterday, 
called  the  convention  to  order  at  10  o'clock 
A.  M.,  and  called  for  nominations  for  Chair- 
man of  the  day.  The  following  delegates 
were  nominated: 

O.  Branstetter   (Okla.).     Accepted. 

Beardsley   (Conn.).     Accepted. 

Slay  ton    (Pa.).     Accepted. 

Goebel   (N.  J.).     Accepted. 

Strickland  (Ohio).     Declined. 

Richardson   (Cal.).     Declined. 

Thompson   (Wis.).     Declined. 

The  vote  resulted  as  follows:  Branstet- 
ter, 10S;  Beardsley,  13;  Slayton,  56;  Goebel, 
29.  Delegate  Branstetter  was  declared 
elected  Chairman  of  the  day. 

For  Vice-Chairman  the  following  nomi- 
nations were  made: 

Anna  Maley  (Wash.).     Declined. 

Harold  Houston    (W.   Va.).     Absent. 

May  Wood  Simons   (Kan.).     Declined. 

There  being  no  acceptances,  Del.  Killing- 
beck  (N.  J.)  moved  that  the  candidate  re- 
ceiving the  next  highest  vote  for  Chairman 
be  Vice-Chairman.     Motion  seconded. 

Del.  Hillquit  spoke  against  the  motion. 
The  motion  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  sixty-four 
to  eighty-one.  Nominations  for  Vice-Chair- 
man  were'  then  resumed,  and  the  following 
delegates  were  nominated: 

Slayton  (Pa.).     Declined. 

Cassidy  (N.  Y.).     Declined. 

Coonrod   (Ida,).     Declined. 

Zitt   (Ohio).     Declined. 

Maley   (Wash.).     Accepted- 

Goebel  (N.  J.).     Declined. 

Prevey   (Ohio).     Declined. 

Del.  Anna  A.  Maley  of  Washington,  be- 
ing the  only  candidate,  was  unanimously 
elected  Vice-Chairman  for  the  day. 

Del.  Kate  Sadler  (Wash.)  moved  that 
only  delegates  and  reporters  for  the  press 
be  admitted  to  the  floor  of  the  convention. 

The  motion  was  opposed  by  several  dele- 
gates, and  was  lost. 

Del.  Bessemer  (Ohio)  moved  that  all  per- 
sons be  excluded  from  the  floor  of  the  con- 
vention except  delegates  and  their  wives, 
or  husbands  and  reporters  for  the  press. 

On  motion  of  Del.  Young  (Pa.)  the  mo- 
tion was  laid  on  the  table. 

Del.  Richardson  (Cal.)  moved  to  dispense 
with  the  reading  of  the  minutes  of  yester- 
day. 

Del.  Strebel  (N.  Y.)  moved  that  all 
amendments  or  corrections  of  the  minutes 
be  taken  up  and  made  at  the  close  of  the 
day's  session,  and  to  be  made  a  special  or- 
der at  that  time. 

Del.  Slobodin  (N.  Y.)  moved  to  amend 
that  delegates  desiring  to  make  corrections 
or  amendments  to  the  minutes  hand  them 
in  in  writing  to  the  Secretary  at  the  close 
of  the  session. 

Del.  Strebel  accepted  the  amendment,  and 
the  motion  as  amended  was  carried. 
ADDRESS   OF  GUITTERREZ   DE  LARRA 
OF  MEXICO. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  first  order  of 
business  this  morning  is  to  hear  the  frater- 
nal delegate  from  Mexico,  Comrade  Dc 
Larra. 


Comrade  De  Larra  took  the  platform 
amid  great  enthusiasm  and  spoke  as  fol- 
lows: 

COMRADE  DE  LARRA:  Comrade  Chair- 
man and  comrades,  I  come  here  to  this  con- 
vention as  a  fraternal  delegate  of  the  So- 
cialist Party  in  Mexico.  I  have  a  mission 
in  coming  to  this  convention.  Our  com- 
rades in  Mexico  have  endorsed  the  princi- 
ples of  the  revolution.  I  would  better  say 
they  have  endorsed  the  revolution  since  the 
beginning.  Why?  Nearly  half  of  our  com- 
rades there  who  are  class-conscious  Social- 
ists are  in  the  revolution,  fighting.  They 
called  on  me  to  come  here  and  explain  to 
you  about  our  revolution,  and  to  ask  you  to 
pass  some  energetic  resolutions  in  regard 
to  the  revolution. 

Comrades,  the  revolution  in  Mexico  is  a 
fight  of  the  past  hundred  years.  It  is  the 
fight  of  the  farmers,  the  tillers  of  the  soil, 
who  became  the  owners  of  the  lands  that 
they  are  tilling.  A  hundred  years  ago  the 
.revolution  in  Spain  was  carried  out  by  the 
tillers  of  the  soil  to  get  the  lands  from  the 
big  land  owners  in  Mexico  at  that  time. 
The  big  land  owners  were  the  church  and 
the  aristocracy.  After  ten  years  of  revo- 
lution independence  was  recognized.  But 
the  revolutionists  were  not  wise  enough  to 
carry  out  the  revolution  in  a  practical  way. 
They  were  tender  and  satisfied  to  have  an 
independent  country  and  a  flag.  But  soon 
they  realized  that  they  had  not  been  fight- 
ing for  such  a  small  question  as  to  call 
themselves  citizens  of  Mexico  and  to  have 
a  flag.  So  they  went  ahead  with  the  revo- 
lution, and  about  fifteen  years  later,  that 
is,  in  the  year  1834,  the  revolutionists  w^re 
very  nearly  in  a  condition  to  take  away 
the  land  from  the  church  and  give  it  to  the 
common  people.  If  they  have  not  accom- 
plished this,  why  have  they  not?  Because 
the  church  was  not  only  the  big  land  owner 
in  Mexico,  but  also  controlled  the  con- 
science in  that  country,  and  you  know  how 
hard  it  is  for  the  agitator  to  take  away 
from  a  man  the  idea  of  his  wealth  in 
heaven  and  his  poverty  on  earth.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

But  in  the  year  1832  or  1833  the  Mexican 
people  were  able  to  elect  a  president,  whose 
work  was  to  decree  that  the  Mexican  peo- 
ple had  no  government  that  could  compel 
them  to  pay  taxes  to  the  church.  This 
revolutionary  decree  of  that  revolutionary 
president  aroused  to  the  highest  degree  the 
indignation  of  the  church,  and  then  the 
church  went  to  work  and  was  able  to  bring 
as  president  a  man  that  came  to  enforce  the 
rights  of  the  church  and  those  of  the  aris- 
tocrcy.  But  this  man  found  that  he  was 
unable  to  enforce  those  rights  destroying 
the  rights  of  the  revolutionists,  and  found 
that  the  people  had  a  higher  passion  in 
their  hearts,  and  that  passion  was  patriot- 
ism, and  the  patriotism  was  aroused  in  the 
Mexican  people  to  become  an  American 
nation. 

In  the  meantime  in  the  United  States  the 
slave    holders,   who   needed   to   increase    the 


3b 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


power  of  slavery,  tried  to  arouse  the  pa- 
triotism of  the  American  people  by  an 
international  war.  There  was  a  common 
understanding  between  the  slave  owners  in 
the  United  States  and  the  land  owners  in 
Mexico  that  an  international  war  would 
make  the  common  people  of  Mexico  forget 
the  issue  of  the  ownership  of  the  Mexican 
lands  and  make  the  American  people  forget 
the  issue  of  the  emancipation  of  the  slave. 
(Applause.)  The  people  in  both  countries 
were  to  be  induced  to  go  and  fight  and  de- 
stroy each  other  like  wild  beasts  in  order 
to  satisfy  in  Mexico  the  great  ambition  of 
the  aristocracy  and  the  church,  and  in  order 
to  satisfy  in  the  United  Siates  the  great 
ambition  of  the   slave  holders. 

After  the  war  was  over,  the  Mexican 
people,  defeated,  were  unable  to  carry  on 
the  revolutionary  issue  of  the  ownership  of 
the  land  by  the  toilers  of  the  soil.  Why? 
The  American  people  were  tories.j  They 
were  tories  because  the  fight  with  Mexico 
was  only  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing 
slavery.  That  was  the  kind  of  victory  that 
was  gained  by  the  American  people.  After 
the  big  victory  was  decided,  the  American 
people  of  the  South  fought  with  the  Amer- 
ican people  of  the  North  over  the  issue  of 
freeing  the  negro  slaves.  But,  after  the 
negro  slaves  had  been  freed  there  remained 
necessary  another  fight  in  this  country  in 
order  to  free  you  slaves.     (Applause.) 

So.  after  the  war  was  over,  another  revo- 
lution started  in  Mexico.  The  platform  of 
that  revolution,  which  was  in  1851-2,  was 
that  the  Mexican  people  needed  another 
constitution,  because  the  old  constitution 
proclaimed  in  the  first  years  of  independ- 
ence was  a  constitution  in  which  were  rec- 
ognized the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
church  and  of  the  aristocracy,  and  this  new 
revolution  of  the  fifties  was  for  the  purpose 
of  giving  up  this  old  constitution  and  fram- 
ing a  new  constitution  that  would  embody 
the  necessities  and  the  aspirations  of  the 
common  people  in  Mexico.  That  new  con- 
stitution, which  is  the  constitution  of  to- 
daj\  was  proclaimed  on  the  fifth  of  Febru- 
ary, 1857,  and  that  constitution  gave  to  us 
all  the  freedom  that  we  needed;  free  speech, 
free  press  and  free  compulsory  education. 
But  the  great  point  in  this  constitution  was 
that  it  took  away  the  land  from  the  church, 
proclaiming  that  the  church,  being  a  divine 
institution,  had  not  the  right  to  own  any- 
thing else.  So  about,  two  and  a  half  to 
three  millions  of  toilers  of  the  soil  thus 
became  owners  of  independent  lands. 

Immediately  on  the  adoption  of  this  con- 
stitution, the  wealthy  class  of  Mexico,  the 
church  and  the  aristocracy,  found  that  a 
tremendous  blow  had  been  struck  against 
them.  The  church  and  aristocracy  claimed 
the  army  in  Mexico  in  those  years.  The 
army  in  Mexico,  as  everywhere  in  the  world, 
has  been  the  most  dangerous  foe  of  the 
emancipation  of  the  people.  The  church 
and  aristocracy  claimed  the  army,  and  the 
army  started  a  series  of  military  riots  in 
order  to  be  prepared  to  destroy  the  lives  of 
three  million  toilers  of  the  soil  who  were 
now  free  and  independent  men.  There  was 
a  civil  war  of  three  years  between  the 
church  and  army  and  the  common  people, 
and  after  three  years  of  civil  war  the  com- 
mon people  were  able  to  entirely  defeat  the 
church  and  the  aristocracy.  When  the 
church  and  aristocracy  surrendered,  then 
thev  sent  delegates  to  Europe  to  ask  help 
in  order  that  the  European  powers  might 
send  their  armies  to  Mexico  for  the  pur- 
pose of  restoring  the  lands  to  the  church 
and  to  the  aristocracy. 

In  the  vear  1861,  England,  France  and 
Spain  agreed  to  send  their  armies   to  Mex- 


ico, and  those  armies  were  sent.  But  as 
soon  as  England  and  Spain  realized  their 
mistake  and  the  trouble  they  were  likely  to 
have  on  their  hands,  they  withdrew  their 
armies.  But  France,  ruled  by  Napoleon  III 
— the  Teddy  Roosevelt  of  those  years  in 
France  (applause) — France  invaded  Mexico 
and  placed  Emperor  Maximilian  in  power. 
This  invasion  was  nothing  else  but  a  tool 
used  by  the  Mexican  church  and  Mexican 
aristocracy,  and  a  tool  also  used  by  the 
Pope  of  Rome  and  the  Emperor  of  France 
in  order  that  they  might  come  and,  in  the 
name  of  some  farcical  laws,  take  away  the 
lands  from  the  common  people  and  restore 
them  to  the  church  and  aristocracy.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

This  international  war  lasted  about  nine 
years,  and  you  who  read  Mexican  history 
from  an  economic  standpoint  can  see  how 
by  this  time  the  Mexican  people  had  twice 
been  able  to  accomplish  the  fact  of  giving 
the  lands  to  the  common  people.  A  foreign 
invader  had  come  into  Mexico,  but  had  been 
compelled  to  surrender  after  having  come 
to  give  back  the  lands  to  the  church  and 
aristocracy.  That  has  been  the  only  pur- 
pose of  Mexican  foreign  wars.  After  the 
French  war  was  over  the  Mexican  people 
were  entirely  broken  down  by  those  nine 
years  of  war.  A  republic  was  established, 
and  the  people  began  to  take  up  the  ques- 
tion of  the  lands. 

But  after  a  few  years  the  church  took 
back  the  stranger  and  allied  with  the  aris- 
istcracy  and  allied  with  the  army  and  with 
the  soldiery,  who,  at  the  time  of  the  French 
war,  started  a  series  of  military  riots 
against  the  rule  of  the  common  people,  for 
the  purpose  of  gaining  the  ownership  of  the 
lands  of  the  common  people.  After  a  while 
they  succeeded  and  gained  power,  but  they 
were  foxy  enough  to  understand  that  by 
this  time  the  church  was  not  in  condition 
to  become  the  owner  of  the  land,  and  then 
they  took  this  land  from  the  common  people 
and  gave  it  back  to  the  favorites.  That 
was  the  only  cause  of  the  despotism  main- 
tained by  Diaz  during  the  thirty  years  in 
which  he  carried  on  his  military  despotic 
autocracy. 

Comrades,  a  year  and  a  half  ago  an- 
other revolution  started,  with  the  same  old 
question,  the  lands  for  the  common  people. 
That  was  the  only  purpose  of  the  revolu- 
tion, and  will  be  the  only  purpose  of  any 
revolution  in  Mexico.  Mr.  Madero,  today's 
president  of  Mexico,  came  to  the  revolu- 
tionary movement  at  the  last  moment  of 
the  revolution.  This  ha"!  been  the  case  with 
other  revolutionists  in  Mexico.  We,  the  old 
revolutionists,  the  pioneers  of  the  revolu- 
tion, know  that  Madero  will  be  unwilling 
and  unable  to  accomplish  a  solution  of  the 
question  of  the  ownership  of  the  lands  by 
the  common  people.  But  the  Mexican 
masses,  who  have  not  as  much  expe- 
rience as  we  may  have,  were  unwilling  to 
have  Madero  as  president  to  stop  the  revo- 
lutionary movement  without  taking  away 
the  lands  bv  force  from  the  common  people, 
and  to  see  if  Madero  could  settle  the  ques- 
tion of  the  lands.  But.  fortunately,  the 
common  people  in  Mexico  were  quick  to 
realize  that  this  question  of  the  lands  can- 
not be  settled  by  one  individual,  that  it  had 
to  be  settled  by  themselves,  and  nobody 
but  themselves.  (Applause.)  And  they 
went  ahead  with  the  revolution,  and  that  is 
the  purpose  of  the  present  revolution  in 
Mexico. 

Madero  belonged  to  a  very  wealthy  fam- 
ily of  multimillionaires.  They  owned  im- 
mense tracts  of  land  in  Mexico;  and  does 
anybody  suppose  that  Mr.   Madero  and   his 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


39 


father  and  grandfather  and  children  and 
grandchildren  and  his  nephews  and  cousins 
and  relatives  are  going  to  give  up  gra- 
ciously their  lands  to  the  common  people? 
They  are  not.  bo  the  revolution  is  now  in 
a  critical  moment.  Right  now  our  com- 
rades are  fighting  in  Mexico,  and  in  a  few 
days  more  they  will  succeed  in  this  revo- 
lution and  will  give  the  lands  to  the  com- 
mon people.  (Applause.)  Yes,  the  revolu- 
tionists have  agreed  among  themselves  to 
give  the  lands  to  the  common  people  as 
soon  as  they  take  De  la  Torre.  Rabago  has 
got  to  a  place  right  now  where  he  is  divid- 
ed in  the  northern  part  of  Mexico.  As  soon 
as  they  take  this  place  they  will  begin  to 
confiscate  the  lands.  That  means  they  will 
recognize  the  right  of  the  tiller  of  the  soil 
to  be  the  owner  of  the  land  that  he  is  till- 
ing.    (Applause.) 

In  Mexico  the  big  land  owners  used  to 
give  to  every  peon  a  small  patch  of  land. 
The  peon  had  to  use  this  patch  of  land  and 
give  half  of  the  crop  to  his  master.  And, 
besides  that,  there  is  another  big  patch  of 
land  reserved  by  the  owner  of  the  land  on 
which  the  peon,  besides  giving  half  of  the 
crop  from  his  patch  of  land,  worked  for  25 
cents  a  day  for  his  lord  and  master.  But 
since  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  one 
year  and  a  half  ago,  there  have  been  a  great 
many  peons  that  are  peons  no  more.  They 
consider  themselves  the  owners  of  the 
patch  of  land,  and  they  have  been  raising 
the  crops  on  those  patches  and  taking  the 
crops  for  themselves,  because  the  masters 
have  no  more  policemen  or  soldiers  to  com- 
pel them  to  give  the  half  crop  to  the  mas- 
ters.    (Applause.) 

Comrades,  the  revolution  is  going  to  suc- 
ceed. In  the  next  two  or  three  months 
there  will  be  a  beginning,  at  least,  in  the 
division  of  the  lands,  and  before  the  revo- 
lution is  ended  the  division  of  the  lands 
will  be  accomplished.  After  that,  under 
this  agreement  of  the  leaders  of  the  revo- 
lution, will  come  a  government,  elected,  of 
course,  by  these  small  land  owners,  and 
this  government  will  legalize  this  part  of 
the  revolution  that  has  been  accomplished. 
It  is  not  a  question  that  the  government  is 
going  to  divide  the  lands.  The  lands  are 
going  to  be  taken  by  the  men  themselves, 
and  the  government  after  that  will  legalize 
what  has  been  done.  That  is  the  scheme; 
that  is  the  plan  of  the  revolution. 

About  two  weeks  ago  a  man  came  to 
Chihuahua  and  called  himself  provisional 
president  of  Chihuahua,  of  Mexico.  The 
revolutionists  told  him,  "We  do  not  need 
any  more  provisional  presidents.  We  are 
not  fighting  for  provisional  presidents;  we 
are  fighting  for  the  lands,  and  so  you  get 
out  of  here."  (Applause.)  The  man  was 
already  indicted  by  the  American  govern- 
ment, and  so  he  chose  to  be  a  marker  on 
Mexican  soil,  and  right  now  he  is  a  polit- 
ical prisoner.  You  see  how  the  revolution 
can  make  political  prisoners,  too.  It  is  a 
much  better  way  than  political  prisoners 
are  made  in  the  United  States. 

Well,  in  this  revolution,  comrades,  there 
will  be  no  one  man,  there  will  be  no  indi- 
viduals. Right  now  you  know  about  that 
man  Orozco,  who  appears  as  a  leader  of  the 
revolutionists;  and  certainly  Orozco  is  noth- 
ing else  but  one  of  the  many  revolutionists, 
and  if  Orozco  tries  some  time  in  the  future 
to  impose  his  will  against  the  purpose  of. 
the  revolution  Orozco  will  not  last  a  day  * 
before  he  will  be  hanged  by  the  revolution. 
(Applause.) 

So  the  issue  is  very  clear  now.  The  divi- 
sion of  the  lands  will  be  accomplished.  The 
revolution  will  be  successful,  but  there  is 
the   threat  of  the  old   times,    the  American 


government  doing  everything  possible  to 
interfere  in  Mexico,  with  the  only  purpose 
to  compel  the  Mexican  workers  to  serve 
their  masters  and  to  protect  the  property 
of  American  citizens.  They  say  that  tho 
intervention  of  the  American  government 
will  be  only  for  the  purpose  of  protecting 
American  life  and  American  property  in 
Mexico,  but  it  will  be  with  the  purpose  of 
carrying  on  the  issue  so  that  it  is  well  un- 
derstood by  the  master  class,  and  that  issue 
is  that  the  class-conscious  master  class  in. 
the  United  States  feel  the  necessity  of  help- 
ing their  brothers,  the  master  class  of  Mex- 
ico.     (Applause.) 

Comrades,  I  recognize  that  American  life 
in  Mexico  is  very  well  protected.  The  only 
thing  endangering  American  life  in  Mexico 
is  the  American  government,  by  its  fool- 
ishness and  its  stupidity,  telling  the  Amer- 
icans in  Mexico  to  go  back  to  the  United 
States;  while  in  fact  there  are  lots  of 
Americans  in  Mexico  who  have  as  much 
business  there  and  who  are  equal  entirely 
to  the  Mexicans,  and  who  are  showing  how 
the  American  government  with  its  talk  of 
intervention  is  arousing  the  ire  of  the  Mex- 
ican people,  and  they  see  that  they  will  be 
the  first  victims  of  the  stupidity  of  the 
American  government.  You  can  see  from 
the  press  dispatches  that  the  Americans  do 
not  want  to  be  saved  by  the  American  gov- 
ernment, and  they  will  remain  in  Mexico. 
About  three  weeks  ago  my  wife  and  myself 
were  on  the  battlefields,  and  there  was  an 
American  woman  there  running  a  small 
boarding  house.  My  wife  asked  her,  "Don't 
you  feel  that  your  life  is  in  danger?  Don't 
you  feel  that  you  would  like  to  go  to  the 
United  States?"  And  the  woman  said, 
"What  business  have  I  to  go  to  the  United 
States?  I  have  no  business  there.  Even  if 
it  sometimes  happens  that  I  will  go  to  the 
United  States,  I  will  have  to  carry  my 
Mexican  coffee,  because  in  the  United  States 
there  is  no  good  coffee  for  me,  and  I  stay 
here.  Of  course,  business  is  not  good,  but  I 
stay  here."  In  the  meantime,  about  ten 
feet  away  from  her  house,  the  revolution- 
ists/ were  riding  on  horseback  and  making 
themselves  ready  for  the  next  battle.  That 
woman  will  be  as  safe  in  Mexico  as  she  can 
be  in  the  United  States.     (Applause.) 

So,  comrades,  I  feel  that  this  question  of 
intervention,  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
Socialist  Party,  may  be  one  of  the  most 
serious  questions  covered  by  your  resolu- 
tions. You  can  see  how,  three  times  in  the 
last  thirty  years,  France  and  Germany  have 
been  very  near  to  having  an  international 
war,  and  how  the  French  Socialists  and 
German  Socialists  have  taken  a  very  ener- 
getic attitude  against  their  governments  in 
order  to  prevent  international  war,  and  how 
the  comrades  in  Germany  have  gone  so  far 
as  to  threaten  Emperor  William  with  civil 
war  if  German  soldiers  crossed  the  border 
line  to  France.  (Applause.)  They  under- 
stand very  well  the  issue,  and  we  know, 
too,  that  when  the  American  soldier  crosses 
the  boundary  line  into  Mexico  the  money 
to  support  him  comes  from  your  pockets. 
The  American  soldier  belongs  to  your  class, 
and  when  American  soldiers  are  sent  to 
Mexico  the  government  is  sending  men  of 
your  class  to  go  to  Mexico  to  compel  Mexi- 
can workingmen  to  starve  to  death  or  suf- 
fer their  lives  to  be  destroyed.  I  feel  that 
this  is  just  the  time  for  the  Socialist  Party 
of  the  United  States  to  take  the  most  ener- 
getic stand  against  this  question  of  inter- 
national war.  This  is  the  time  for  the 
Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States  to 
stand  together  and  pass  the  most  energetic 
resolutions  against  this  monkey  business  of 
the  American  government.      (Applause.) 


I 

f  >     40 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


I  have  been  in  the  Congress  in  Mexico. 
They  told  me  to  bring  this  message  to  you. 
I  have  been  in  Washington  talking  to  some 
of  the  bourgeois  politicians.  They  recog- 
nize that  the  American  people — which 
means  Wall  Street  and  the  middle  class — 
will  do  a  very  bad  business  with  interven- 
tion in  Mexico.  Most  of  those  men  say  to 
me,  "We  have  no  business  to  interfere  in 
Mexico.  Let  the  Mexicans  fight  their  own 
fights  and  do  what  they  please  with  their 
lands."  So  you  see  that,  at  least,  the  mid- 
dle class  take  that  position  on  this  ques- 
tion. If  you  take  an  energetic  stand  against 
this  intervention  there  will  be  no  interven- 
tion in  Mexico.  And,  there  being  no  inter- 
vention in  Mexico,  we  are  going  to  have  at 
least  four  millions  of  men  free  and  intelli- 
gent men,  because  they  will  be  the  owners 
of  the  means  of  production  in  the  agricul- 
tural way.  Besides  that,  we  have  about  a 
million  industrial  workers  who  are  starling 
right  now  a  splendid,  glorious  organization, 
in  order  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  class- 
conscious  proletariat  all  over-  the  world  to- 
day. (Applause.)  And  these,  our  splendid 
prospects,  can  be  carried  on  if  you  com- 
rades, acting  in  response  to  the  appeal  of 
the  American  comrades,  take  a  stand 
against  this  intervention  of  the  United 
States  so  that  we  may  have  in  the  future 
in  Mexico  a  free  nation  and  a  glorious  bat- 
tlefield for  the  battles  to  come  of  the  work- 
ing class.     (Applause.) 

DEL.  STALLARD  (Kan.):  I  move  that 
the  request  of  Comrade  DeLara  be  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  International  Rela- 
tions, with  instructions  to  draft  a  strong 
resolution  covering  his  request,  and  insist- 
ing that  the  workers  of  the  United  States 
have  no  quarrel  with  the  workers  of  Mex- 
ico, and  we  demand  that  the  United  States 
does  not  intervene  in  the  Mexican  revo- 
lution. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  has  been  moved 
and  seconded  that  the  request  of  Comrade 
DeLara  be  referred  to  the  Foreign  Rela- 
tions Committee,  with  instructions  to  that 
committee  to  draft  a  strong  resolution 
against  American  intervention  in  Mexico. 

The  motion  of  Del.  Stallard  was  carried 
unanimously. 

COMRADE  HAYWOOD:  I  rise  to  a  mat- 
ter of  personal  privilege.  At  yesterday's 
session  there  was  received  by  this  conven- 
tion a  telegram  from  Denver,  Colo.  It  pur- 
ported to  contain  charges — 

DEL.  SPARGO:     A  point  of  order. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  State  your  point  of 
order. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  That  communication 
was    tabled    yesterday.      It   remains    tabled. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Your  point  is  not  well 
taken.  Comrade  Haywood,  state  your  ques- 
tion of  personal  privilege. 

COMRADE  HAYWOOD:  I  wanted  to 
point  out. that  the  action  of  the  convention 
was  to  table  that  telegram.  By  consent  of 
Chairman  Barnes,  who  acted  yesterday,  the 
contents  of  that  telegram  were  given  to 
the  press  and  it  appears  in  the  Indianapo- 
lis Star  this  morning. 

Now,  I  would  ask  that  that  telegram  be 
read  to  the  convention.  That  it  be  read 
into  the  records  of  the  convention;  and 
from  now  on  all  communications,  in  my 
opinion,  should  be  read  into  the  minutes 
before  they  are  read  into  the  press. 
(Cheers.) 

In  connection  with  the  charges  in  that 
tPlogram,  I  want  to  say  that  they  are  not 
the  charges  of  Denver,  but  they  are  charges 
that  were  brought  against  me  in  Local 
Bridgeport  and  sent  from  Bridgeport  to 
Denver,   where  they  were  taken   up  by  an 


individual  enemy  of  mine.  Now,  the  com- 
mittee that  has  been  investigating  these 
charges  has  recommended  to  Local  Denver 
that  they  be  dropped. 

This  telegram,  then,  has  been  sent  at  the 
instigation  of  this  individual,  who  is  a 
member  of  Branch   10. 

Now,  the  charges,  comrades,  are  these: 

That  I  organized,  or  helped  to  organize, 
a  dual  union  of  machinists.  The  truth  of 
the  matter  is  that  I  spoke  under  the  aus- 
pices of  the  Brotherhood  of  Machinists. 
That  is  a  rival  organization  to  the  Interna- 
tional Association  of  Machinists.  Comrade 
Robert  A.  Lecky  of  New  York  City  is  the 
secretary  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Machinists. 
I  felt  perfectly  justified  in  speaking  against 
an  organization  that  is  officered,  as  the  In- 
ternational Association  of  Machinists  is  offi- 
cered, by  members  of  the  Militia  of  Christ 
and  the  Civic  Federation.  ' 

A  NUMBER  OF  DELEGATES:  Point  o] 
order. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  State  the  point  of 
order. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  I  contend  that  Com- 
rade Haywood  is  not  talking  on  a  matter 
of  personal  privilege,  but,  as  usual,  is  sim-i 
ply  denouncing  everything  that  he  does  not 
agree  with.  I  want  it  understood  tnat  I 
have  no  objection  to  Comrade  Haywood 
speaking  to  a  question  of  personal  privilege 
in  a  proper  way. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  have  heard  your 
point  of  order.  While  a  comrade  should 
not  take  advantage  of  a  question  of  per- 
sonal privilege  as  an  opportunity  to  express 
his  individual  views,  or  to  attack  anyone 
with  whom  he  disagrees,  the  chair  rules 
that  Comrade  Haywood  has  not  wandered 
very  far  from  his  rights.  Comrade  Hay- 
wood will  please  bear  in  mind  that  he 
should  not  take  advantage  of  this  privilege. 

COM.  HAYWOOD:  I  appreciate  that;  I 
am  going  to  take  but  a  very  few  minutes 
more. 

I  have  disposed  of  the  question  of  hav- 
ing organized  a  dual  union. 

It  is  alleged  in  the  charges,  and  I  am 
likewise  charged  with  organizing  a  dual 
Socialist  local.  I  want  to  say  in  connec- 
tion with  this  that  I  was  invited  by  a  com- 
'mittee  known  as  the  Lawrence  Strikers' 
Aid  Committee  to  go  to  Bridgeport  and  de- 
liver a  speech  in  behalf  of  the  Lawrence 
strikers.  Local  Bridgeport,  a  few  days 
prior  to  that  meeting,  sent  me  a  registered 
letter  in  which  they  threatened  that  they 
would  have  charges  preferred  against  me 
and  threatened  my  expulsion  if  I  spoke  in 
Bridgeport  under  the  auspices  of  what  they 
were  pleased  to  term  a  rebel  organization. 
I  wrote  to  them  and  urged  upon  them  the 
necessity  of  getting  together  for  this  occa- 
sion for  the  purpose  of  supporting  the 
Lawrence  strikers.  I  told  them  that  it 
would  be  impossible  for  me  to  decline,  as 
the  welfare  of  the  Lawrence  strikers  was 
more  to  me  than  the  factional  fight  that 
was  going  on  in  Bridgeport.  I  went  to 
Bridgeport.  Local  Bridgeport  held  a  meet- 
ing the  same  night,  which  was  on  Woman  s 
Day.  That  meeting  was  held  to  deprive  us 
and  the  Lawrence  strikers  of  the  benefit 
of  the  crowd  that  we  would  have  had  on 
that  occasion.  Now,  we  raised  at  that  time 
a  considerable  amount  of  money  for  the 
Lawrence  strikers. 

Now,  Comrade  Chairman,  Bridgeport  Lo- 
cal that  prefers  the  charges  against  me 
contributed  to  the  Lawrence  strike.  They 
raised  twelve  dollars  and  they  turned  it 
over  to  John  Golden,  who  was  scabbing  on 
us  every  minute. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


\1 

41  \ 


DEL.  McLEVEY  (Conn.):  Comrades, 
Comrade  Haywood  has   stated   that — 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  In  starting  out  on  a 
matter  of  personal  privilege,  you  must  bear 
in  mind  that  you  cannot  engage  in  a  dis- 
cussion. You  can  only  go  into  the  matter 
as  it  refers  to  you  individually  and  per- 
sonally. We  cannot  open  this  subject  for 
a  debate  on  the  whole  question.  Personal 
privilege  applies  to  the  individual  and  not 
to  the  organization.  It  is  a  matter  of  per- 
sonal privilege.  If  you  have  anything  as 
an  individual  as  to  reflections  made  by 
Comrade  Haywood  on  you  as  an  individual, 
it  is  in  order.  If  you  are  going  to.  talk  in 
defense  of  Local  Bridgeport  you  have  not 
the  floor. 

A  DELEGATE:  What  right  has  a  com- 
rade to  attack  Bridgeport  Local  without 
the  charges  being  read. 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  move  that 
the  telegram  charging  Haywood  with  these 
different  charges  be  taken  from  the  table 
and  now  read. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  moved  and  sec- 
onded that  the  telegram  from  Local  Denver 
be  taken  from  the  table  and  read. 

DEL.  COLLINS  (Colo.):  I  want  to  say 
that  we  voted  solidly  yesterday  to  have 
this  read;  we  asked  to  have  it  read;  and  I 
am  in  favor  of  it  now.  I  hope  the  motion 
will  carry. 

The  motion  to  have  telegram  referred  to 
read  was  carried,  and  the  telegram  was 
read  as  follows: 

"Denver,  Colo.,  May  13,  1912. 
"Secretary    Socialist    Convention, 

"Tomlinson  Hall,   Indianapolis,  Ind. 

"At  a  regular  meeting  of  the  Tenth  Ward 
Branch  of  the  Socialist  Party  of  Denver 
the  following  resolution  was  adopted:  'We 
protest  against  W.  D.  Haywood  being  rec- 
ognized as  having  any  voice  or  vote  in  the 
convention  now  assembled  in  Indianapolis, 
as  there  are  now  charges  agafnst  him  here 
in  Local  Denver,  which  have  never  been 
disposed  of.  Said  charges  are  now  in  the 
hands  of  the  trial  committee.  The  charges 
preferred  against  him  are  treason  to  the 
party  and  conduct  unbecoming  a  Socialist. 
Also  charges  against  him  by  Local  Bridge- 
port, Conn.,  for  organizing  dual  Socialist 
clubs  consisting  of  expelled  members  of 
Bridgeport,  Conn.,  Local.  On  these  grounds 
we  claim  he  has  no  right  to  be  recognized 
in  the  convention.' 

"SARAH   A.    LEONARD, 
""Secretary  of  Tenth  Ward  Branch, 
"Denver,  Colo." 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  I  wish  to  ask 
the  Colorado  delegation  whether  in  Colo- 
rado they  consider  the  branch  or  the  local 
the  unit?  My  reason  is  that  this  telegram 
comes  from  Branch  10  of  Local  Denver. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  may  be 
answered  briefly. 

DEL.  GEFFS  (Colo.):  I  am  a  member 
of  the  same  general  branch  to  which  Com- 
rade Haywood  belongs.  I  can  answer  the 
question  that  has  just  been  asked.  In  Den- 
ver we  have  the  ward  form  of  organization. 
This  Tenth  Ward  Branch  is  simply  a 
branch  of  the  general  city  organization. 
We  have  about  18  altogether.  This  com- 
prises only  a  few  members;  it  is  not  a 
strong  branch  in  Denver.  I  am  surprised 
that  that  branch — 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  has 
been  answered;  that  is  all  that  is  necessary. 

DEL.  GEFFS:  I  want  to  say  that  it  does 
not  come  by  authority  of  tjje  central  organ- 
ization. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  answers  the 
question.     Motions  are  in  order. 


DEL.  SPARGO:  I  move  that  now  that 
the  telegram  has  been  read  it  be  laid  on 
the  table. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  has  been  moved 
and  seconded  that  this  telegram  do  lie  on 
the  table. 

The  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  was  car- 
ried. 

DEL.  WILLIAMS  (Pa.):  A  question  of 
personal  privilege.  Is  it  not  a  proper  ques- 
tion of  personal  privilege  if  a  member  of 
this  body  or  a  comrade  having  a  voice  on 
this  floor  assails  an  organization  of  which 
I  am  a  member  and  makes  misstatements 
about  that  organization? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Not  necessarily. 

DEL.  WILLIAMS:  I  would  like  to  cor- 
rect a  misstatement  about  the  International 
Association  of  Machinists  being  officered  by 
the  Mil'itia  of  Christ. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  not  a  ques- 
tion of  personal  privilege. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  have  a 
motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Nothing  but  the  reg- 
ular order  of  business  is  in  order. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER:  This  is  in  order. 
I  move  that  all  communications  shall  be 
read  from  the  platform  and  that  nothing 
shall  be  given  to  the  press  that  does  not 
appear  in  our  minutes. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Lt  is  moved  and  sec- 
onded that  all  communications  shall  be 
read  from  the  platform,  and  that  no  com- 
munications or  the  contents  thereof  shall 
be  given  to  the  press  until  it  has  been  so 
read  to  the  convention. 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.) :  I  do  not  think 
we  .should  place  ourselves  in  a  position 
where  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  read  from 
the  platform  every  communication,  because 
there  may  come  tomfool  propositions  that 
we  do  not  want  to  have  read  at  all.  We 
ought  not  to  humiliate  ourselves  by  com- 
pelling everything  to  be  read  that  anybody 
may  choose  to  send  us.  But  we  ought  to 
insist  on  one  thing;  that  no  communication 
received  here  shall  be  given  out  to  the 
press  until  given  out  by  order  of  the  con- 
vention. I  want  to  divide  the  question.  I 
move  to  amend  by  dividing  it.  I  want  to 
defeat  the  first  part  and  carry  the  second. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  make  the  point  of  or- 
der. The  subject  is  already  covered  by  the 
rules  of  the  convention. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  of  order  is 
well  taken.  We  will  now  take  up  the  next 
order  of  business. 

DEL.  BEARDSLEY  (Conn.):  The  entire 
delegation  of  Connecticut  protests  against 
the  ruling  in  this  matter  of  personal  privi- 
lege. If  a  comrade,  under  the  guise  of  per- 
sonal privilege,  is  allowed  to  take  the  floor 
and  attack  the  Socialist  Party  of  Connecti- 
cut and  a  particular  local  of  Connecticut, 
then  that  local  and  the  state  organization 
of  Connecticut  ought  to  have  the  right  to 
present  their  side  of  the  matter. 
COMMUNICATIONS. 

Communications  were  then  read  by  the 
Secretary  from: 

Jewish  Socialist   Branch,   Memphis,   Tenn. 

Young  People's  Socialist  Federation,  New 
York.  ••* 

W.  E.  Trautman  and  others,  in  regard  to 
the  Lawrence  strike. 

These  communications  were  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

It  wa3  moved  and  seconded  that  all  com- 
munications from  locals  or  others  than  del- 
egates to  this  convention  be  read  by  synop- 
sis only  and  then  referred  to  the  appropriate 
committees. 


42 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


There  being  no  objection  the  motion  was 
carried. 

A  communication  from  Alice  C.  Miller  on 
Industrial  Organization  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Labor  Organizations. 

A  DELEGATE:  Should  these  not  be  dis- 
posed of  at  5  o'clock? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  They  are  communi- 
cations and  are  properly  disposed  of  in  this 
way.  Resolutions  from  delegates  come  up 
at  5  o'clock. 

A  communication  was  read  from  Joseph 
Brachin  referring  to  the  lack  of  French 
speakers  and  French  Socialist  literature. 

The  communication  was  referred  to  Com- 
mittee   on    Foreign-Speaking    Organizations. 

THE  SECRETARY:  A.  E.  Hartig  of 
Baltimore  ha.s  reported  as  an  alternate 
from  the  state  of  Maryland,  and  Charles 
Larney  has  reported  as  alternate  for  George 
Koop,  Illinois. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  it  your  pleasure 
that  these  alternates  be  seated? 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio) :  I  think  if  you 
refer  to  the  minutes  of  yesterday  you  will 
see  it  was  decided  that  each  state  delega- 
tion should  pass  upon  the  alternates  as 
they  arrive. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  I  move  that  the  ques- 
tion of  these  alternates  be  referred  to  their 
respective  delegations. 

It  was  so  ordered. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  order  of 
business  is  unfinished  business  of  the  pre- 
ceding day.  The  report  of  the  Committee 
on  Education  was  before  us  and  we  decided 
to  defer  action  until  the  receipt  of  the  re- 
port of  the  Woman's'  Committee.  If  there 
is  no  objection  we  will  now  hear  the  report 
of  the  Woman's  National  Committee  or 
their  subcommittee  on  Education.  Com- 
rade May  Wood  Simons  will  report  for  the 
committee. 

REPORT   OF  WOMAN'S   COMMITTEE  ON 
EDUCATION. 

Delegate    May    Wood    Simons    then    pre- 
sented   the    supplementary    report    of    the 
Woman's  Committee  on  Education. 
RECOMMENDATION    ON    INDUSTRIAL 
EDUCATION. 

The  National  Woman's  Committee  recom- 
mends that  the  technical  education  of  girls 
being  a  public  necessity,  that  it  should  be 
conducted  at  public  expense  as  a  part  of 
the  public  school  system. 

That  courses  of  study  be  so  arranged  that 
they  recognize  that  the  industrial  educa- 
tion of  girls  has  a  double  aim,  namely, 
preparation  of  immediate  self  support,  and 
preparation   for  the   home   and  motherhood. 

That    while    domestic    training    is    neces- 
sary   today    for    all    girls,    that    when    the 
"belated    household"    industry    is    put    on    a~ 
scientific  basis,   instruction   be  provided  for 
expert    cooks    and    chemists    only: 

That  the  vocational  training  of  girls  who 
mu^t  work  in  shops  and  factories  be  for 
such  occupations  as  will  not  prevent  de- 
velopment or  incapacitate  them  for  future 
mothers: 

That  everv  effort  of  school  authorities 
toward  making  the  industrial  education  of 
children  merely  a  training  for  trades  and 
thus  disregarding  the  broader  general  edu- 
cation that  will  provide  them  with  an  in- 
telligent understanding  of  the  duties  of 
good   citizenship   be   resisted. 

The  National  Woman's  Committee  rec- 
ommends that  the  present  Committee  on 
Industrial  Education  be  changed  to  an  Ed- 
ucational Committee  of  seven  members,  all 
of  whom  are  practical  educators,  be  elected 
by  the  National  Convention; 

1.  That  the  committee  make  a  careful 
Investigation    of    educational    questions,    in- 


cluding methods,  appropriations  and  the 
question  of  industrial  education  and  file  all 
material  on  these  questions  at  the  national 
office   for  use  by   the'  municipal   bureau. 

2.  That  this  committee  have  in  charge 
the  preparation  of  lessons  and  the  selec- 
tion of  other  suitable  material  for  the  So- 
cialist Educational  Schools,  organized  for 
the  purpose  of  instruction  in  scientific  So- 
cialism and  in  no  way  in  competition  with 
the   public   schools. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  have  heard  the 
further  recommendations  of  the  Woman's 
National  Committee;  these  are  recommenda- 
tions to  be  added  to  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Education.  What  is  your  pleas- 
ure as  to  these  recommendations. 

DEL.  LEE  (N.  Y.):  With  reference  to 
recommendation  1,  I  would  ask  first  to  have 
the    exact   wording   of   the   recommendation. 

THE  SECRETARY:  "The  Woman's  Na- 
tional Committee  recommends  that  the 
present  Committee  on  Industrial  Education 
be  changed  to  an  educational  committee  of 
seven  members,  to  be  elected  by  this  con- 
vention." 

DEL.  LEE:  I  move  that  the  National 
Executive  Committee  be  instructed  to  elect 
a  Committee  on  Education,  to  consist  of 
seven  members.     Seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  is  a  substitute 
motion  to  have  the  National  Executive 
Committee  elect  a  committee  of  seven  mem- 
bers. 

DEL.  LEE:  I  need  not  take  much  time 
in  stating  my  reasons  for  my  position.  In 
the  past  two  or  three  conventions  we  have 
constituted  several  of  these  standing  com- 
unittees.  I  think  in  all  cases  we  have  elect- 
ed them  by  the  convention.  I  think  in  the 
majority  of  cases  we  have  found  that  the 
members  of  those  committees,  most  of 
them,  never  did  any  work  on  those  commit- 
tees. And  it  is  very  obvious  that  that  will 
be  the  case  if  this  convention  elects  a  com- 
mittee of  this  sort  to  take  up  and  study 
some  special  problem;  and  that  we  shall 
be  very  lucky  if  we  get  out  of  the  seven 
thus  to  be  elected  in  this  case  one  or  two 
who  will  do  the  work.  The  National  Exec- 
utive Committee,  on  the  other  hand,  can 
take  into  consideration — it  has  time  to  do 
so — the  members  in  various  parts  of  the 
country  who  are  specially  qualified  for  this 
work,  they  can  communicate  with  them  and 
find  out  if  they  will  undertake  the  serious 
and  important  work  of  this  committee  and 
then  appoint  them.  I  do  not  think  that  any 
question  of  real  democracy  is  involved  here. 
And  right  here  I  wish  to  call  attention  to 
this  important  distinction  that  while  we 
should  always  elect  committees  that  are  in 
the  nature  of  governing  bodies,  this  com- 
mittee is  not  to  be  a  governing  body  in  any 
sense;  it  will  consist  of  a  certain  number 
of  persons  whom  we  select  to  study  a  cer- 
tain question.  I  think  for  the  reasons  I 
have  given  selection  by  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  is  very  much  to  be  pre- 
ferred to  election  by  the  convention. 

As  for  the  suggestion  that  the  Committee 
on  Vocational  Training  be  turned  into  a 
Committee  on  Education,  I  think  Comrade 
Simons  will  quite  agree  with  me  that  that 
phrasing  is  quite  unnecessary.  What  she 
proposes  is  a  new  committee  with  larger 
scope,  including  the  scope  of  the  committee 
which  has  existed  and  which   has   reported. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  I  hope  that 
the  delegates  here  will  elect  such  a  commit- 
tee. And  I  hope  that  they  will  not  adopt 
this  report,  but  refer  it  to  such  a  committee 
with  full  powers  to  act;  and  not  wait  until 
the  next  convention  to  carry  out  the  wishes 
and  principles  of  the  Socialist  Party.  This 
report  is  presented  by  a  specialist  in  educa- 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


43 


ion,  whom  I  know  to  be  a  good  man  in  his 
ine,  but  he  is  not  a  specialist  on  industrial 
raining.      I   submit   to   you   farther   that   a 
eport  on  such  a  question  as  this  is  of  such 
,  nature  that  it  cannot  receive  careful  anal- 
ysis and  consideration  in  a  convention  like 
his.    First,  we  have  not  the  time  necessary 
or  it.      Secondly,   it   is  beyond   most  of  us. 
;t  is  something  that  calls  for  special  knowl- 
dge.     However,  there  is  one  point  on  which 
,ve  are  all  clear  in  regard  to  this  question 
>f  vocational   training,   and  that  is   that  as 
Socialists    we    are    opposed    to    the    present 
system   of  trade  education.      The  industrial 
ducation  which  the  Socialist  desires  is  dif- 
erent  from  the  industrial  education  which 
;he  capitalists  desire.      There   is  often  con- 
fusion   between    training    for    a    trade    and 
scientific    industrial    training.      How    can    a 
Socialist  at  this  time  stand  for  training  for 
i  trade  merely?     The  lines  of  trade  are  be- 
ing   broken     down.       They     are     constantly 
mcroaching   on   each    other.      For    instance, 
recently     Edison    exhibited    a    new     music 
stand;  showed  it  to  a  reporter  for  a  news- 
paper;  I  have  seen  the  photograph   of  that 
music    stand    in    the    newspaper;    and    the 
newspaper  man  was  asked  what  that  stand 
was  made  of.     On  ocular  inspection  he  said 
It    was    made    of    some    hardwood,    and    he 
thought   it   was   worth    about   sixty   dollars. 
Thereupon,  Edison  told  him  it  was  made  of 
cement  and  was  worth  only   a  few  dollars. 
Thus  you  have  the  cement  worker  encroach- 
ing upon   the  trade   of  the  cabinet  worker. 
Suppose  you   train  your  child  as  a  cabinet 
worker    and    then    a    process    is    discovered 
that    enables    all    the    cabinet    work    to    be 
made  out  of  cement,  you  have  lost  the  time 
that  was  used  in  making  him  merely  a  cab- 
inet worker.     The  lines  of  trade  are  being 
broken   down    gradually.      I    don't   say    that 
we  have  it  already,  as  our  industrial  worker 
friends  would  have  us  believe.     We  have  a 
strike  in  New  York;  a  lockout  of  the  sheet 
metal    workers.      There    is    a    jurisdictional 
fight    between    the    different    trades    as    to 
whose    business    it    is    to    hang    bathroom 
doors.     The  result  is  there  is  a  lockout  of 
the    sheet    metal    workers.      You    see    those 
who  advocate  the  education  of  the  boy  or 
girl   for   a   mere    trade    are    not   advocating 
what  we  are  striving  for.     Your  boy  or  girl 
should  be  trained  in  mechanics;  the  knowl- 
edge of  general  mechanics,   and  the  use  of 
tools.    The  young  man  or  young  woman  who 
[possesses    a    knowledge    of    mechanics,    and 
knows  how  to  use   tools  can  go  into  many 
trades,    and   can  acquire   a   new   trade   very 
(easily,  and  can  adapt  themselves  to  almost 
an,y  trade  within  certain  limits. 
-  That  is  the  first  thing,  then;  broad  indus- 
trial  training,  and  not  merely  training  for 
one  trade. 

The  second  important  point  is  control  of 
the  vocational  and  industrial  schools  by  the 
working  class,  not  by  the  public,  as  our 
reporters  want  to  say.  I  will  give  you  an 
example  of  control  by  the  public.  We  had 
this  question  up  in  the  state  of  New  York. 
It  came  before  the  Socialist  Party  of  New 
York.  We  had  to  overrule  the  action  of 
some  of  our  Socialists  there  because  in  the 
city  of  Rochester  the  public  school  board 
had  installed  in  the  schools  machines  for 
the  boys  and  girls  to  use  in  making  goods; 
because  that  school  was  under  the  control 
of  the  public. 

My  point  is,  then,  that  we  should  not  refer 
this  to  the  National  Executive  Committee; 
but  that  we  should  elect  a  committee  here 
to  which  it  should  be  referred,  and  thev 
should  take  into  account  the  different  kinds 
of  industrial  training;  and,  second,  that  we 
should  insist  on  the  control  of  vocational 
schools  in  the  interest  of  the  working  class. 


DEL.  SEIDEL:  I  think  the  motion  offered 
by  Comrade  Lee  is  decidedly  timely.  I  do 
hope  that  you  will  not  take  any  action  on 
the  recommendations  that  have  been  made 
here  today.  What  would  you  think  if  I 
suggested  that  we  appoint  on  our  platform 
committee  illiterates,  men  who  cannot  read 
or  write.  Yet  that  is  what  you  do  when 
you  appoint  men  and  women  on  committees 
that  have  to  deal  with  industrial  and  voca- 
tional education  who  do  not  know  how  to 
read  and  write  the  language  of  mechanics. 
That  is  what  I  charge  that  you  have  done. 
I  have  been  a  mechanic  for  many  years.  I 
have  been  a  mechanic  ever  since  I  was 
thirteen  years  old.  I  have  learned  three 
different  trades  by  this  time.  That  report 
of  the  educational  committee  starts  out 
with  an  untruth;  it  states  something  that 
is  not  true.  It  is  a  curious  mixture  of 
truths,  half  truths  and  untruths.  It  is  ill- 
digested.  I  do  hope  that  the  motion  of 
Comrade  Lee  will  prevail.  I  think,  too, 
that  what  Comrade  Slobodin  has  said  is 
very  pertinent  at  this  point.  I  do  hope  that 
when  we  are  ready  to  make  a  proposition 
of  this  kind,  and  that  when  our  convention 
goes  on  record,  and  that  what  we  say  on 
this  question  of  education  for  the  working 
people  will  be  better  digested  than  anything 
so  far  presented  to  our  convention.  I  do 
ask  of  you  that  you  accept  this  motion,  and 
that  none  of  the  reports  at  this  time  will  be 
accepted,  because  so  far  as  I  have  gone  into 
them  they  are  unripe  for  acceptance. 

Now,  with  all  due  respect  to  the  com- 
rades who  worked  on  these  committees — I 
think  they  did  their  very  best — they  did  as 
well  as  they  knew  how — yet  I  feel  as  a 
man  who  has  been  practical  in  life  for 
many  years,  I  feel  that  these  reports  do  not 
give  me  what  I  have  been  looking  for.  It 
does  not  give  me  that;  it  does  not  give  your 
boys  and  girls  that. 

DEL.  STREBEL  (N.  Y.):  A  word  on  be- 
half of  the  committee.  I  realize  that  this 
report  is  not  as  good  as  it  could  be.  Nor 
does  it  cover  all  that  it  ought  to  cover.  The 
report  unfortunately  was  written  up  and 
came  almost  wholly  from  one  committee- 
man, and  the  others  of  the  committee  had 
no  opportunity  for  further  discussing  and 
digesting  it.  We  never  had  a  meeting  of 
the  committee.  I  was  in  hopes  that  the 
committee  would  be  here  at  this  convention. 
But  I  am  the  only  member  of  that  commit- 
tee here.  I  believed  that  to  get  the  matter 
properly  before  the  convention  for  consid- 
eration the  only  thing  to  do  was  to  sign  the 
report,  although  I  personally  did  not  agree 
with  everything  in  the  report.  But  my 
idea  was  to  bring  it  here  in  order  to  im- 
press upon  the  delegates  the  importance 
of  the  matter.  .It  was  on  my  initiation 
that  the  matter  was  brought  before  the 
Congress  two  years  ago.  I  hope  now  that 
the  motion  to  recommit  without  adopting 
shall  prevail;  and  that  it  will  go  to  the  Ex- 
ecutive Committee,  believing  that  that 
committee  will  have  the  common  sense  to 
elect  experts  so  far  as  we  can  to  deal  with 
this  subject.  I  hope  you  won't  discuss  it 
here  at  length  today,  and  thus  consume 
valuable  time.  I  will  admit  with  all  who 
have  criticized  it  that  it  is  not  the  best  that 
could  be  done;  and  that  in  its  preamble 
there  are  clearly  economic  inconsistencies, 
which  I  would  not  like  to  see  adopted  by 
this  convention.  I  think,  therefore,  the 
proper  thing  to  do  is  to  move  the  previous 
question;  and  send  it  back  to  a  committee. 

The  motion  for  the  previous  question  was 
seconded. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD:  I  desire  to  object  to 
a  delegate  making  a  speech  and  at  the  end 
moving  the  previous  question. 


u 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  previous  ques- 
tion has  been  moved.  I  rule  you  out  of 
order,  Comrade  Clifford. 

The   previous    question   was   carried. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  I  desire  to 
speak  in  opposition  to  this  entire  report.  I 
do  not  agree  with  the  comrades  here  that 
this  convention  should  go  on  record  simply 
as  demanding  industrial  education  for  our 
boys  and  girls.  I  do  not  wish,  as  a  member 
of  the  Socialist  Party,  to  go  on  record 
through  our  convention  as  favoring  the 
training  of  our  boys  and  girls  merely  for 
the  purpose  of  making  them  more  efficient 
servants  to  a  master  class.  I  want  them 
to  have  the  highest  industrial  education. 
But  it  is  practically  useless  for  us  even 
to  demand  that  until  we  get  control  of  our 
public  schools  system.  When  we  have  done 
that  we  can  put  into  operation  any  policy 
that  we  see  fit,  but  in  the  meantime  all  of 
this  matter  should  be  simmered  down  to 
the  one  main  demand;  for  the  industrial 
education  of  the  boys  and  girls  of  the 
working  class  and  let  it  go  at  that.  This 
report  is  entirely  too  complex.  There  is 
too  much  verbiage  there.  It  sounds  nice, 
but  it  does  not  mean  much.  Simmer  these 
things  down;  get  down  to  brass  tacks.  Get 
something  practicable. 

DEL.  MAY  WOOD  SIMONS:  The  Wom- 
an's National  Committee  considered  this 
question  carefully  of  having  a  committee 
elected  by  the  convention  or  appointed  by 
the  National  Executive  Committee.  The 
last  educational  committee  was  appointed 
by  the  National  Executive  Committee.  It 
admits  that  it  never  met.  So  far  as  the 
contention  of  Comrade  Lee  is  concerned,  it 
has  not  been  shown  that  a  committee  ap- 
pointed by  the  National  Executive  Commit- 
tee would  do  any  better  work  than  a  com- 
mittee elected  by  this  convention.  I  want 
to  see  this  convention  elect  its  own  Educa- 
tion Committee  as  it  elected  its  own  Farm- 
er's Committee.  That  is  one  objection  to 
Comrade  Lee's  amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  vote  now  occurs 
on  the  motion  to  refer  the  whole  matter  to 
a  committee  to  be  appointed  by  the  Na- 
tional Executive  Committee. 

The  substitute  motion  to  refer  to  a  com- 
mittee to  be  appointed  by  the  National 
Executive  Committee  was  lost. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  substitute  be- 
ing lost  the  vote  recurs  on  the  original 
motion,  with  which  I  am  not  familiar.  The 
Secretary  will  please  read  the  motion  now 
before  the  house. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  read  the  rec- 
ommendation in  the  supplementary  report 
of  the  Woman's  Committee,  but  was  inter- 
rupted by  several  delegates  demanding  a 
division  of  the  substitute  of  Comrade  Lee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Are  there  fifty  dele- 
gates who  demand  a  division? 

DEL.  DUFFY  CN.  Y.):  A  point  of  order. 
I  believe  the  Chair  is  in  error  there. 
Whether  it  will  make  any  difference  in  this 
case  or  not,  I  do  not  know,  but  a  division 
does  not  require  any  specified  number.  It 
is  a  roll  call  that  requires  50. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  of  order 
is  well  taken,  and  if  the  division  is  still 
demanded,  it  will  be  taken. 

Division  was  demanded,  and  the  vote  re- 
sulted 55  for  the  substitute  and  143  against, 
so  the  substitute  was  lost. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  have  just  gone 
over  the  minutes,  and  it  appears  that  there 
has  been  no  previous  motion.  What  was 
before  the  house  was  the  recommendation 
in  the  supplementary  report  by  the  Wom- 
an's Committee,  and  this  substitute  on 
which  we  have  just  voted  was  simply 
moved  as  a  substitute  for  the  first  section, 


and   that   having  been   defeated   this   repoi 
that  has  been  made  is  before  you. 

Del.  Strickland  (Ohio)  moved  the  ador 
tion  of  the  report.     Seconded. 

Del.  Slobodin  (N.  Y.)  moved  as  an  amenc 
ment  that  the  report  be  taken  up  an 
adopted  seriatim. 

Amendment  accepted  as  part  of  the  orig 
inal  motion. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  move  as  an  amend 
ment  that  we  accept  the  report  as  a  whole 
(Seconded.)  I  do  so  with  a  view  to  its  sub 
sequent  reference  to  a  new  committee. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  A  point  o 
order.  We  are  a  little  confused  now.  W! 
have  a  motion  to  adopt  the  original  repor 
of  the  committee  and  some  amendments  t 
it.  I  remember  Comrade  Ohsol  of  Massa 
chusetts  made  an  amendment.  Now,  ther 
a  new  report  comes  in  and  there  is  a  motioj 
to  adopt  this  report. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No,  this  is  the  sam 
report,  I  understand. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  No,  there  is  a  motioi 
to  adopt  the  report  of  the  committee  witl 
amendments  to  it,  and  now  there  is  a  nev 
report  with  a  new  motion  to  adopt,  and  sec 
onded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Let  us  straighten 
this  out.  Comrade  delegates  on  the  floo: 
state  that  there  was  a  motion  to  adopt  th< 
original  report  of  the  Committee  on  Educa 
tion,  and  there  were  several  amendment? 
to  that,  and  they  are  pending. 

DEL.  STREBEL  (N.  Y.):  I  move  to 
amend  that  we  elect  this  committee  at 
present,  and  refer  the  report  to  that  com-i 
mittee  to  act. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  amendment  is 
out  of  order.  The  convention  has  jusl 
voted  on  the  question  of  appointing  thai 
committee,  and  voted  it  down. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  No,  I  beg  youi 
pardon. 

DEL.  MAY  WOOD  SIMONS  (Kan.):  ] 
move  as  a  substitute  for  the  whole  that  we 
elect  in  this  convention  a  committee  oi 
seven  to  handle  the  educational  question. 

The  substitute  was  declared  out  of  order. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  A  point  oi 
order.  You  claimed  that  we  had  decided 
not  to  elect  a  committee.  We  decided  that 
the  Executive  Committee  should  not  ap- 
point. We  did  not  decide  that  -the  conven- 
tion shall  not  elect  a  committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     I  stand  corrected. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  move  as  an  amend- 
ment that  this  convention  elect  a  commit- 
tee, a  different  committee  to  consider  the 
question,  and  that  that  committee  report. 
(Seconded.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  have  before  us 
the  report  of  Comrade  Simons,  with  a  mo- 
tion that  it  be  adopted  seriatim;  with  an 
amendment  by  Spargo  that  it  be  accepted 
as  a  whole;  with  an  amendment  by  Besse- 
mer of  Ohio  that  a  committee  be  elected  by 
the  convention,  to  whom  shall  be  referred 
the  whole  matter.  The  last  amendment,  on 
the  election  of  the  committee  by  the  con- 
vention, is  before  you. 

The  previous  question  was  ordered,  and 
the  amendment  offered  by  Del.  Bessemer 
was  carried.  Nominations  for  the  commit- 
tee were  called  for. 

DEL.  DUFFY:  I  would  like  to  know 
whether  the  nominations  to  this  committee 
are  to  be  confined  to  the  delegates  of  this 
convention.  As  it  is  a  committee  that  is  to 
serve  over  a  period  of  two  years.  I  under- 
stand it  ought  not  to  be  confined  neces- 
sarily to  delegates  to  this  convention.  I 
would  like  a  ruling. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  wilL  rule, 
unless  a  motion  to  the  contrary  is  made  as 
an    original    motion,    that    members    of    the 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


45 


\1 


mmittee    must   be    delegates    in    this    con- 
ation. 

The   following-  nominations   for   the   com- 
ittee  were  made: 
Strebel,  New  York. 
Seidel,  Wisconsin. 
May  Wood  Simons,  Kansas. 
George   Clifton  Edwards,  Texas. 
Mary  L.  Geffs,   Colorado. 
Morris  Kaplan,   Minnesota. 
Henry  L.  Slobodin,  New  York. 
Winnie  E.   Branstetter,   Oklahoma. 
Dr.  Rosette,  Maryland. 
N.  A.   Richardson,  California. 
John  G.  Ohsol,  Massachusetts. 

Spargo,  Vermont. 
T.  Clifford,  Ohio. 
James  A.  Smith,  Utah. 
John  Slayton,  Pennsylvania- 
Allan  England,  Maine. 
John  C.  Kennedy,  Illinois. 
J.   Stitt  Wilson,   California. 
G.  H.  Lockwood,  Michigan. 
Anna  K.  Storck,  Ohio. 
R.  J.  Wheeler,  Pennsylvania. 
It  was  moved  and  seconded  to  close  the 
minations.     Carried. 

It    was    also    moved    that    in    reading    the 
mes   of  nominees   for  this  committee   the 

upations  of  the  candidates  be  stated. 
Del.    Collins    moved    to    amend    that    the 
mes   be   printed,   together   with   the   occu- 
tions,  and  placed  on  the  desks  of  the  del- 
ates in  the  morning.    The  amendment  was 

epted  by  Del.   Duffy,   mover  of  the  orig- 
a  il    motion,    and    the    motion    as    amended 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  wish  simply  to  ask 
r  information.  I  did  not  understand,  in 
i  statement  of  the  motion,  whether  this 
is  to  be  a  committee  to  report  at  this 
ivention,  or  a  standing  committee  to  re- 
rt  at  some  future  convention. 
!|rHE  CHAIRMAN:  I  understand  that  it 
to  be  a  standing  committee.  Was  that 
;  intention  of  the  mover? 
DEL.  BESSEMER:  Yes. 
DEL.  SPARGO:  Then,  in  view  of  the 
t  that  in  the  reply  to  the  question  of 
tnrade  Duffy  you  said  that  unless  other- 
se  ordered  you  would  rule  that  the  mem- 
ship  of  that  committee  should  be  con- 
5d  to  the  membership  of  this  convention, 
nove  that  if  any  persons  nominated  for 
it  committee,  and  accepting,  are  not  del- 
ttes  to  this  convention,  provided  they  are 
mbers  of  the  party,  that  they  shall  be 
?ible  for  election. 

5EC.  REILLY:  They  are  all  delegates 
o  have  been  nominated,  and  I  suppose  all 

0  accept  will  be  members  of  the  conven- 
n. 

XEL.    SPARGO:     Then   I  move   to  recon- 

er.      There    are    no    such    persons    nomi- 

:ed,   and   the   reason   they   have   not  been 

ninated  is  that  we  have  been  prevented 

m  nominating  non-delegates. 

'HE    CHAIRMAN:      Make    your    motion. 

a't  discuss  it. 

)EL.  SPARGO:     I  have  made  the  motion 

1  it  has  been  seconded.  I  have  a  right 
state  my  reason  for  reconsideration.  My 
son  for  moving  to  reconsider  is  that  the 
dr  has  stated — 

l  Washington  delegate  raised  a  point  of 
er  that  Del.  Spargo  should  make  his  mo- 
i  first  and  give  his  reasons  afterwards. 
)EL.  SPARGO:     I  have  already  moved  to 
onsider.      (Seconded.) 

HE    CHAIRMAN:      It   has   been    moved 
seconded    to    reconsider    the    action    of 

convention,  inclosing  these  nominations 
to   throw   them    open,    with    the   under- 

iding  that  the  ruling  of  the  Chair  is  set 

le,    and    that    comrades,    irrespective    of 


membership  in  this  convention,  are  eligible 
as  members  in  that  committee. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  Now,  I  will  state  my 
reason  for  reconsideration. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  A  point  of  informa- 
tion.    How  did  Comrade   Spargo  vote? 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  voted  in  favor.  I  will 
state  my  reasons  for  reconsideration.  With 
the  understanding  that  no  person  could  be 
nominated  for  the  committee  who  was  not 
a  member  of  this  convention,  certain  dele- 
gates here  refrained  from  nominating  cer- 
tain comrades  of  the  party  whom  they  be- 
lieved pre-eminently  fitted  to  deal  with  this 
question.  If  we  are  to  dispose  of  it  at  this 
convention,  it  is  perfectly  right  and  proper 
that  the  membership  of  the  committee 
should  be  confined  to  this  convention.  If, 
however,  we  are  to  have  a  standing  commit- 
tee for  two  years,  to  report  on  this  whole 
question,  there  is  no  reason  under  the  sun 
why  we  should  not  go  outside  of  this  con- 
vention to  select  those  expert  members  of 
our  party  to  deal  with  the  question.  (Ap- 
plause.) So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  know 
that  in  the  membership  of  the  Socialist 
Party  today  we  have  some  of  the  most  ex- 
pert educators  in  the  United  States  of 
America.  I  know  that  in  the  conventions 
of  the  National  Educational  Association 
some  of  the  members  of  our  party  come 
there  with  great  prestige  and  are  recog- 
nized as  experts  in  an  expert  body;  and  if 
we  are  to  have  a  report  two  years  from 
now  at  our  national  congress,  I  trust  we 
may  have  the  privilege  extended  by  the 
convention  to  nominate  some  at  least  who 
are  not  shoemakers  or  carpenters  to  decide 
upon  the  question  of  education;  men  and 
women  who  are  expert  educators.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

DEL.  LOWE  (111.):  I  want  to  speak  in 
favor  of  Comrade  Spargo's  motion.  I  would 
not  for  one  moment  accept  a  nomination  on 
such  a  committee  as  this,  because  although 
I  am  a  teacher,  I  am  not  prepared  to  act  on 
such  a  committee.  This  committee  is  not 
for  the  purpose  of  electing  certain  persons 
to  fill  up  the  requisite  number  of  names 
upon  a  committee.  They  are  to  do  special 
work  along  this  line,  and  it  is  work  of  im- 
portance, and  we  need  the  very  best  educa- 
tors that  we  have  in  our  movement.  I  want 
to  say,  comrades,  by  all  means  do  not  vote 
for  a  man  or  woman  who  lives  in  your  dis- 
trict; vote  for  those  who  are  the  best  edu- 
cators, and  I  am  confident  that  we  have 
some  in  our  movement  that  have  not  been 
nominated  yet.  I  am  in  favor  of  Comrade 
Spargo's  motion. 

Del.  Miller  (Nev.)  made  a  point  of  order 
that  a  motion  to  reconsider  is  not  debatable. 
The  point  was  sustained  by  the  Chair. 

DEL.  PRIEST AP  (Ohio):  I  want  to  say 
this:  I  am  sorry  that  I  am  a  shoemaker, 
but  I  am  too  old  to  learn  anything  else. 

The  motion  to  reconsider  was  carried  by 
a  vote  of  121  to  57. 

The  Chairman  called  for  further  nomina- 
tions, the  occupations  of  the  nominees  to  be 
stated.  The  following  nominations  were 
then  made: 

George  R.  Kirkpatrick,  Ohio,  teacner. 
Accepted. 

Ira  Tilton,  Indiana,  lecturer.     Accepted. 

Caroline  Pratt,  New  York,  teacher  on 
industrial   education.     Accepted. 

Warren  Atkinson,  Manual  Training 
School,  Norfolk,  Va.     Accepted. 

Frank  Sanford,  director  Manual  Training, 
Normal   School,   New  York.     Accepted. 

Benjamin  C.  Gruenberg,  New  York,  teach- 
er.    Accepted. 

Mary  O'Reilly,  Illinois,  teacher.  Ac- 
cepted. 


/ 


46 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Gertrude  B.  Hunt,  Pennsylvania,  lecturer. 
Accepted. 

Meta  L.  Berger,  Milwaukee,  housewife. 
Absent;  dropped. 

Wm.  L.  Garver,  Missouri,  architect  and 
draftsman.     Accepted. 

Margaret  Prevey,  Ohio,  teacher.    Declined. 

Ruth  Stokes  Brown,  California,  teacher. 
Declined. 

James  P.  Carey,  Massachusetts,  shoe- 
maker.    Declined. 

Charles  A  Byrd,  Texas  University.  De- 
clined. 

Vita  D.  Scudder,  Wellesley  College.  Ab- 
sent; dropped. 

Professor  Syrjo,  Minnesota,  school  prin- 
cipal.    Accepted. 

Gustave  A.  Strebel,  New  York,  clothing 
cutter.     Accepted. 

Emil  Seidel,  Wisconsin,  carpenter,  design- 
er,   patternmaker.     Accepted. 

May  Wood  Simons,  Kansas,  teacher.  Ac- 
cepted. 

George  Clifton  Edwards,  Texas,  teacher. 
Declined. 

Mary  L.  Geffs,  Colorado,  newspaper  re- 
porter and  dressmaker.     Declined. 

Morris  Kaplan,  Minnesota.     Declined. 


Henry    L.    Slobodin,    New    York,    lawye 

Accepted. 

Winnie  E.  Branstetter,  Oklahoma.  D 
clined. 

Dr.  Rosette,  Maryland,  physician.  A 
cepted. 

N.  A.  Richardson,  California.     Absent. 

John  G.  Ohsol,  Massachusetts,  lab 
editor.      Accepted. 

T.  Clifford,  Ohio,  printer.     Declined. 

James  A.  Smith,  Utah. 

Allan  A.  England,  Maine,  writer.  A 
cepted. 

John  C.  Kennedy,  Illinois,  secretary  Ass 
ciation  of  Commerce  of  the  University  \ 
Illinois.     Accepted. 

J.  Stitt  Wilson,  California.     Declined. 

G.   H.   Lockwood,   Michigan.      Declined. 

Anna  K.  Storck,  Ohio. 

R.    J.    Wheeler,    Pennsylvania.      Accepte 

Algernon  Lee,  New  York.     Declined. 

Marion  Hanson,  Washington,  teache 
Accepted. 

John  Slayton,  Pennsylvania,  carpente 
Accepted. 

The  convention  then  adjourned  until  2:! 
P.  M. 


AFTERNOON    SESSION. 


The  Chairman  called  the  convention  to 
order  at  2:30  P.  M. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  want  to  call  atten- 
tion to  an  error  in  the  list  of  committees 
elected  yesterday  as  printed.  There  are 
eighteen  names  given  under  the  head  of 
Committee  on  Constitution.  Only  the  first 
nine  are  the  ones  elected  to  that  committee. 
The  other  nine  are  the  Committee  on  Labor 
Organizations. 

DEL.  BERGER  (N.  Y.):  The  Committee 
on  Foreign  Speaking  Organizations  is 
omitted. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  my  recollection 
serves  me  right,  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations  and  several  other  committees 
were  elected  on  the  floor  and  do  not  appear 
on  the  printed  list.  The  reports  of  commit- 
tees are  now  in  order.  The  list  of  commit- 
tees will  be  read  and  any  that  are  ready  to 
report  may  do  so. 

The  list  of  committees  was  read  by  the 
Secretary,  and  Delegate  Thompson  of  Wis- 
consin announced  that  the  Committee  on 
Commission  Form  of  Government  was 
ready  to  report. 

It  was  moved  and  seconded  that  the  con- 
vention take  up  the  report  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  Commission  Form  of  Govern- 
ment.*    Adopted. 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  The  report  of 
this  committee  is  too  long  to  be  read.  You 
have  the  printed  reports  before  you,  or  if 
not  there  are  enough  of  them  printed  and 
can  be  secured  by  the  delegates. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  was  a  motion 
adopted  yesterday  that  all  reports  should 
be  read. 

DEL.  ALEXANDER  (Tex.):  I  move  to 
dispense  with  that  rule  or  to  suspend  the 
rule,  rather,  with  respect  to  this  particular 
report.     It  is  very  lengthy. 

The  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  and  dis- 
pense with  the  reading  of  the  report  was 
carried. 

DEL.  THOMPSON:  There  are  a  few 
things,  however,  that  I  should  like  to  call 
your  attention  to  in  connection  with  this 
report. 

Tn  the  first  place,  your  committee,  for 
the  past  two  years,  has  been  gathering  from 
every  possible  source  Information  on  this 
subject,  from  magazine  articles,  pamphlets, 
correspondence,  books,  lenflets,  letters  from 
the  various  locals,  and  other  material.     We 


had  the  assistance  in  Wisconsin  of  tl 
Municipal  Reference  Library  at  Milwauke 
which  is  always  glad  to  help  in  assemblix 
material  along  these  lines.  We  also  hi 
the  help  of  the  Legislative  Referem 
Library  at  Madison,  Wis.,  which  is  al! 
always  very  willing  to  help  in  gatherir 
materials  and  assembling  it.  In  addition  ' 
this  material  which  we  gathered  in  the; 
different  ways,  Comrade  Jacobsen,  tl 
chairman  of  the  committee,  assembled  tl 
names  of  the  secretaries  of  the  locals 
the  various  cities  that  had  the  commissi* 
form  of  government;  and  we  sent  out  ci 
cular  letters  to  all  of  these  secretaries,  as! 
ing  about  forty  different  questions  bearir 
upon  this  subject;  150  letters  of  this  kii 
were  sent  out  and  76  replies  were  receiv* 
up  to  the  present  time,  and  they  are  sti 
coming.  So  that  we  think  that  we  have  r 
ceived  a  pretty  good  proportion  of  repli< 
to  these  letters. 

Now,  the  report  that  you  have  on  yoi 
tables  is  the  result  of  that  work.  It  is  r 
ported  to  you  unanimously  by  the  commi 
tee,  with  the  exception  of  one  member  wl 
did  not  come  to  this  convention  and  wl 
therefore  was  unable  to  meet  with  us,  ar 
vre  were  unable  to  get  a  meeting  until  ju 
before  the  convention  assembled,  when  v 
got  our  committee  together. 

Now,  I  would  call  your  attention  vei 
briefly  to  the  features  of  this  report, 
think  that  will  be  all  that  will  be  necessai 
for  this  time.  The  first  part  of  the  repor 
beginning  on  page  2,  is  simply  a  discussic 
of  the  extent  and  the  rate  of  growth  of  tl 
commission  form  of  government,  which,  £ 
we  point  out,  began  very  slowly,  increase 
quickly,  and  then  has  rather  diminished  J 
its  rate  of  growth. 

On  page  3  there  is  a  discussion  of  tl 
size  of  the  cities  adopting  it.  We  sho 
that  almost  without  exception  it  has  bee 
the  smaller  cities  that  have  adopted  i 
Since  this  report  was  sent  to  the  print* 
word  has  been  received  that  St.  Pau 
Minn.,  has  adopted  this  form  of  goven 
ment.  That  then  is  the  largest  city,  ha^ 
ing  a  population  of  214,000. 

Then  follows  a  discussion  of  the  essel 
tial    features    and    the    non-essential    fei 


•The  report  is  printed  in  full  as  Append; 
C— Editor. 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


j  tures;    and    the    characteristic    of    this    re- 
7jB  port,  distinguishing  it  from  all  other  stud- 
ies of  the  commission  form  of  government, 
Dg  is   this:    that   we   hold  that   such   details  as 
the  initiative,  referendum,  recall,  home  rule, 
^  civil    service,    provisions    for    publicity,    are 
not    essential    features    of    the    commission 
form    of    government,    because    cities    that 
do    not    have    the    commission    form    have 
these  features,   all   or  son;  •  of  them;   some 
cities  have  them,   some  m  ,ions   have  them; 
and  some  have  not;   showing  that  they  are 
not  essential  to  the  commission  form. 

We  did  not  wish  to  go  too  much  into 
controversial  matters  in  this  report,  but  on 
page  five  we  have  taken  up  the  considera- 
tion of  the  results  of  this  commission 
form. 

Now,  reports  differ.  There  is  a  mass 
of  information  on  both  sides  outside  of 
J  Socialist  sources.  Some  of  them  are  very 
much  in  favor  and  report  that  it  has  been 
very  successful.  Others  report  that  it  has 
not  been^successful.  You  can  read  it  and 
decide  for  yourselves  what  your  judgment 
ef  is;  what  your  opinion  ought  to  be  from  this 
information. 

On  page  6  we  mention  some  of  the 
favorable  and  some  of  the  unfavorable  re- 
ports "showing  that  there  is  a  difference  of 
opinion   even   among   the    non-Socialists. 

On   page    9    we   report   the    result    of   our 
circular  letters.      There  you  will  find   some 
very  peculiar  things.     You  will  find  in  the 
first  place  that  some  of  the  Socialist  locals 
are  very  much  in  favor  of  the  commission 
form    of    government.      Some    of    them    are 
very    much    opposed    to    it.       Considerably 
more   of   the   locals  are  opposed   to   it   than 
favor    it.      Quite    a    number    do    not    know 
where  they  stand;  and  in  fact  do  not  stand 
anywhere     on     the      question.        They     are 
neither    for    it    nor    against    it.      I    suppose 
•several  hundred  people  from   locals   in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  country  have  written  us 
''  during    these    two   years   asking   us    to    tell 
'  them    where    they    actually    stood    on    the 
11  subject.     And  of  course  we  had  to  assume 
D  the    judicial    attitude,    and    tell    them    they 
<•  would  have  to  wait  until  you  told  us  where 
f  we   stood  before  we   told   them  where   they 
(  stood.     That  is   the  purpose  of  this  report. 
GJ  The   result   of  the   reports    from   the   locals 
you  will  find  on  page  9. 

On  page  11  we  take  up  the  arguments  for 
I  and  against  as  reported  by  the  locals;  and 
then  your  committee  points  out  three  at 
least  of  the  principal  objections  to  the 
commission  form  of  government.  You  will 
find  beginning  at  the  bottom  of  page  11 
under  "Objectionable  features,"  the  first  one 
is  "Extreme  Concentration,'1'  the  second  one 
on  page  12,  the  non-partizan  policy;  the 
third  one  on  page  14,  the  elimination  of 
minority  representation.  And  then  we  take 
Up  some  other  general  objections. 

On  page  15  we  discuss  some  of  the  claims 
put  forth  by  the  champions  of  the  commis- 
sion form  of  government  and  we  try  to 
show,  what  we  believe  to  be  true,  that  many 
of  the  claims  put  forth  by  the  friends  of 
the  commission  form  are  without  founda- 
tion. That  they  are  not  well  established. 
I  would  like  to  ask  those  of  you  who  are 
following  the  report  to  strike  out  for  us 
at  the  present  time  one  part  of  a  sentence 
at  the  bottom  of  pace  15.  It  got  in  by  mis- 
take and  we  would  like  to  have  it  out.  It 
is  the  sentence  that  reads,  "This  should 
have  given  them  sufficient  ground  for  re- 
fusing to  submit  the  matter."  That  sen- 
tence should  be  stricken  out.  The  com- 
mittee wishes  to  have  it  stricken  out;  and 
it  will  be  stricken  out  in  the  final  printed 
report. 


There  is  one  feature  in  regard  to  this  .1 
commission  form  of  government  which  [•  \ 
seems  to  us  should  not  have  been  ove/ 
looked  and  which  has  been  overlooked  by 
almost  all  writers  on  this  subject,  and 
that  is  the  experience  of  other  countries  in 
the  effort  to  solve  the  problems  of  munici- 
pal government.  The  commission  form  of 
government  we  point  out  is  an  entirely 
new  proposition.  There  is  no  precedent  for 
it  anywhere  in  the  world.  We  point  out 
that  while  the  best  governed  cities  in  the 
world  are  beyond  question  the  cities  of 
Germany,  and  the  next  best  governed  cities 
from  the  standpoint  of  efficiency  are  the 
cities  of  England,  and  perhaps  the  next 
best  governed  the  cities  of  France,  yet 
the  advocates  of  the  commission  form  and 
nearly  all  writers  have  practically  ignored 
the  experience  of  other  nations  in  the  solu- 
tion of  these  problems  of  municipal  govern- 
ment. 

On  page  19  we  point  out  certain  desira- 
ble features  of  municipal  government  in 
their  relation  to  the  commission  form. 
There  are  certain  features  which  we  almost 
always  find  in  connection  with  the  com- 
mission form  of  government  which  are  very 
desirable.  And  we  point  out  that  it  is  im- 
portant not  to  take  an  indiscriminate  op- 
position to  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment, because  that  might  seem  to  place 
us  in  opposition  to  certain  features  which 
we  would  all  desire.  The  attitude  that  the 
party  should  take  in  any  particular  city 
or  state  should  be  determined  by  the  par- 
ticular form  and  the  specific  features 
sought  to  be  adopted.  For  instance  while 
a  commission  of  five  members  may  be  and 
probabfly  is  the  most  efficient  in  small  cities 
we  do  not  believe  so  small  a  governing 
body  is  desirable  in  large  cities.  Home  rule 
of  course  we  all  believe  in.  Every  student 
of  municipal  problems  knows  that  in  this 
and  all  other  countries  one  of  the  funda- 
mental purposes  of  capitalistic  government 
is  to  bind  cities  down  so  that  they  cannot 
adopt  radical  changes  which  would  favor 
the  working  class.  Every  extension  of  the 
right  of  home  rule  to  the  muncipalities  is 
a  great  help  in  securing  municipal  owner- 
ship, direct  employment,  trades  union  con- 
ditions, and  many  other  important  mat- 
ters. 

And  finally,  when  the  committee  came  to 
the  question  of  recommendations,  the  com- 
mittee did  not  feel  that  it  would  be  right 
to  attempt  to  make  any  specific  recommen- 
dations as  to  what  any  certain  local  or 
state  organization  should  do  apart  from 
the  general  principles  that  we  have  dis- 
cussed in  the  report,  for  the  obvious  reason 
that  there  are  hardly  any  two  cities  or  any 
two  states  that  have  the  same  form  of 
commission  government.  Therefore  the 
only  thing  we  could  say  to  you  as  a  com- 
mittee was  this,  that  you  would  have  to 
study  the  particular  form  of  commission 
government  that  is  up  for  discussion  in 
your  city  or  state  and  with  reference  to 
the  actual  situation  there,  with  reference 
to  the  principles  that  we  have  laid  down, 
and  then  locally  decide  what  your  attitude 
shall  be.  That  is  because  of  the  great 
variation  in  the  laws  and  in  the  charters. 
However,  there  was  one  thing  upon  which 
the  committee  agreed  as  a  recommendation 
and  that  was  the  very  last  sentence:  "That 
a  committee  be  appointed  by  the  conven- 
tion to  study  further  the  best  forms  of 
muncipal  government,  and  to  submit  the 
results  of  their  work  as  a  ba^is  for  a  form 
that  may  be  proposed  as  an  alternative  and 
improvement  upon  the  commission  plan." 
Now  the  thought  of  your  committee  is  this: 
the  capitalistic  reform  forces  in  this  coun- 


'-/• 


\ 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


try  seem  to  think  that  they  are  called  upon 
to  make  a  contribution  to  the  solution  of 
this  most  difficult  of  all  American  prob- 
lcms,  that  of  municipal  government;  and 
thfir  contribution  is  this  commission  form 
of  government.  That  is  their  last,  best 
and  wisest  word.  Your  committee  feel  that 
that  is  not  the  very  wisest  word;  they  are 
sure  it  is  not  the  last  or  best  word  on  the 
question  of  the  best  form  of  municipal 
government.  But,  comrades,  your  commit- 
tee also  felt  that  if  we  were  able  to  say 
that  much  that  we  also  ought  to  be  able 
to  answer  the  next  question  that  is  sure 
to  come,  namely,  Well,  what  have  you  that 
is  better?  And  that  question  can  not  be 
answered  offhand.  It  can  only  be  answered 
after  an  exhaustive,  thorough  going  study 
of  the  whole  problem  of  municipal  govern- 
ment in  all  its  forms,  and  with  constant 
reference  to  the  principles  involved  in  the 
struggle  of  the  working  class  of  this  coun- 
try for  a  new  civilization,  for  better  forms 
of  government,  and  for  the  democratic  or- 
ganization  of   all    industry. 

So  our  recommendation  on  that  point  is 
that  this  be  attempted;  that  a  committee 
be  appointed  to  deal  with  this  matter.  I 
believe  I  speak  for  the  whole  committee 
when  I  say  that  we  feel  that  it  is  up  to 
the  Socialist  Party  to  make  on  this  ques- 
tion of  the  best  form  of  municipal  govern- 
ment the  same  kind  of  constructive  contri- 
bution that  we  have  made  on  many  other 
serious  social  problems  of  the  day.  And  we 
want  to  do  that. 

I   move   the  adoption   of  the  report. 

The  motion  for  the  adoption  of  the  report 
was  duly  seconded.! 

DEL,  MORGAN  (Minn.):  On  page  12 
you  say:  "The  elimination  of  parties  is  a 
seriously  objectionable  feature."  Am  I  to 
understand  you  to  say  by  this  report  that 
the  commission  form  of  government  by 
necessity  is  non-partizan.  If  so,  you  are 
mistaken.  The  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment, or  its  principle,  can  be  added  to 
any  kind  of  government,  the  federal  form, 
or  the  county  form,  or  any  other.  If  you 
mean  that  then  it  is  not  true:  it  is  not  the 
fact.  /Do  I  understand  the  committee  to 
mean  that  if  a  community  adopts  the  com- 
mission form  of  government  that  they  of 
necessity  must   have  a  non-partizan   form? 

DEL.  THOMPSON:  We  do  not  mean  to 
say  that.  If  you  had  read  the  report  en- 
tirely you  would  see  that  on  another  page 
we  analyze  the  various  state  and  city  laws 
and  show  just  what  proportion  requires 
a  non-partizan  election  and  what  propor- 
tion does  not.  There  are  a  little  more 
than  half  of  the  state  and  city  laws  that 
require  a  non-partizan  election.  All  we 
mean  to  say  on  page  12  is  that  where  the 
non-partizan  idea  is  made  a  part  of  the 
commission  form  there  is  failure.  We  do 
not  believe   in   non-partizan   elections. 

DEL.  MORGAN:  As  I  come  from  the 
largest  city  that  has  adopted  this  commis- 
sion form  of  government,  and  it  will  not 
go  into  effect  for  two  years,  and  it  is  very 
evident  that  it  is  an  experiment  all  over 
the  country  I  very  thoroughly  stand  in 
favor  of  the  recommendation  that  a  com- 
mittee be  appointed  to  still  consider  this 
problem  and  to  present  something  if  possi- 
ble that  would  be  better  for  the  govern- 
ment of  our  great  cities.  It  does  work  well 
in  small  cities;  it  has  been  in  effect  In 
some  small  cities  for  over  a  hundred  years; 
but  not  under  the  name  of  the  commission 
form.  Some  small  cities  elect  three  coun- 
cilmen  and  a  mayor;  others  two  and  a 
mayor.  They  have  the  whole  government 
of  a  little  village  or  town  in  their  hands; 
that    is   virtually    the   commission    form    of 


government.     That  seems  to  work  well.     I 
has  been  adopted  in  many  small  towns.     I 
has    evidently    recommended    itself    and    it; 
use    is    rapidly    increasing.      The    question 
however,    is    now    coming    up    to    the    larg< 
cities,    and    Saint   Paul    is    the    largest    citj 
that   has    yet   adopted   it,   and   there   it   cai 
not    take    effect    until    1914.      Therefore    ; 
think    it    would    be    well    to    consider    thh 
question  more,  because  the  important  poin 
made    by    Comrade    Thompson    is    this:    I: 
Socialists    object    to    the    commission    forrr 
of    government — our    local    objected    to    tht 
non-partizan    feature,    but    it    was    carrlec 
by    an    overwhelming    majority,     with     the 
privilege    of   amending    it — the    question    is 
put  up  to  us  whenever  we  oppose  this  form 
of    government,     what    have    you    to     offer 
that    is    better   for   a    great   city    like    this? 
This   is   a  great  question  before   us   and   ii 
needs     earnest     and     intelligent     considera- 
tion.     I    hope    this    convention   will    not   go 
off  half  cocked,  and  show  our  ignorance  of 
the   problem.      I   think   we   better  wait   pa- 
tiently for  two  years;  let  this  investigation 
go   on   with   our   ablest   men   engaged   in   it, 
and  see  if  we  cannot  come  finally  to  some 
scientific  solution  of  this  one  of  our  great- 
est problems,    because   American   cities   are 
the    most    disgracefully   misgoverned    cities 
in  the  world.     We  know  that  German  and 
English  cities  come  nearer  to  efficient  gov- 
ernment.     Glasgow   is   almost   governed   by 
the  commission  form;  they  center  the  power 
in  three   or  four  or  five.      It  is  one   of  the 
best  governed  cities  in  the  world. 

I  hope  this  will  carry  and  for  the  next 
two  years  an  efficient  committee  will  thor- 
oughly  investigate   the   whole   matter. 

DEL.  LE  SEUER  (N.  D.):  In  connection 
with  this  discussion  I  wish  just  to  offer  a 
few  remarks  before  you  act  upon  it.  I 
wish  to  give  you  a  few  facts.  We  have 
gone  through  the  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment mill,  and  we  have  had  experience 
with  it  in  office  and  out  of  office  and  we 
happen  to  know  something  more  about  its 
actual  operation  than  some  of  you  comrades 
who  have  not  had  the  experience.  I  refer 
to  Minot,  N.  D.  I  want  to  call  your  atten- 
tion to  some  of  the  statements  made  in 
this  report,  not  to  criticise  but  to  elucidate. 
I  want  to  say  now  that  there  are  objec- 
tions in  this  report  to  the  commission  form 
of  government  that  are  not  well  founded, 
if  they  are  taken  literally.  Remember  that 
is  not  a  reflection  upon  the  fairness  of  the 
committee.  I  have  no  doubt  that  they  have 
done  the  best  that  could  be  "Hone  with  the 
information  at  hand;  and  they  are  entitled 
to  the  thanks  of  the  Socialist  Party  for 
the  'results  obtained.  But  there  are  some 
objections  in  this  report  to  the  commission 
form  of  government  that  are  not  well  taken 
or  well  founded.  One  of  them  for  instance 
is  that  the  commission  form  does  away 
with  minority  representation.  Nothing  could 
be  further  from  the  truth.  Take  the  coun- 
cil form  of  government  where  you  elect  by 
wards,  and  there  you  have  51  per  cent  in 
each  ward  represented  and  the  other  49 
per  cent  unrepresented.  If  there  are  three 
tickets  35  per  cent  may  elect  and  the  other 
65  be  unrepresented.  But  when  the  com- 
mission form  is  adopted  there  is  a  pro- 
vision in  the  law  in  our  state  that  does 
give  you  real  minority  representation.  It 
is  provided  for  by  the  cumulative  system 
of  voting  which  is  not  commented  upon 
here.  The  committee  seems  to  have  had  no 
information  on  the  cumulative  system  of 
voting  in  many  commission  cities.  That 
provides  for  minority  representation.  That 
is  to  say  if  three  or  four  commissioners  are 
to  be  elected,  the  voter  has  the  right  to 
cast  one  vote   for  each  commissioner  who 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


1 


is  to  be  elected;  but  the  voter  may  if  he 
choose,  cast  all  his  votes  for  one  candidate, 
and  that  gives  you  real,  practical,  demo- 
cratic minority  representation.  Now  you 
all   ought  to  know   that. 

Again,  with  reference  to  the  non-parti- 
zan  feature.  It  has  been  our  experience 
in  our  city — and  we  have  a  few  Socialists 
there — we  are  numerous  enough  even  at 
this  stage  of  the  game  to  have  brought 
about  the  issuance  of  a  license  fc.  a  regu- 
lar marriage  ceremony  for  the  two  old 
parties — it  has  been  our  experience  in  our 
town  that  the  Socialist  Party  organiza- 
tion is  the  only  party  organization  that  can 
maintain  its  efficiency  and  its  integrity  and 
hold  its  party  together  without  the  party 
name  on  the  ballot.  We  have  demonstrated 
that  at  least  in  North  Dakota  the  Socialists 
can  do  that  and  can  survive  and  flourish 
in  the  face  of  a  non-partizan  ballot.  It  is 
not  merely  a  non-partizan  ballot.  It  means 
in  effect  an  educational  qualification;  they 
must  know  who  they  are  voting  for  without 
having  some  scab  politician  tell  them  to 
vote  the  ticket  straight. 

Again,  as  to  the  fact  that  in  foreign 
countries  there  are  so  far  as  the  committee 
knows  no  commission  governed  cities.  So 
far  as  that  is  concerned  I  want  to  say 
that  the  commission  form  of  government 
is  not  a  cut  and  dried  affair;  and  of  all  the 
parties  in  American  today  the  Socialist 
Party  ought  to  be  the  very  last  party  to 
side  step  a  thing  merely  because  it  is 
new. 

This  report   makes  practically  no   recom- 
mendations at  all,  and  I  think  it  ought  to. 
Remember,  comrades,  this  it  not  offered  by 
way   of   ciriticism;   but  by   way   of  sugges- 
tion.    The  last  sentence  of  the  report  reads 
as     follows:       "One     thing,     however,     your 
committee    would    recommend,    viz.,    that   a 
ommittee   be   appointed   by   the   convention 
to  study  further  the  best  forms  of  munici- 
pal  government  and   to   submit   the   results 
3f  their   work  as   a  basis   for   a  form   that 
may  be  proposed  as  an  alternative  and  im- 
provement    upon     the     commission     plan." 
STow,    that    is    right.       We    have    today    in 
his    country    hundreds    of    cities    that    are 
n    the    condition    that    Saint    Paul    was    a 
couple  of  weeks  ago,  debating  the  question 
)f  adopting  this  form  of  government.   Now 
his    convention    owes    it    to    the    Socialist 
-^arty    all   over   the    country   after   the    Na- 
ional      Executive     Committee      has     circu- 
ated  literature  blindly  and  ignorantly  con- 
iemning    the    commission    form    of    govern- 
nent,    without    knowing    what    it    was,    to 
state    something    specific    on    this    question. 
'  therefore  move  that  the  report  be  amend- 
:d    as    follows:      That    the    matter    of    en- 
'orsing    the    commission    form    of    govern- 
nent  is   one  which  must  be  settled  by  the 
tate  organizations  owing  to  the  great  vari- 
tions    in    the    laws    concerning    that    form 
f  government. 
The  motion  was  seconded. 
THE    CHAIRMAN:    It    has    been    moved 
nd   seconded   that   the    report   be   amended 
o    the    effect   that   each    state    shall    decide 
he   attitude   of  that  state   on   the  commis- 
ion    form    of    government,     owing    to     the 
arying  state  of  the  laws  and  the  different 
inoN   of  commission   government. 
DEL.     SLOBODIN    (N.    Y.):    I    move    an 
mendment    to    the    amendment    that    this 
eport  be   referred   to   a   committee   of   nine 
o   be   elected    by    the   National    Committee, 
hat   committee   to   report   its   findings    and 
ecommendation    to    the    National    Commit- 
ee  for  action.  M      ■  .. 

The     amendment     of     Delegate     Slobodin 
ras  duly  seconded.  ' 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  I  want  to  say  that  this 


convention  cannot  adopt  a  book  containing 
matters  of  policy  which  may  be  contro-N 
verted;  we  cannot  adopt  an  essay.  We  do 
not  adopt  theses  or  essays.  We  adopt  rec- 
ommendations of  policy,  or  for  action.  We 
must  adopt  resolutions  here  for  the  guid- 
ance of  comrades  who  have  written  to  the 
committee  to  know  where  they  stand.  That 
committee  now  appeals  to  us  for  informa- 
tion where  they  stand.  What  do  we  say 
here?  We  adopt  a  question  without  an 
answer.  We  are  not  in  a  position  to  give 
the  answer  because  the  committee  did  not 
answer  any  questions.  Therefore  we  ought 
to  refer  them  to  a  committee  for  action; 
but  not  to  wait  for  another  convention. 
Let  that  committee  be  elected  by  the  Na- 
tional Committee.  That  committee  is  as 
representative  as  we  are.  They  should 
elect  a  committee;  and  that  committee 
should  act  at  once  and  report  to  the  Na- 
tional Committee  its  recommendations  for 
that  committee  to  adopt  or  reject  as  they 
see  fit. 

In  New  York  state  we  have  gone  on  rec- 
ord as  opposing  the  commission  form  of 
government.  Perhaps  we  are  wrong.  But 
I  am  not  going  to  discuss  that  matter  now. 
That  is  not  the  immediate  issue.  It  is 
as  important  a  question,  however,  as  will 
ever  come  before  this  convention,  the  ques- 
tion of  the  government  of  the  cities  of  this 
country,  because  that  is  where  Socialism 
bobs  up  in  control  of  the  government.  Now 
we  may  be  wrong;  the  Socialist  Party  by 
giving  certain  guiding  resolutions  to  the 
locals  of  the  party  may  be  wrong,  but  it  is 
better  to  be  wrong  and  find  it  out  than  to 
take  no  action  whatever.  I  want  this  party 
to  take  some  stand  on  this  question.  Is  it 
in  favor  of  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment or  is  it  opposed  to  it.  It  would  not 
do  to  say  we  leave  it  to  the  state.  It  does 
not  do  for  New  York  to  oppose  the  commis- 
sion form  of  government  and  New  Jersey 
to  favor  it.  When  we  come  to  exchange 
speakers  how  can  our  speakers  be  consist- 
ent. The  Socialist  Party  should  take  some 
stand  upon  this  question. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  think  that  one 
of  the  most  unfortunate  things  that  has 
happened  in  our  ranks  since  the  last  con- 
gress was  the  action  that  was  taken  on  the 
question  of  the  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment. I  speak  to  you  as  one  having 
some  experience  with  the  commission  form 
of  government.  The  city  of  Berkeley  is  so 
administered.  The  new  charter"  has  been 
in  effect  now  for  four  years;  and  we  are  now 
working  under  that  charter.  And  with  the 
experience  that  we  have  had  in  the  city 
of  Berkeley  and  the  other  cities  of  Cali- 
fornia where  the  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment is  established  I  wish  to  say  that 
from  my  experience  and  observation  that 
I  am  profoundly  convinced  that  the  com- 
mission form  of  government  is  superior 
for  our  purposes  as  Socialists  to  any  other 
previous  form  of  city  organization. 

A  DELEGATE:  Provided  Socialists  are 
in  power. 

DEL.  WILSON:  I  will  take  up  that  point 
in  a  minute.  I  am  now  giving  you  my  ex- 
perience. In  the  first  place  we  found  this: 
that  in  every  city  in  the  state  of  California 
where  we  were  conducting  a  campaign  with 
the  non-partizan  ballot,  the  short  ballot 
and  the  non-partizan  ballot — that  we  were 
the  only  organization  that  could  hold  its 
strength  through  the  campaign;  that  the 
only  political  organization  that  could  hold 
its  strength  through  the  campaign,  both 
primary  and  final  was  the  Socialist  organ- 
ization. That  is  the  fact.  In  Alameda,  in 
Vallejo,   in  Modesto,   in  Santa  Cruz,   in  Los 


\ 


/ 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Angeles,  in  all  these  cities  in  the  state 
of  California  in  every  one  without  excep- 
tion, we  had  all  sorts  of  parties  strug- 
gling- for  a  place  on  the  ballot  and  we 
stood  of  course  united  and  alone.  In  al- 
most every  case  we  came  out  at  least  sec- 
ond on  the  ballot,  with  the  others  disinte- 
grated and  only  one  ahead  of  us.  Now 
you  can  see  the  reason  of  that.  The  others 
were  divided  on  candidates,  on  principles; 
we  were  united  on  our  principles  and  our 
candidates;  we  had  our  organization;  and 
we  forged  to  the  front  in  every  city;  'and 
a  little  better  co-operation  between  our 
party  and  the  trades  unions  would  have 
put  us  in  the  saddle  in  half  a  dozen  cities 
in  the  state  of  California.  After  the  pri- 
mary election  comes  the  final  election.  We 
succeeded  in  getting  second  place  in  many 
divided,  and  in  antagonism  as  the  result 
of  the  preceding  primary  election;  while 
we  were  just  in  fighting  shape.  We  had 
fought  as  a  unit  and  continued  as  a  unit. 

In  the  next  place  when  we  come  to  the 
question  of  administration.  If  we  elect 
our  candidates  to  office  under  the  commis- 
sion form  of  government  that  form  of  gov- 
ernment is  much  more  compact  and  a  more 
adequate  instrument  for  the  administra- 
tion of  city  affairs  than  the  old  ward  sys- 
tem, or  any  other  system  of  city  organiza- 
tion that  we  have  yet  had  in  this  country. 
The  mayor  and  councilmen  meet  every  day 
to  discuss  and  conduct  the  affairs  of  the 
municipality;  they  take  up  the  matters  at 
their  hand  and  proceed  to  attend  to  them. 
That  is  impossible  under  the  old  methods. 

Now,  these  various  forms  of  commission 
government  vary.  They  vary  in  the  form 
of  organization.  But  the  one  principle  is 
there;  and  what  we  need  to  do  according  to 
my  experience  is  this:  not  oppose  the  com- 
mission form  of  government  but  improve 
the  city  charters  in  the  various  cities.  We 
want  to  perfect  the  form  of  administration. 
We  must  perfect  the  operation  of  the  in- 
itiative, referendum  and  recall.  We  must 
see  that  they  are  inserted  in  every  city 
charter.  We  want  to  perfect  the  operation 
of  those  elements  that  give  power  to  the 
city  council  so  that  they  can  deal  with  the 
public  service  corporations,  and  with  mu- 
nicipal administration;  that  is  to  say,  in- 
crease and  extend  the  powers  of  the  coun- 
cil for  reaching  out  over  and  taking  hold 
of  everything  that  we  Socialists  stand  for. 
That  is  what  we  need  to  do. 

I  might  have  added  one  other  item  that 
I  may  bring  in  now.  In  every  city  in  the 
state  of  California  where  we  had  the  com- 
mission form  of  government,  when  our 
candidates  were  nominated  that  it  lined 
up  our  Socialist  forces  as  nothing  had  ever 
done  before,  in  thos£  cities.  That  is  the 
fact.  I  believe  that  is  entirely  undis- 
puted in  the  state  of  California.  Therefore 
what  I  think  should  be  done,  although  I 
make  no  motion  in  regard  to  it,  is  this:  that 
,d  of  Socialists  flooding  the  country 
with  anti-commission  form  of  government 
literature,  a  mere  negation,  without  any 
constructive  proposition  whatever;  that  it 
is  our  business  to  get  to  the  root  of  this 
question,  perfect  a  proposition  for  the 
commission  form  of  government,  go  to  it, 
take  hold  of  it,  and  perfect  it,  and  make 
it  an  instrument  for  successful  city  gov- 
ernment, an  instrument  for  Socialist  suc- 
cess, instead  of  blindly  and  unintelligently 
eking  it. 

DEL.  BYRD  (Tex.):  I  wish  to  say  to 
the  comrades  that  the  commission  form  of 
government  was  instituted  in  the  city  of 
Galveston  after  the  father  of  the  universe 
had  become  enraged  at  the  wickedness  of 
that  city;  for  the  democrats  of  Texas  got 
so  scared  that  he  would  send  the  balance  of 


them  to  hell;  and  the  state  legislature  also 
said,  "The  Lord  is  mad  at  us,"  and  they  gave 
them  the  commission  form  of  government. 
And  for  a  few  years  while  they  remained 
scared  of  the  Lord  they  gave  the  people  a 
fairly  honest  government.  But  the  scare 
finally  wore  off;  and  so  the  fact  re- 
mains that  we  cannot  have  any  really  good 
form  of  government  anywhere  until  we  take 
complete  charge  of  the  government  at 
Washington.  We  can  never  be  successful 
in  our  own  struggle  either  until  we  have 
gained  the  throne  of  power  and  recognized 
our  mothers,  wives  and  sisters  as  one-half 
of  the  human  family  and  given  them  a 
voice   in   the   affairs   of  government. 

Now  I  agree  with  Comrade  Wilson  from 
California.  We  should  thank  this  commit- 
tee for  their  work,  and  not  go  to  the  ex- 
pense of  scattering  literature  opposed  to 
this  commission  form  of  government  all 
over  the  United  States;  but  as  he  said,  put 
out  the  scientific  principles  of  Socialism  and 
go  after  them  until  we  capture  the  whole 
thing.  Let  uys  get  a  governor  that  repre- 
sents the  working  class;  elect  a  president 
that  represents  the  working  class.  And  when 
the  right  time  comes  I  want  to  have  the 
pleasure  of  nominating  a  man  to  be  the 
next  president  of  this  country,  Mayor 
Seidel  of  Milwaukee,  who  will  always  rep- 
resent the  working  class. 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Cal.):  I  have  no  presi- 
dential candidate  to  nominate.  But  I  do 
wish  to  speak  upon  this  motion  in  favor  of 
the  committee's  report,  and  in  favor  of  the 
amendment  which  is  practically  the  same 
as  the  committee's  report  offered  by  Le 
Seuer,  and  against  the  amendment  offered 
by  the  comrade  over  here  and  for  this 
reason:  We  should  not  attack  the  report  of 
this  committee;  it  is  tentative;  they  make 
no  positive  recommendations.  By  adopting 
this  report  we  can  circulate  it  merely  as 
matter  of  information  among  the  locals, 
and  the  comrades  throughout  the  country. 
At  the  present  time  I  am  on  a  committee 
of  fifteen  in  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  where 
I  want  to  know  all  I  can  of  this  commis- 
sion form  of  government.  After  reading  a 
great  deal  about  the  commission  form  of 
government  and  listening  to  addresses  from 
those  who  were  familiar  with  it  I  became- 
a  convert,  to  its  cause.  I  will  say  that  wej 
were  the  "first  city  to  inaugurate  the  initi- 
ative, referendum  and  recall  which  we  have? 
used.  I  will  say  to  you  that  the  freehold-,' 
ers  committee  of  Los  Angeles  now  in  ses- 
sion and  of  which  I  am  a  member,  is  con-', 
trolled  by  our  people,  the  right  people;  and 
we  are  getting  up  the  most  progressive  city 
charter    that    there   is    in   America   today. 

One   or   two   other  points:    How   will    this 
be   against   us?     I   can   imagine   how    for   a* 
short  time  the  commission  form  of  govern-i 
ment   may  work   to  our   disadvantage   as   a-? 
party    organization,    but    I    am    firmly    con- 
vinced   that    after    two    years — or    four    at 
the  outside — in  any  community  that  it   will  ' 
be  to  the  advantage  of  the  Socialist  move-j 
ment,  this  commission  form  of  government..] 
Not  only  that;   it  is  a  step  forward,  a  stepj 
toward  the  ultimate  and  final  goal  that  we 
are   all    working   for;    and    we   as    Socialists 
cannot  afford  to  stand  in  the  way  of  a  ream 
progressive  movement  until  we  have  some*-j 
thing    better    to    offer.       In    the    meantimej 
while   this    report   contains   no   specific    i'ec-j 
ommendations  we  can  take  it  simply  as  the- 
findings   on   the   facts   of   the   case   at    their? 
disposal.      And  then  we  add   that   while   we, 
are  neither  endorsing  nor  opposing  the  com-* 
mission    form    of    government,    we    appoint' 
this  committee   of  nine  or  whatever  it   may 
be    to    still    further    investigate    and    report! 
two  years  hence,   or  at  some  other  time.     Ij 
favor   the   orfginal   motion;    and    I   am    cer-J 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


5i 


Inly  against  the  amendment  last  offered. 
3EL.  SPARGO  (Vt.):  I  favor  the  mo- 
a  to  adopt  the  report  and  continue  the 
nmittee.  I  am  also  strongly  in  favor  of 
;  recommendation  made  by  Comrade  Wil- 
i,  namely,  that  we  should  not  carry  on 
we  have  been  doing  in  this  country  an 
:i-commission  form  propaganda;  and  so 
ce  the  national  party  on  that  side  of  the 
;stion  at  this  time.  I  believe  the  com- 
ssion   form   of  government   is  as   inevita- 

in  politics  as  is  the  trust  in  industry, 
relieve  that  the  opposition  to  the  cbm- 
ssion  form  of  government  per  se  is  just 
insensible  in  the  realm  of  politics   as  is 

opposition  to  the  trust  in  the  realm  of 
ustrial  development.  I  desire  to  say 
t  when  our  good  friend  and  comrade 
m  Germany,  Dr.  Sudekim,  was  in  this 
ntry  studying  the  commission  form  of 
'eminent,  he  told  me  that  as  the  result 
his  study  from  the  Socialist  point'  of 
w,  he  believed  it  would  tend  to  work  to 

advantage   of  the   Socialist   Party;   and 
t  we   ought   to   support   it. 
.   DELEGATE:    A    point    of   order.      The 
Die   question   of   commission   government 

I  lot  under  discussion. 
'HE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  of  order  is 
well  taken.  Comrade  Spargo  is  speak- 
to  the  motion  and  amendment  before 
house. 
»EL.  SPARGO:  I  spent  some  time  in  the 
-  of  Spokane,  where  they  have  the  colli- 
sion form  of  government  in  its  most  ad- 
ced  and  perfected  form.  I  attended 
sral  sessions  of  the  municipal  admin- 
ative  body,  and  I  say  to  you  that  after 
t  experience  and  having  in  mind  my 
erience  with  municipal  government 
>where,  it  seemed  to  me  it  was  working 
only  more  efficiently  as  an  adminis- 
ive  machine,  but  that  it  was  capable  of 
;h  more  service  to  the  working  class 
i  the  ordinary  ward  politician,  huckster- 
tricky  style  of  administration  found 
er  the  common  form  of  political  admin- 
ation. 

do   want   to   ask   the   comrades   in    this 
mention  not  to  go  on  record  against  the 
mission    form    of    government;    and    to 
rent    this    anti-commission    propaganda 
agitation.      Leave    it    to    the    comrades 
heir  respective  localities  to  decide  their 
tude   toward   the    specific   form    of   com- 
sion    government    that    is    proposed    for 
r    community.      In    that    respect    I    be- 
e   that   the  report   of  our  committee   as 
before  us   is  a   model   of  wisdom,   and 
ht  well  be  copied  by  all  other  commit- 
that  are  elected  or  appointed   here. 
EL.    McCRILLIS    (la.):      I    am    a    rest- 
of   Des    Moines.      I    am    familiar   with 
celebrated    Des    Moines    plan;    I    have 
irved  its  workings  for  about  four  yearjs, 
1  want  to  speak  against  the  amendment 
Comrade   Slobodin,    that   this   convention 
lid  express  itself  one  way  or  the  other. 
m    very    well    convinced    that    this    con- 
tion    should    not    express    itself    against 
commission   form   of   government.      But 
ther  or  not  it  should   express   itself  in 
>r  depends  upon  the  information  of  the 
/ention.     I  am  a  little  in  doubt  whether 
hould. 

s  to  the  non-partizan  features,  and  its 
ct  upon  the  Socialist  movement  I  will 
this:  we  have  just  passed  through  a 
licipal  campaign  in  Des  Moines.  It  is 
i  that  we  were  compelled  to  drop  our 
:y  name  when  we  went  on  the  ticket, 
we  were  not  compelled  to  lose  our 
tity.  When  we  went  into  the  primary 
paign  there  is  where  we  won  our  fight 
use  we  did  not  expect  to  get  through 
primary    and    I    will    say    that    we    did 


secure  a  larger  and  better  hearing  than  we 
ever  did  before  in  the   city   of  Des   Moines 
and  a  larger  and  better  hearing  than  I  be- 
lieve it  was  possible  to  have  secured  under 
the  ward  system.     Or  under  the  party  lines. 
Why?     Because  on  the  old   lines   we  would 
have   had   to   form   our   own    meetings;    the 
Socialists   would   have   held   Socialist   meet- 
ings; the  democrats  would  have  iield  demo- 
cratic meetings;  and  the  republicans  would 
have    called    republican    meetings;    and    we 
would     not     have     had     a     hearing      before 
either   the    republican    or    democratic    meet- 
ings.     But  under  the  non-partisan  plan  we 
got  a  hearing  before  the  people  in  general. 
And    we    had    this    advantage.      Our    candi- 
dates  like  all   others   went   individually  be- 
fore  the   people.      But  we   went   as   a   solid 
compact  body  backed   by   our   organization; 
and    we    carried   on    our    campaign    by    con- 
structive  methods.      One   of   our   candidates 
at    one    meeting    would    present    one    phase 
of    a    subject;    another    could    take    it    up 
where     he     left    off,     and     present    another 
phase;  and  this  gave  us  an  advantage  over 
all  the  other  candidates  and  it  was  a  little 
amusing    to    find    all    the    other    candidates 
talking  Socialism  before  the  campaign  was 
over.      That    was    one    of    the    advantages. 
But   there  was   a  disadvantage,   too.      I   re- 
member that  just  a  day  or  two  before  the 
campaign  closed  there  were  men  who  came 
to  our  committee  and  wanted  to  know  who 
the    Socialist    candidates    were.      That    is    a 
disadvantage.     We  lost  our  identity  as   So- 
cialists.      Then     the    question     is     this:     So 
far   as    I    am    concerned,    is    the    advantage 
that    we    get    from    the    greater    and    better 
hearing    overbalanced    by    the    disadvantage 
of  losing  our   identity   when   we"  go   on   the 
official  ballot?     I  don't  believe  it  is.     I  want 
to  supplement  and   emphasize  if  I   can   the 
remarks    of    the    comrade    from    North    Da- 
kota and  the  comrade  from  California  when 
they    say    that    the    Socialist    Party    is    the 
only    organization    that    can    hold    its    iden- 
tity under  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment. 

But  there  is  one  thing  that  has  not  been 
touched  upon  here;  and  that  is  that  the 
commission  form  of  government  in  the 
municipalities  is  but  an  entering  wedge  on 
the  part  of  the  bourgeois  class  I  believe, 
to  introduce  the  same  principle  into  our 
state  and  national  governments  and  there 
I  believe  is  a  danger  that  we  must  look  out 
for. 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (O.):  I  am  opposed 
to  the  commission  form  of  government  for 
several  reasons.  One  reason  is  that  this  is 
a  reform  movement;  a  substitute  for  So- 
cialism; especially  adapted  for  advanta- 
geous use  by  the  capitalist  class  in  a  com- 
munity where  there  is  no  reform  move- 
ment outside  of  the  Socialist  Party.  Then 
they  build  that  up  as  one.  The  thing  that  ' 
the  Socialist  wants  is  class  lines  clearly 
drawn.  They  cannot  be  drawn  by  oblit- 
erating party  lines. 

I  want  to  say  further  that  some  of  the 
delegates  who  are  on  the  floor  of  this  con- 
vention today  as  representatives  of  the  So- 
cialist party  in  this  convention,  I  had  the 
honor  of  listening  to  when  they  were  speak- 
ing- for  Mayor  Jones,  the  non-partizan  can- 
didate for  mayor  of  Toledo.  We  have  no 
commission  form  of  government  in  To- 
ledo. We  don't  need  it.  They  took  the 
precaution  soon  enough,  and  they  adopted 
the  non-partizan  lines.  Thev  wiped  out  the 
identity  of  the  Socialist  candidates  or  tried 
to. 

Some  of  the  delegates  say  that  it  makes 
everybody  talk  Socialism.  They  believe  in 
Socialism  without  a  party;  Christianity 
without   a  Christ.      That   is»  what   the   com- 


52 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


mission  form  of  government  means.  This 
form  of  government  is  a  good  thing  for  the 
reformer.  It  is  a  very  poor  thing  for  So- 
cialists. As  a  Socialist  I  don't  want  any 
substitute  for  Socialism.  1  don't  want  to 
support  any  candidate  who  promises  sim- 
ply to  give  us  a  "good  government"  or  a 
"clean  government"  or  a  "business  adminis- 
tration" 01*  any  of  these  other  immediate 
demands.  I  want  the  capitalist  vote  op- 
posed by  a  clean  cut  class  conscious  So- 
cialist vote. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  From  my  point 
of  view  there  has  been  a  confusion  of  ideas 
in  this  discussion.  There  has  been  an  un- 
necessary separation  in  some  cases  because 
two  ideas  have  been  confused.  As  the 
commission  form  of  government  has  been 
presented  to  us  it  has  been  associated  with 
two  very  distinct  things.  One  is  the  non- 
partizan  majority  election.  That  is  not 
an  essential  part  of  commission  govern- 
ment at  all.  You  could  just  as  well  elect 
a  commission  form  of  government  with 
regular  party  ballot,  and  with  your  candi- 
dates regularly  placed  on  party  tickets. 
Let  that  be  clearly  grasped. 

The  other  idea  is  the  election  of  a  small 
group  of  administrative  officers,  with  the 
responsible  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the 
municipality  concentrated  in  a  few  hands. 
That  is  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment. That  is  its  essential  principle.  These 
few  men  hold  in  their  hands  all  the  pow- 
ers of  the  city  government,  including  all 
those  usually  given  to  the  mayor,  those 
usually  exercised  by  the  department  of 
public  works,  by  the  treasurer,  the  city 
clerk,  and  all  the  rest  of  them,  the  chief 
of  police  included;  and  this  smaller  group 
of  men  also  hold  the  powers  usually  held 
by  the  city  council,  all  these  powers,  legis- 
lative, administrative,  and  semi-judicial. 
All  of  these  are  in  the  hands  of  the  com- 
mission. They  act  as  one  body.  They 
do  not  act  as  checks  and  balances  at  all.  It 
is  all  in  one  hand  so  to  speak-1— all  the 
powers   of  municipal   government. 

Now  so  far  as  the  non-partizan  feature 
is  concerned  no  socialist  group  in  any  city 
could  be  non-partizan  if  they  were  So- 
cialists. Any  political  action  that  is  in- 
telligent is  only  the  expression  in  political 
form  of  the  interests  of  some  social  or 
economic  group  or  class.  When  that  is 
confused  the  political  action  is  not  intel- 
ligent. We  have  said  that  so  many  differ- 
ent ways  in  Milwaukee  that  they  are  be- 
ginning to  see  the  truth  of  it  there.  Even 
the  legislature  came  very  near  to  ad- 
mitting it  at  the  last  special  session.  They 
have  tried  to  persuade  us  in  Wisconsin,  in 
Milwaukee,  that  it  is  not  necessary  to 
designate  the  principles  of  a  candidate  for 
municipal  office;  that  it  is  entirely  a  matter 
of  the  man;  entirely  a  matter  of  the  in- 
telligence of  the  voters  in  picking  out  the 
man.  We  pointed  out  that  they  were  try- 
ing to  obscure  the  great  principles,  the 
great  issues  of  principle,  which  are  not 
merely  municipal  principles,  but  which  run 
from  top  to  bottom  of  the  Socialist  politi- 
cal structure.  And  finally  in  a  special  ses- 
sion recently  they  did  enact  a  non-partizan, 
municipal,  majority  election  law  for  cities 
in  Wisconsin;  and  they  did  make  some 
progress  over  the  previous  session;  where 
they  proposed  and  insisted,  but  did  not  suc- 
ceed— that  there  must  be  no  designation  of 
principles — and  they  passed  a  bill  for  the 
designation  of  principles.  And  they  confine 
that  designation  of  principles  to  five  words. 
They  must  be  words  not  used  in  the  desig- 
nation on  the  ballot,  nomination  paper, 
or  election  notice,  for  any  state  or  na- 
tional office.     We  have  got  to  get  different 


words  and  we  have   thought  of  putting 
the   ballot   these   five   words:      "Workers 
the  world  unite"   for  non-partizan  occasic 
this    non-partizan    election.      This    makes 
clear    I    truest   that    this   tinkering   with    t 
election   machinery  for  cities  is  not  a  nt 
essary    part    of    the    commission    form 
government.      That   is   the   very   thing    it 
has  been  most  of  all   insisted  upon  by  o 
woozy   friends    up    there   in   Milwaukee,    t 
non-partizans, — we  call  them  the  "woozie.* 

That  disposes,  it  seems  to  me,  of  t 
non-partizan,  majority  election  feature.  "V 
are  not  opposed  to  the  majority  electiq 
That  part  of  it  does  bring  out  the  cla 
line.  We  are  not  opposing  that,  unless 
does  this:  the  majority  election  may  pc 
sibly  result  if  it  be  in  a  place  where  the 
is  not  a  normal  majority — it  may  resi 
in  a  most  unwholesome  combination  of  t 
most  undesirable  elements  on  one  end  ay 
the  equally  undesirable  googoos  at  t, 
other.  Then  you  get  a  most  horrible  mes 
I  was  in  Los  Angeles  and  the  googoos  n, 
one  end  of  the  campaign  and  the  saloo; 
and  the  dives  ran  the  other.  In  Milwa 
kee  we  had  the  same  thing.  A  combinati( 
of  the  red  light  district  and  the  googoc 
and  all  that  sort  that  come  between.  Th 
is  what  you  get  when  you  force  an  a 
normal  majority  where  there  is  not  a  no 
mal  majority  of  those  properly  related 
each  other  by  economic  connection.  Tl 
class  line  is  there,  however,  and  sooner  < 
later  there  must  come  intelligent  actic 
along  the  lines  fixed  by  economic  interes 
but  for  the  time  being  it  is  liable  to  confu: 
the  situation  terribly. 

As  to  the  commission  form  of  goveri 
ment  increasing  economy  and  efficiency,  yc 
do  not  have  to  have  the  commission  for 
of  government  in  order  to  have  efficienc 
I  will  refer  you  to  all  sorts  of  men,  ai 
thorities  on  that  subject,  who  will  say  thi 
the  administration  of  Milwaukee — I  am  n< 
going  to  make  any  nominating  speech — tl 
Milwaukee  style  of  government,  mayor,  tj 
old  style  council,  chief  of  police,  and  a 
of  that — nevertheless  it  furnished  what  : 
conceded  to  be  if  not  the  most  efficient,  cer 
tainly  ranked  among  the  most  efficient  forn 
of  city  government  in  this  country.  ^ 
made  good.  We  showed  what  could  be  do^ 
in  two  years.  But  the  commission  for* 
of  government  does  make  it  more  convt 
nient  for  those  to  whom  the  power  is  give 
to  do  the  things  which  they  wish  to  d 
No  doubt  about  that.  It  simplifies  matter 
You  don't  have  to  have  all  the  folderol,  tl 
red  tape,  the  hocuspocus  of  council  actioj 
wjth  resolutions  laid  over,  and  a  minorit 
held  in  check  by  all  that  sort  of  thini 
You  get  a  simplified,  more  direct  action] 
that  is  what  you  want.  But  we  have  Hi 
notion  in  Milwaukee  at  the  present  tii| 
that  the  representative  the  city  somethin 
to  say  through  their  special  representatli 
in  the  common  council;  and  gives  them 
chance  to  talk  it  over  with  the  differed 
elements,  and  with  the  different  kind  <J 
folks  there  represented  it  seems  to  us  thi 
that  has  proved  to  be  passably  effecti* 
when  intelligence  enough  is  applied  to  th^ 
method.  But  I  also  want  to  say  that,, 
could — no,  I  won't  be  so  indiscreet  as  t 
say  that  I  could — but  my  Comrade  Hod 
city  attorney  of  Milwaukee,  who  is  a  lad 
yer,  could  draft  such  a  form  of  commissiq 
government  as  would  be  utterly  obnoxiod 
to  the  googoos  and  the  so-called  reformed 
And  he  could  draft  one  that  would  be  sal 
isfactory  to  every  socialist.  The  commii 
sion  form  of  government  can  be  anythiij 
you  please.  That  is  the  point  I  wish  | 
make  about  the  commission  form  of  goj 
eminent.      Now    in    settling   what    shall    b 


\1 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


53 


V 


3  particular  form  of  commission  gov- 
lment  the  state  in  each  case  settles  that. 
<u  will  have  to  change  the  whole  form 
government  in  these  United  States  be- 
-e  you  can  change  that."    And,  comrades, 

don't  propose  to  wait  until  we  get  the 
lole  United  States  constitution  fixed  to 
it  us  before  we  begin  on  the  job  of  fixing 
i  municipal  government  to  suit  us. 
3EL.  MALKIEL.  (N.  Y.):  What  are  we  So- 
,lists  in  this  convention  doing?  We  were 
i  ones  that  said  William  Howard  Taft 
,s  not  fit  to  be  president  of  the  United 
ites  because  he  did  not  know  what  he  was 
ng  to  do.  I  say  that  our  committees  are 
;  fit  to  be  committees  if  after  two  years' 
idy  of  this  subject  they  are  not  ready 
make  any  recommendations.  What  is 
s  convention  doing  here?  Why  can't  we 
I  some  intelligent  action?     Why  can't  we 

some  recommendations  as  to  what  we 
>uld  do  about  it?  We  have  spent  two 
1  a  half  days  here;  two  committees  have 
orted  so  far;  and  neither  one  has 
ught  in  anything  by  which  we  could  ar- 
e  at  some  decision.  How  in  the  world 
ild  we  accept  this  report?  What  is 
re  for  us  to  accept?  What  more  do  we 
>w  than  we  knew  before?  We  come 
e  to  decide  these  things  for  ourselves, 
lat  are  we  going  to  do?  Two  years  ago 
elected  committee;  now  we  are  going  to 
nd  days  against  electing  committees; 
[  then  two  years  from  now  they  will  come 
i.in  and  tell  us  the  same  thing  over  again, 
far  as  the  non-partizan  commission  form 
government  is  concerned  I  have  had 
le  experiences  that  are  not  as  favorable 
those  of  the  comrades  who  spoke  awhile 
.  I  have  been  in  cities  where  the  people 
e  sick  and  tired  of  the  graft  of  a  demo- 
tic mayor.  For  years  the  democratic 
yor  fooled  them  and  exploited  them, 
n  they  elected  a  republican  mayor  and 
did  likewise.  The  ball  kept  rolling  from 
5  to  side.  So  the  people  were  tired  of 
this;  they  did  not  want  any  more  re- 
>liean  or  democratic  mayors;  but  they 
ited  some  solution  of  the  problem  that 
?  facing  them;  finally  the  solution  came 
he  commission  form  of  government;  and 
y  gladly  adopted  it.  They  proposed  a 
-partizan  ticket.  The  working  class 
e  delighted.  At  last  the  day  of  salva- 
i  had  come.  But  let  me  tell  you  what 
pened.  When  the  republicans  had  been 
(office   the    democrats    had    stood    outside 

told  the  people  what  the  republicans 
e  doing.  When  the  democrats  were 
office  the  republicans  likewise  told  the 
pie  what  the  democrats  were  doing.  In 
t  way  the  people  had  some  little  idea 
r  they  were  being  robbed.  Then  finally 
te  the  commission  form  of  government; 

then  the  democrats  and  the  republicans 
le  a  contract  together;  they  co-oper- 
1;  they  put  up  a  non-partizan  ticket; 
!  democrats  and  two  republicans  and 
t  were  elected;  and  then  there  was  peace 
both  the  thieves  were  within;  and  the 
■>le  did  not  know  what  was  going  on. 
t  is  where  the  people  got  the  worst  of 


er  we  want  it  or  not.  It  is  coming  in 
recognition  of  this  fact:  there  is  no  longer 
in  our  municipalities  a  line  upon  which 
the  two  old  parties  can  divide.  The  com- 
mission form  of  government  is  a  business 
proposition.  It  is  a  business  administra- 
tion of  the  business  of  the  municipality,  in 
which  all  the  people,  though  they  be  repub- 
licans, though  they  be  democrats,  though 
they  be  Socialists,  all  the  people  are  inter- 
ested. A  comrade  over  here  decries  the 
idea  of  bettering  the  condition  of  the 
municipality  where  he  lives.  As  for 
me  I  desire  to  see  every  city  in 
the  land  cleaner;  every  city  in  the 
land  better;  its  affairs  better  administered 
in  the  interest  of  economy.;  in  the  interest 
of  public  health;  in  the  interest  of  all  of 
the  people;  and  every  one  ought  to  see  that 
in  these  things  the  working  man  is  of  all 
the  most  interested.  The  point  I  want  to 
make  is  this:  that  no  matter  how  we  may 
decry  the  commission  form  of  government, 
it  is  the  next  step  in  municipal  govern- 
ment; it  is  inevitable;  we  cannot  escape 
it;  and  we  have  to  meet  the  issue  as  it  is, 
and  say  that  we  will  do  all  that  we  can 
to  make  it  perfect.     That  is  all. 

DEL.  BREWER  (Kas.):  There  is  cer- 
tainly some  confusion  here  this  afternoon 
on  this  question  of  the  commission  form  of 
government.  I  know  in  my  recent  travels 
through  the  state  of  California  that  in 
many  of  the  localities  there  was  the  same 
confusion  among  the  comrades  'that  lis 
found  here  upon  the  floor  of  this  convention. 
I  have  found  the  same  true  in  almost  ev- 
ery community  that  I  have  been  during 
the  past  four  or  five  months.  Socialists  ev- 
erywhere are  asking  the  same  questions 
that  are  asked  by  the  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates here.  Is  the  commission  form  of 
government  a  good  thing  or  not?  Now  so 
far  as  I  am  personally  concerned  I  can 
only  speak  from  the  point  of  view  of  Gi- 
rard,  which  has  the  commission  form  of 
government.  In  a  recent  election  in  that 
little  city  where  the  class  lines  were  cer- 
tainly distinctly  drawn,  we  Socialists  did 
not  lose  our  identity.  The  fact  is  the 
good  government  candidates  of  the  repub- 
lican and  democratic  tickets  combined;  that 
the  street  walkers  and  dive  Jceepers,  the 
Methodists,  the  Presbyterians,  "the  Baptists 
and  tfre  Catholics,  the  whole  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  capitalism,  went  to  the  bal- 
lot box  on  election  day  and  voted  for  the 
"good  government"  candidates,  as  against 
the  working  class  candidates  nominated  by 
the  Socialists,  and  endorsed  and  supported 
by  the  working  class  generally  in  that 
community.  Following  the  election  of  the 
good  government  candidate  of  course  the 
church  bells  were  rung,  bonfires  were 
lighted  on  the  street  corners  and  there  was 
a  tremendous  jollification.  To  my  mind 
there  is  one  point  in  the  commission  form 
of  government  that  is  of  vital  importance. 
In  Kansas  we  have  a  law  that  requires  in 
cities  of  the  first  class  a  certain  percentage 
of  the  voters  to  sign  a  recall;  that  in  cities 
of  the  second  class  there  shall  be  a  larger 
percentage;  and  in  cities  of  the  third  class 
it  is  almost  impossible  for  us  to  get  the 
recall.  Now  these  questions  should  all  be 
considered;  they  should  be  analyzed.  So- 
cialists have  to  meet  these  questions  in 
every  state  in  the  Union.  You  should  dis- 
cuss them;  you  should  be  ready  to  advise 
the  comrades  intelligently.  It  seems  to  me 
very  clear  that  where  you  have  a  proper 
right  of  recall  that  this  commission  form 
of  government  is  not  so  bad  a  thing  as  some 
of  the  comrades  peem  to  think.  Now  for 
my  part  I  feel  that  the  committee  has  ab- 
solutely   failed    to    perform    its    duties    as 


J  52 


54 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


specified  and  understood  by  this  conven- 
tion. They  have  dillydallied  for  two  years 
and  evidently  dii  not  have  their  report 
prepared  when  we  came  to  this  convention. 
They  evidently  prepared  it  afterwards.  It 
looks  to  me  as  if  they  need  more  time  or 
else  we  need  a  new  committee  to  handle 
the  matter,  to  conduct  a  general  investi- 
gation of  the  subject  on  behalf  of  all  the 
delegates  and  all  the  membership. 

DEL.    HICKEY    (Tex.):     I    wish    at    the 
very    outset    to    correct    a    statement    made 
by    another    delegate.      God    Almighty    had 
absolutely   nothing  to   do  with   the  Galves- 
ton  flood  or   the   commission   form   of  gov- 
ernment.     The    fact   of   the   matter   is   that 
Galveston  would  not  be  where  it  is  except 
for  a  bunch  of  speculators.     The  hurricane 
arose    and    the    waves    came    in    from    the 
ocean  and  the  terrific  catastrophe  occurred, 
and    then    there    was    $10,000,000    needed    to 
build  a  gigantic  stone  wall  to  keep  out  the 
waves   of   the   Atlantic.      It   is   a    fact   that 
just  before  the  storm  the  most  corrupt  ad- 
ministration   in    any    city    of    its    size    in 
America   was    in    power   in    Galveston,    and 
so    that    they    might    not    swipe    the    $10,- 
000,000  and  keep  the  wall  from  being  built, 
the    capitalists    of    Galveston    formed    the 
first  commission  form  of  government.     That 
is    how    it    happened.      Since    that    time    we 
have  had  a  lot  of  experience  with  the  com- 
mission   form    of    government,    which    has 
spread    over    the    state    that    I    represent. 
Houston  has  a  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment.     We    have   heard   of   efficiency.      The 
efficiency    of    heavenly    Houston    is    so    tre- 
mendous   in   its    scope,    so   far   reaching   in 
every    detail,    that    the    powers    that   be    on 
the     commission     have     even     decided     the 
brands    of   beer   that   shall    be   sold    by   the 
prostitutes  in  the  red  light  district.     Dallas 
has    the    commission    form    of   government, 
and  the  planters  of  the  city  of  Dallas,  in  a 
five   cornered  fight   last   year,    ran   a   ticket 
that    was     successful.       The    city     govern- 
ment   is    non-partizan    to    the    extent    that 
the  First  National   Bank  and   the   Standard 
Oil  Bank  are  at  the  same  time  the  govern- 
ment   in    Dallas,    Texas.      If    you    go    along 
the    line    you    will    find    that    the    Marxian 
position  is  absolutely  correct,  and  that  gov- 
ernment  under   capitalism   is    the   executive 
committee  of  the  ruling  class.     (Applause.) 
Consequently,  all  this  talk  of  good  adminis- 
trations,   nice    administrations,    is    so    much 
leather  and  prunell,  so  much  poppycock,  so 
much  idiocy.     The  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment enables  the  capitalist  class  to  pur- 
chase   five    commissioners    instead    of    fifty 
alderman    (applause),   and   from  the   stand- 
point  of    the    ruling    class,    of    course    they 
are    efficient,    the   most   efficient   thing   that 
you   can   possibly   imagine.      But   these   five 
can    order    the    police   to    club    the    strikers 
to  .death  just  as  quick  and  just  as  efficiently 
as  under  the  old  plan.     I  am  going  to  close 
by  making  this  point,  which  is  fundamental, 
and   I  want  to   see  more  of  it.     It  is   this: 
That    this    national    convention    has    abso- 
lutely   nothing   to   do   with   the  commission 
form   of  government.      (Applause.)    We   are 
not    dealing    with    states,    and    we    have    no 
time,  I  believe,  for  abstract  discussion.  We 
can    get    all    this    information    within    the 
states   on   that  point.   Senator   Gaylord   was 
absolutely  correct.   Why   should  you  bother 
about   your   city   form   of   government?   We 
are    dealing    with    national    affairs    in    this 
national    convention,    and    in    the    cities    we 
will  pick  that  efficiency  form  of  government 
to  pieces. 

The   previous   question  was   then  ordered 
by  a  vote  of  136  to  63. 

It  was  moved  by  Del.  Goebel  (N.  J.)  that 
the    rules    be    suspended    and    that    on    the 


original    motion    and    each    of    the    am< 
ments  five  minutes  be  allowed  to  a  spet 
on   each  side.      The  motion  to  suspend 
rules  was  lost. 

DEL.     BERLIN     (111.):     The    discus! 

here  has   been  of   great  interest.      The 

cialist  party   is   organized   for   the   pun 

of    helping    the    working    class    to    get 

public    power    in    their    own    hands.       ' 

Socialist   party   is   organized   to   gather 

working    class    together    to    emancipate 

self  from   the   rule   of  the   capitalist   cl 

The    capitalist   class    see    the    "handwril 

on    the   wall"    and   at   once    they   come 

masquerade   and    say   that   in    this    cour 

all  we  want  is  good  government;  we  w 

the  best   men   in  office;   the   best  men, 

then   everything   will   be   hallelujah.     K 

partizanship?     Why,    we   are    the    very 

sence    of    partizanship.      We    have    got 

be;  we  must;  we  can't  help  it.     The  ne< 

sities    of    the    class    which    they    repres 

and  of  which  we  are  part  demand  it, 

we  cannot  do  otherwise.     And  the  capi 

ists  play  this  game:  You  dare  not  design 

yourself;    and    some    comrade    here    fi 

Iowa  has  found  great  beauty  in  that,     i 

the  great  joke  of  it  is   what  I  heard  ] 

say,  to  my  amazement,  that  they  had  tt 

all   talking  Socialism   before  the   campa 

was    over.      That    didn't    tickle    me.      W 

they  all  talking  about  the  abolition  of 

wage  system?    I  am  an  initiative  and  rei 

endum  man,  subordinate  to  the  main  pi 

ciple  of  the  abolition  of  capitalism.     I 

an  immediate  demander  as  a  means  to 

realization  of  our  main  principle.     But 

other  fellows  can  steal  all  the  planks  of 

immediate  demands  and  still  they  will 

be  talking  Socialism;  understand  that  (j 

plause.)      Good   government,   good  admit 

tration?     I   wish   some   of  you   boys   co 

have  read  one  of  the  last  letters  that  Fr 

erick  Bngels  wrote,   s"ho,wingp  how  the  c 

italists   would    do   this   very   thing   that 

embodied  in  the  very  idea  of  the  comix 

sion    form    of    government,    on    account 

the  expense  of  running  the   capitalist  a 

chine.     For  the  business  committee  to  © 

duct   their  business   will  become  expens 

and  they  will  have  to  reduce  the  cost.  L< 

here;  I  am  not  a  young  chicken;  they  ca 

fool    me    with    this.      I    remember    in    N 

York  City  before  the  Civil  War  we  ha<j 

mayor  and  a  board  of  aldermen.     They  w 

pretty  good.     There  were  sixteen  aldern 

and    twenty-four    councilmen.      Notice    I 

number.      They  were  known  as   the   "Fqj 

Thieves."       (Laughter.)       That     was     tff 

designation,     "Forty     Thieves,"     and     la 

on  we  had  the  Tweed  ring,  and  there  w} 

only  four.     They  got  there  just  the  sa| 

And    the    commission    form    of    governmj 

with    its    concentrated    power    represent! 

the    interests    of   the    capitalist   class,   « 

serve  the  Master,  and  the  servant  will  i 

mand  his  pay.     We  working  people,   wh* 

ever    they    desire    to    hamper    us    by    tfl| 

legislation,   we  cannot  stop   them.     All  j 

vituperation  against  or  for  the  commissi 

form  of  government  won't  help  it  one  jj 

or  the  other.     What  we  want  is  to  gatJ 

the    working    people    together,    to    do   jj 

they  did  in  Milwaukee.  Milwaukee  has  rb 

glory   today  in  its   hour  of  momentary  j 

pression   than   ever  it   had.      It   made   clc 

the    class    struggle,    clearer    than    it    ei 

was   before,   and   they  understand   it      Sj| 

ator  Gaylord  made  that  clear  to  you. 'W 

can  stand  anything  the  capitalists  will 

Remember,    when    the    capitalist    legislaj 

enacts  the  commission  form  of  governmj 

it    is    not    in    the    interest    of    the    worlqt 

class.     It  is   in  the  interest  of  the   prop* 

tiea    class,    and    the    propertied    class    ■ 

take   care   of  their   interests.      We   havtf 


\6X 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


?:  \ 


i  use  whatever  they  present  to  us.  We  have 
to  fight  through  city  government  as  it  is; 
we  have  to  fight  through  the  commission 
form  of  government,  and  they  can  use  a 
most  potent  weapon  when  they  start  with 
their  non-partizanship,  bringing  together 
the  man  who  has  his  labor  to  sell  and  the 
other  man  who  exploits  him.  Just  think 
of  it.     It  is  a  joke.     (Applause.) 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  I  think  very 
few  of  those  who  have  spoken  have  done 
the  committee  the  honor  to  read  carefully 
the  report.  That  would  be  natural,  because 
there  has  not  been  a  day  in  which  to  do  it. 
Many  of  the  arguments  that  have  been 
presented  here  have  been  gone  over  care- 
fully by  that  report.  If  there  was  no  other 
reason  for  continuing  the  discussion  than 
this,  that  it  would  give  you  all  a  chance 
to  go  over  that  document,  which  represents 
the  careful  and  persistent  work  of  the  com- 
mittee during  our  busy  lives  for  two  years, 
it  would  be  justified.  I  think  we  ought 
to  resent  the  implication  coming  from  two 
or  three  of  the  speakers,  that  this  commit- 
tee has  done  nothing  or  said  nothing.  Read 
that  report.  (Applause.)  Now,  I  want  to 
say  that  of  course  there  is  no  time  now 
to  discuss  the  questions  and  the  arguments 
that  are  brought  up,  but  I  just  want  to 
make  one  or  two  things  clear  before  we 
have  to  vote.  First,  the  committee,  I  be- 
lieve, would  not  favor  the  amendment  to 
the  amendment  offered  by  Comrade  Slobo- 
din  to  have  another  committee  elected  by 
the  national  committee.  Let  us  take  care 
of  that  thing  right  here,  if  we  decide  to 
have  the  committee  continue.  Second,  the 
committee,  I  am  sure,  would  approve  and 
would  accept  the  amendment  that  was  of- 
fered by  some  one  over  here,  because  the 
amendment  is  exactly  our  position.  Fur- 
thermore, the  committee  have  just  had  a 
little  talk  with  Comrade  Wilson.  Comrade 
Wilson's  position,  that  he  tried  hard  and 
had  ten  minutes  to  get  over  to  you,  is  ex- 
actly the  position  the  committee  takes,  and 
It  is  this:  Here  is  the  position.  Here  is 
the  question  regarding  municipal  govern- 
ment. It  is  an  intricate  question.  It  ap- 
Dears  in  different  forms  in  different  states 
ind  cities  in  the  country.  You  cannot 
?rasp  it  and  just  without  if,  and  or  but, 
say,  "We  are  against  or  for  it."  You  have 
jot  to  discriminate  in  your  judgment.  And, 
jomrades,  what  we  want  is  this:  We  do  not 
vant  the  convention — we  do  not  want  as 
inembers  of  the  convention,  the  few  of  us 
;hat  are  here — to  thrust  the  party  Into  a 
sosition  against  the  commission  form  of 
rovernment,  or  for  it,  until  the  party  as 
well  as  ourselves  have  had  an  opportunity 
;o  study  and  digest  the  facts,  all  of  them 
;hat  bear  on  this  subject.  (Applause.)  I 
want  to  remind  you  that  in  a  former  con- 
tention— I  think  it  was  four  years  ago — 
?ou  thrust  the  party  into  a  certain  posi- 
;ion  on  a  question,  and  inside  of  three 
nonths  the  referendum  reversed  you.  Now, 
vhat  we  want  and  what  the  committee 
lrges  upon  the  convention,  and  what  Com- 
rade Wilson  was  trying  to  get  across  to 
fou,  and  what  the  comrade  over  here  has 
n  mind,  all  agreeing  with  us,  is  this: 
That  here  is  a  subject  that  we  want  to 
rive  thorough  study  to  in  order  that  we 
nay  forge  on  to  the  type  of  commission 
'orm  of  government,  if  there  is  such  a 
ype,  which  the  Socialist  movement  can 
ipprove,  adont  and  stand  for,  and  one  that 
vill  be  for  the  working  class.  (Applause.) 
?ow,  that  is  about  all  that  we  want,  and  I 


A  vote  was  then  taken  on  the  amendment 
to  the  amendment  that  the  matter  be  re- 
ferred to  a  committee  of  nine  to  report 
to  the  National  Committee  their  action.  The 
amendment  to  the  amendment  was  lost. 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the  amend- 
ment, that  the  matter  of  endorsing  the 
commission  form  of  government  be  left  to 
the  states.  The  amendment  was  adopted  by 
a  vote  of  134  to  64. 

The  motion  as  amended  was  then  car- 
ried. 

DEL.  STITT  WILSON  (Cal.):  This  is 
the  ablest  study  of  any  subject  that  has 
ever  been  presented  to  a  Socialist  com- 
vention  in  America,  and  I  move  that  the 
committee  who  have  so  ably  presented  thi3 
discussion  of  the  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment be  continued,  to  bring  in  a  re- 
port to  the  next  national  convention  or 
congress  of  the  Socialist  party  on  the  com- 
mission form  of  government.     (Seconded.) 

DEL.  SMITH  (Utah):  Will  this  pam- 
phlet that  has  been  issued  on  this  subject 
be  published  in  good  shape  to  be  distrib- 
uted in  the  various  states  if  they  want  it? 

DEL.   THOMPSON:     Yes. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  I  rise  to  a 
point  of  order.  The  convention  has  just 
now  decided  that  the  question  of  commis- 
sion form  of  government  is  a  state  matter. 
Therefore,  let  us  not  meddle  with  it.  You 
cannot  blow  hot  and  cold.  You  cannot  de- 
cide that  it  is  a  state  matter  and  then 
publish  literature  on  the  subject  na- 
tionally. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  does  not 
know  how  to  rule  on  that  point,  but  I  take 
it  that  the  will  of  the  convention  will  be 
expressed  in  the  vote  on  the  continuance 
of  the  committee.  The  vote  is  on  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  committee.  All  in  favor  of 
continuing — 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  I  move  to  amend  that 
a  committee  of  nine  be  elected  by  this 
convention  to  take  up  that  subject. 

A   delegate    seconded    the    motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  will  enter- 
tain the  amendment  and  we  will  have  dis- 
cussion upon  it. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN.  Just  as  I  was  saying, 
we  have  presented  a  report  with  one  rec- 
ommendation from  the  committee  and  then 
it  comes  out  that  there  is  in  that  report 
an  endorsement  of  the  commission  form 
of  government.  Comrade  Thompson  wishes 
to  continue  the  matter,  and  that  is  also 
the  position  of  the  other  delegates.  Then 
comes  an  amendment  that  the  commission 
form  of  government  is  a  state  matter.  I 
want  to  speak  against  that,  and  I  want 
to  speak  against  this  form  of  government. 
I  am  not  in  favor  of  continuing  the  com- 
mittee for  that  reason.  The  comrade  who 
made  the  amendment  gave  away  the  en- 
tire issue.  The  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment means  that  any  municipality  may 
have  an  appointive  executive  committee 
that  shall  have  the  right  of  legislating  and 
also  certain  other  powers.  I  do  not  want 
the  convention  to  elect  a  committee  to  do 
something  which  I  am  opposed  fo.  Now, 
the  thing  to  do  would  be  to  elect  a  state 
commission,  and  that  is  what  they  want  to 
do  on  the  short  ballot.  They  hope  to  have 
a  state  committee  instead  of  having  a  na- 
tional committee.  They  should  have  one 
commission  for  the  purpose  of  giving  the 
state  an  appointive  executive  and  judicial 
officers  also,  and  having  legislative  powers. 
The  third  step  would  be  to  have  a  national 
commission  for  the  same  purpose.  Now, 
that  is  against  the  position  of  the  Interna- 
tional Socialists  and  against  the  position 
that    ought    to    be    taken   by    Socialists   all 


}  5r 


NATIONAL  SOCIAUST  CONVENTION 


over  the  world.  That  may  be  wrong-  but 
this  convention  ought  not  to  go  on  record 
and  do  something  hastily.  We  have  always 
held  and  the  position  of  the  Socialists  is 
that  the  proper  powers  of  legislation  should 
be  vested  in  the  legislature,  and  the  legis- 
lature should  have  the  right  to  appoint  ex- 
ecutive and  judicial  officers.  The  commis- 
sion form  of  government  means  that  the 
proper  powers  of  the  people  should  be  vest- 
ed in  an  executive  that  shall  have  legisla- 
tive powers.  That  is  contrary  to  the  gen- 
eral position  that  the  Socialists  have  taken 
heretofore,  and  therefore  I  am  opposed  to 
the  appointment  of  a  committee  in  favor 
of  that,  and  I  am  in  favor  of  a  committee 
that  is  opposed  to  it. 

The  previous  question  was  ordered. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  wish  to  say 
that  two  years  ago  this  subject  of  the 
commission  form  of  government  came  up  in 
our  national  congress,  and  the  discussion 
was  intense  and  acute,  but  we  were  in  a 
sense  at  sea  on  the  subject  of  commission 
form  of  government.  We  have  had  no  ade- 
quate study  made  of  the  question.  The 
four  comrades  that  were  named  on  this 
committee,  and  whose  names  appear  on  this 
report,  were  named  without  any  consider- 
ation as  to  whether  they  were  for  or  against 
the  commission  form  of  government.  They 
are  not  committed  to  the  commission  form 
of  government  now.  Not  one  of  them.  Not 
Thompson  or  McLevy  or  Jacobson  or  Bran- 
stetter;  they  are  not  in  favor  of  the  com- 
mission form  of  government.  The  report 
does  not  commit  them  or  commit  us  to  be 
in  favor  of  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment. My  only  desire  in  making  this  motion 
is  this:  This  committee  has  worked  two 
years  faithfully  on  this  question.  Their  re- 
port shows  it .  I  have  had  some  knowledge  of 
the  work  which  they  have  performed.  They 
have  gathered  voluminous  matter  from 
various  sources  upon  this  subject  and  have 
it  in  their  possession  for  a  still  more 
complete  study  of  the  question.  Since  they 
are  not  committed  to  the  commission  form 
of  government,  and  since  we  are  not  com- 
mitted by  the  action  we  have  just  taken, 
would  it  not  be  the  part  of  wisdom  to  re- 
appoint or  re-elect  the  same  committee 
to  continue  their  study  and  report  to  us 
their  findings  in  a  succeeding  congress  of 
this  party?  If  they  had  done  nothing,  if 
they  had  proved  incompetent  students  of 
the  question,  if  they  had  proved  negligent 
to  their  duty,  we  might  have  dismissed 
them  and  decided  to  appoint  a  committee 
from  this  body  Against  Comrade  Slobo- 
din's  motion  I  wish  to  urge  that  a  com- 
mittee of  nine  is  too  large  a  committee  to 
take  hold  of  this  question.  They  must 
communicate  and  inter-communicate  to  get 
united  action  and  present  it  before  us.  This 
is  not  a  serious  matter,  to  be  sure,  but  it 
seems  to  me  it  would  be  the  part  of  wis- 
dom for  this  delegation  to  recommit  to  the 
faithful  body  of  four  persons  this  sub- 
ject. They  have  voluminous  material,  hav- 
ing covered  the  United  States  with  circular 
letters,  and  there  are  men  in  hundreds  and 
hundreds  of  places  ready  to  assist  them 
in  the  study  of  this  question.  I  hope  the 
comrades  will  simply  vote  for  the  motion 
and  recommit  this  matter  to  this  committee 
and  let  them  act  upon  it  two  years  hence. 

DEL.  KAPLAN  (Minn.):  I  am  in  favor 
of  Comrade  Slobodin's  amendment.  First, 
because  I  believe  we  have  got  to  take  a 
definite  position.  The  committee  has  had 
two  years  without  reaching  a  definite  atti- 
tude. I  want  this  committee  of  nine  ap- 
pointed, because  I  am  unalterably  opposed 
and  want  the  Socialist  party  nationally  to 
go  on  record  against  the  commission  form 


of  government.  (Applause.)  You  have  yet 
to  show  me  an  instance — there  may  be  some 
here  and  there — where  a  capitalist,  large 
or  small,  is  against  the  commission  form  of 
government.  You  have  yet  to  show  me  an 
instance  where,  in  any  one  of  those  cities 
where  the  commission  form  of  government 
has  been  introduced  in  any  form,  that  the 
working  class  conditions  in  those  cities 
have  been  bettered  one  iota.  (Applause.)  If 
we  do  not  take  a  position  against  it;  if,  on 
the  other  hand,  we  remain  leaving  it  with 
one  state  going  on  record  in  favor,  and  an- 
other against  it,  the  Socialist  Party  nation- 
ally don't  know  where  it  is  at.  In  the 
state  of  Minnesota  the  governor  of  that 
state  has  gone  on  record  in  favor  of  extend- 
ing the  commission  form  of  government  to 
the  state,  and  if  somebody  like  Teddy 
Roosevelt  is  elected  president  of  the 
United  States  he  will  bring  in  some  sort 
of  proposition  by  which  any  organized  po- 
litical party  with  a  dues-paying  member- 
ship— and  we  are  the  only  dues-paying 
party — can  come  under  the  interpretation  of 
the  anti-trust  Sherman  law,  and  then  when 
you  come  to  realize  it  you  will  be  regarded 
as  a  trust,  and  it  will  be  used  to  crush  you 
as  it  has  been  used  to  crush  the  unions  in 
certain  places,  as  you  very  well  kryow.  This 
is  a  business  proposition  from  the  business 
man's  standpoint,  and  as  already  mentioned, 
it  is  regarded  as  an  efficient  instrument  for 
the  purposes  of  the  capitalist  class. 

DEL.  WILSON:  I  rise  to  a  point  of  or- 
der. The  commission  form  of  government 
is  not  under  discussion.  The  subject  under 
discussion  is  the  question  of  appointing  a 
committee  of  nine  to  whom  the  subject 
shall  be  recommitted. 

DEL.  KAPLAN:  It  is  the  appointment 
of  a  committee  of  nine  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  a  position  against  the  commission 
form  of  government.  And  I  want  to  say, 
without  desiring  to  be  personal,  that  it  has 
been  demonstrated  by  experience  where  we 
have   elected — 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  are  off  the  ques- 
tion. You  are  not  on  the  advisability  of 
having  a  committee  at  all,  but  on  the  com- 
mission form.  Which  committee  do  you 
want? 

DEL.  KAPLAN:  Well,  just  a  word  in 
conclusion.  The  capitalistic  attitude  has 
been  shown.  I  won't  say  that  the  mayor 
of  Berkeley  refused  to  hand  in  his  resig- 
nation  to   the   Socialists.      (Applause.) 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  rise  .to  a  point 
of  personal  privilege.  I  simply  wish  to  say 
that  I  resent  a  statement  of  that  kind  from 
any  comrade  on  this  floor;  that  it  is  with- 
out authority  and  without  proof,  and  is 
absolutely  without  any  relationship  what- 
ever to  the  point  under  discussion.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the  amend- 
ment providing  for  the  election  of  a  com- 
mittee  of  nine,  and  the  amendment  was  lost 
by  a  vote  of  59  to  114. 

The   original   motion   for  the   continuance 
of  the  committee  to  make  a  further  report  : 
to  the  next  national  Socialist  congress,  was 
then  carried. 

Certain  corrections  in  the  minutes  of  the 
previous  day's  session  were  then   noted  by  . 
the  secretary. 

The  convention  then  took  up  the  special 
order,  the  reading  of  resolutions. 

RESOLUTIONS. 

The  following  resolutions  were  presented  , 
and   read: 

A  resolution  offered  by  Del.  Strickland 
of  Ohio,  under  instructions  or  request  of 
Local  Dayton,  on  the  subject  of  literature 
for    circulation    among    the   military,    naval 


,1 


AFTERNOON   SESSION,  MAY  14,  1912 


nd  police  forces.  Referred  to  Committee 
n  Resolutions. 

Resolution  from  Brunswick,  Md.,  rec- 
mmending  establishment  of  a  national  So- 

alist  printing  plant.  Referred  to  Com- 
littee  on  Resolutions. 

Declaration  submitted  by  Missouri  del- 
ation on  united  action  by  all  labor  or- 
anizations.  Referred  to  Committee  on 
esolutions.  _        . 

Resolution  submitted  by  E.  H.  Meisner 
f  California  on  prosecutions  of  California 
line  workers.  Referred  to  Committee  on 
esolutions.  _    ,       ,«  ,\ 

Resolution  by  Delegate  Wells  (Cal.)  with 
ie  form  of  a  letter  to  be  sent  to  the  Meth- 
3ist  General  Conference  at  Minneapolis, 
eferred  to  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution    by    Delegate    Strickland    and 

gned  by  Christian  Larsen  of  the  Scan- 
inavian  Federation  on  the  question  of  the 
eligious  neutrality  of  the  party.  Referred 
Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  recommending  joint  confer- 
nce  for  promoting  unity  of  action  between 
ocialist  party  and  the  labor  organizations, 
deferred   to  Committee  on   Resolutions. 

Resolution    adopted    by    Branch    I,    Local 


New  York,  recommending  policy  to  be 
pursued  by  Socialists  in  office.  Referred  to 
Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  signed  by  Iowa  delegation,  on 
the  subject  of  the  liquor  traffic.  Referred 
to  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  signed  by  Delegates  J.  Ohsol, 
Patrick  Mahony  and  Robert  Lawrence,  of 
Massachusetts  delegation,  protesting 

against  the  Dillingham  Immigration  Bill 
and  the  Root  amendment.  Referred  to 
Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  introduced  by  Delegate  Mary 
O'Reilly  on  opposition  to  military  educa- 
tion of  children.  Referred  to  Committee 
on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  submitted  by  Del.  Geo.  W. 
O'Dam,  of  Missouri,  that  the  party  provide 
a  more  substantial  form  of  dues  cards, 
similar  to  that  of  the  Western  Federation 
of  Miners.  Referred  to  Committee  on  Reso- 
lutions. 

Resolution  on  the  subject  of  labor  unions, 
submitted  under  instructions  by  delegates 
from  Kings  County,  New  York.  Referred 
to  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

The  convention  adjourned  at  6  o'clnck 
p.  m. 


wi 

) 


5' 
^8 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


FOURTH  DAY'S  SESSION. 


Del.  Otto  F.  Branstetter,  chairman  of  the 
preceding  day,  called  the  convention  to 
order  at  10  o'clock  a.  m.  Nominations  for 
chairman  of  the  day  were  called  for,  and 
the    following'   were    made: 

Lee    (N.    Y.) — accepted. 

Slay  ton    (Pa.) — accepted. 

Collins   (Colo.) — accepted. 

Carey    (Mass.) — declined. 

Lattimer    (Minn.) — declined. 

Goebel    (N.   J.) — accepted. 

Thompson    (Tex.) — declined. 

Barth  (Wash.) — accepted. 

The  vote  resulted  as  follows:  Lee  72, 
Slayton  48,  Collins  34,  Goebel  21,  Barth  21, 
Del.  Algernon  Lee,  of  New  York,  was  de- 
clared elected  chairman  for  the  day. 

The  following  nominations  were  made  for 
vice  chairman  of  the  day: 

Dobbs    (Ky.) — absent. 

S.   Sadler   (Wash.) — accepted. 

LockWood  (Mich.) — declined. 

Houston    (W.   Va.) — declined. 

Le  Sueur  (N.  D.) — accepted. 

The  vote  resulted:  Sadler  72,  Le  Sueur 
87,  and  Del.  Le  Sueur  was  declare?!  elected 
vice  chairman  for  the  day. 

Del.  Slobodin,  of  New  York,  announced 
his  withdrawal  as  a  candidate  for  the  Com- 
mittee on  Education,  and  requested  the 
delegates  to  strike  his  name  from  the  bal- 
lots. 

PERSONAL  PRIVILEGE. 
DEL.  BARNES  (Pa.):  Comrade  Chair- 
man, I  rise  to  a  question  of  personal  priv- 
ilege. Yesterday  Comrade  Haywood  in- 
serted a  subject  during  my  absence,  and  I 
would  like  to  have  a  few  moments  to  set 
the  facts  of  that  matter  before  the  conven- 
tion. The  incident  that  gave  rise  to  the 
question  of  personal  privilege  enjoyed  by 
Comrade  Haywood  was  the  receipt  on  Mon- 
day of  a  telegram  which  by  a  vote  of  the 
convention  was  decided  not  to  be  read.  I 
was  acting  as  chairman.  My  personal  opin- 
ion was  that  the  communication  should  be 
read,  but  I  was  not  governed  by  my  per- 
sonal opinion  and  left  it  to  the  option  of 
the  assembly.  Afterward  it  was  decided 
not  to  read  the  telegram.  However,  by  the 
description  of  the  nature  of  the  communi- 
cation when  it  was  announced  that  it  come 
from  a  Branch  in  Denver  and  assailed  the 
rights  of  a  member  of  the  convention,  and 
when  it  was  later  explained  that  it  was  not 
a  regular  member  of  the  convention,  but 
one  to  whom  the  courtesy  on  a  voice  had 
been  granted  by  the  convention,  90  per  cent 
of  the  delegates,  I  am  sure,  knew  whom  It 
referred  to,  and  in  a  few  minutes  after 
I  think  100  per  cent  of  the  delegates  and 
all  the  newspaper  men  knew  whom  it  re- 
ferred to.  Almost  immediately  after  that 
our  comrade  secretary  came  to  me  and  said, 
"The  newspaper  men  are  very  much  agi- 
tated on  this  subject  and  there  will  prob- 
ably be  large  headlines  in  the  papers  to- 
morrow about  suppression  of  documents 
and  mystery  in  the  Socialist  convention," 
and  he  transmitted  their  request  that  they 


might  see  that  without  publishing  it,  jus 
the  nature  of  it,  in  order  to  color  thei 
story.  And  I  believe  we  conferred  upon  i 
and  we  believed  that  it  would  be  a  goo 
idea,  putting  them  on  their  point  of  hone 
that  they  might  see  it,  when  they  kne' 
that  the  decision  was  not  to  publis! 
Comrade  Haywood  yesterday  said  that  th 
telegram  "appeared  in  the  Indianapolis  Sta 
this  morning."  That  is  quite  a  rash  state 
ment,  when  there  is  just  this  sentence  an 
nothing  more  appearing  in  the  Star:  "Hay 
wood  is  charged  with  conduct  unbecoming  , 
Socialist."  This  thing  moved  Comrad 
Haywood  to  enlarge  on  his  ideas  and  make 
in  my  judgment,  an  unwarranted  attacl 
upon  persons  not  interested  or  involved  ii 
the  question  at  all.  That,  however,  is  hi 
own  concern.  It  seems  to  me  it  was  a  cas 
of  much-ado-about  nothing.  The  reporter, 
respected  their  honor  in  every  respect 
Everybody  knew  that  that  one  sentence  wai 
in  there.  Comrade  Haywood  was  charge* 
with  conduct  unbecoming  a  Socialist.  Thos 
are  the  only  published  words  that  are  1] 
the  telegram,  and  there  are  400  words  h 
all  in  the  telegram,  so  that  the  statemen 
of  Comrade  Haywood  is  quite  incorrect.  I 
may  be  possible  that  it  was  an  error  o 
judgment  on  my  part,  but  the  purpose,  as 
have  explained,  was  to  prevent  a  myster; 
being  spread  over  the  nation  in  large  head 
lines  and  advertising  a  misconception  o 
the  purposes  of  the  convention.  I  thanl 
you,   comrades.      (Applause.) 

REGULAR  ORDER. 

Del.  Harriman,  of  California,  stated  tha 
he  had  two  telegrams  from  San  Dieg*o.  Th 
Chairman  stated  that  they  would  be  reai 
Under  the  order  of  communications. 

On  motion  of  Del.  Merrill  (N.  Y.),  th 
reading  of  the  minutes  was  dispensed  with 
the  Chairman  announcing  that  correction; 
desired  might  be  handed  to  the  Secretary 
to  be   disposed  of  before  the  adjournment 

ADDRESS  BY  KARL  LEGIEN,  OF  GER 
MANY. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrades,  at  thii 
point  I  would  like  to  interrupt  the  regula 
order  of  business  to  inform  you  that  ou: 
comrade,  Karl  Legien,  the  Secretary  of  thi 
General  Federation  of  Labor  Unions  of  th» 
organized  labor  movement  of  Germany,  ii 
in  the  hall.  I  believe  that  it  would  b< 
the  desire  of  the  delegates  that  some  pro 
vision  should  be  made  for  hearing  him  to 
day.     Do  I  hear  a  motion  to  that  effect? 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y):  I  move  tha 
Comrade  Russell,  of  New  York,  and  Com 
rade  Harriman,  of  California,  be  appointe< 
a  committee  to  request  Legien  to  speak  an< 
to  escort  him   to  the  platform. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  Legien  hai 
already  found  his  way  to  the  platform. 

Del.  Mahony,  of  Massachusetts  move< 
that  the  convention  hear  Comrade  Legien 
of  Germany.  Motion  was  seconded  an< 
carried. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


^ 


Comrade  Legien  then  addressed  the  con- 
vention, being  received  with  great  enthu- 
siasm. He  spoke  in  German,  after  which 
his  address  was  translated  into  English 
by  his  secretary,  Comrade  A.  Baumeister. 
Comrade  Legien  spoke  as  follows: 

COMRADE  LEGIEN:  Comrades  and  Fel- 
low-workers: It  gives  me  great  pleasure 
to  attend  your  convention  while  I  am  trav- 
eling in  this  country.  I  have  not  been  spe- 
cially delegated  by  the  Executive  Council 
of  the  German  Social  Democratic  Party, 
because  we  had  no  idea,  when  I  left  Eu- 
rope, that  I  would  be  able  to  see  your  con- 
vention at  all. 

I  dare  say,  however,  that  I  should  all  the 
same  be  entitled  to  speak  on  behalf  of  our 
party  and  also  on  behalf  of  its  Executive 
Council,  not  only  because  I  am  one  of  the 
representatives  of  the  German  Social  Dem- 
ocratic Party  in  our  Reichstag,  but  also 
on  account  of  the  fact  that  I  am  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  German  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions,  and  for  this  reason  in  constant 
touch  with  the  Executive  Council  of  the 
Socialist  party  of  Germany.      (Applause.) 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Socialist  move- 
ment of  our  country  is  closely  and  with 
much  interest  watching  the  movement  In 
the  United  States;  partly  because  it  is 
largely  believed  that  the  United  States  may 
possibly  be  or  become  the  first  nation  of 
practical  Socialism  (applause),  as  a  result 
of  the  rapid  concentration  and  growth  of 
capitalism  and  the  privileges  and  possibil- 
ities that  are  open  to  the  workers  of  this 
country.  But,  I  believe  that  the  labor 
movement  of  the  New  World,  to  some  ex- 
tent at  least,  depends  also  on  the  develop- 
ment of  our  movement  in  Europe;  not  mere- 
ly on  account  of  our  modern  means  of 
communication,  but  also  because  the  So- 
cialist movement  is  international  and  its 
final  aims  can  only  be  realized  on  an  in-  „ 
ternational  basis. 

As  far  as  I  know,  from  the  temper  of 
this  convention,  from  reports  published  in 
your  press,  and  also  from  prominent  mem- 
bers of  the  party,  you  will  have  to  de- 
cide most  delicate  and  important  questions, 
problems  which  have  for  years  taken  up  all 
our  time  in  the  German  movement. 

You  will  be  called  upon,  for  instance,  to 
find  a  solution  with  respect  to  the  rela- 
tions which  should  exist  between  the  party 
and  the  trade  union  movement,  and  these 
relations,  of  course,  must  be  in  accordance 
with  the  actual  economic  condition  and  with 
the  development  of  both  wings  of  the  labor 
movement  in  every  country. 

At  least  as  far  as  Germany  is  concerned, 
I  may  say  without  hesitation  that  we  have 
been  able  to  solve  this  all-important  ques- 
tion, not  only  to  the  benefit  of  our  own 
movement,  but  I  believe  also  to  the  bene- 
fit of  the  whole  labor  movement.  I  can- 
not give  any  opinion  of  my  own  as  to 
what  should  be  done  in  your  particular 
case.  All  I  can  do  is  to  give  you  an  idea 
of  what  we  did  in  Germany  under  similar 
circumstances,  leaving  you  to  draw  par- 
allels if  you  desire. 

Trade  unions  had  been  in  existence  in 
Germany  before  we  had  any  Socialist  move- 
ment at  all.  While  others  were  established 
at  the  same  time  as  the  political  party, 
some  of  these  unions  started  through  the 
direct  influence  of  members  of  the  Socialist 
party,  while  many  unions  were  also  estab- 
lished by  factions  of  the  party  that  existed 
in  Germany  from  the  60's  up  to  1875. 

But  all  of  these  organizations,  whether 
or  not  under  the  influence  of  the  party,  help 
the  trade  unions  to  keep  aloof  from  party 
politics  (applause),  believing  that  they 
should  unite  the  working  class  of  all  shades 


and  faiths  in  opposition  to  modern  capitad 
ism,  which  has  no  regard  to  political  parties 
or  religious  beliefs. 

This  principle  had  been  endorsed  at  a 
Trade  Union  Congress  in  1872,  and  also  at 
the  joint  conference  of  both  wings  of  the 
trade  unions,  which  was  held  in  1875,  im- 
mediately after  both  Social  Democratic  par- 
ties had  been  merged.  After  that  the  move- 
ment made  rapid  progress,  but  they  were 
brutally  suppressed  in  1878  by  means  of 
the  infamous  anti-Socialist  law. 

During  the  twelve  years  of  the  regime  of 
this  anti-Socialist  law  the  unions  were  the 
only  public  representatives  of  the  German 
working  class,  while  our  party  was  upheld 
by  an  absolutely  secret  organization  only. 
The  growth  of  the  Social  Democratic  move- 
ment was  very  satisfactory,  and  also  un- 
expected in  the  first  year  after  the  recall 
of  the  anti-Socialist  law,  because  at  the 
general  election  that  year  we  were  able  to 
elect  a  number  of  members  of  parliament. 

This  rapid  development  accounts  for  the 
false  hope  of  many  of  our  comrades  of  that 
time  that  the  downfall  of  the  present  state 
of  society  and  the  establishment  of  Social- 
ism were  near  at  hand.  As  a  result  of  all 
this  we  find  that  early  in  the  90's  the  trade 
union  movement  was  considered  to  be  of 
very  little  importance.  Finally,  however,  it 
was  recognized  that  the  working  class  must 
be  trained  in  industrial  warfare  for  bet- 
ter conditions  and  that  all  wage  earners 
must  be  united  in  their  trade  union  move- 
ment as  Well. 

After  this  period  all  possible  attention 
was  given  to  the  trade  union  movement, 
and  the  party  itself  has  done  everything 
within  its  power  to  assist  the  trade  unions 
in  their  struggle,  and  we  find  that  special 
resolutions  were  adopted  at  the  various 
conventions  of  the  German  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party  soliciting  the  active  support 
of  the  party  for  the  trade  union  move- 
ment. 

I  should  not  omit  to  mention  the  fact 
that  the  party  has  never  claimed  that  the 
unions  should  assume  a  political  character 
or  that  they  should  become  part  and  par- 
cel of  the  party  itself.  Our  Comrade  Bebel 
has  repeatedly  emphasized  the  necessity  of 
a  politically  neutral  trade  union  movement 
in  order  to  be  able  to  organize  the  workers 
of  all  shades  of  faith. 

The  same  view  has  at  various  times  beer 
expressed  by  the  Executive  Council   of  th 
party.      It   has   been   left   to   the   unions    t 
manage    their    own    affairs    and    to    choose 
whatever    tactics    they    consider    best    for 
their  work.     (Applause.) 

For  a  certain  time  after  the  recall  of  the 
anti-Socialist  law  we  had  a  number  of 
unions  who  called  themselves  Socialist 
Unions,  adopting  the  Socialist  program. 
However,  they  have  never  been  thoroughly 
recognized  by   the   Socialist  Party. 

Their  syndicalist  tendencies  became  clear 
about  ten  years  ago,  and  the  Manheim  con- 
vention of  the  Socialist  Party,  which  was 
held  in  1906,  decided  that  these  unions 
should  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  party, 
and  that  their  followers  should  even  be 
expelled  from  the  party  if  they  would  re- 
fuse to  join  the  neutral  and  centralized 
trade  unions.  (Applause.)  They  were  in- 
deed expelled  afterwards. 

The  so-called  Socialist  trade  unions  have 
never  been  of  any  great  importance  since 
the  anti-Socialist  law.  It  is  scarcely  pos- 
sible to  find  anything  accurate  as  to  their 
actual  strength,  for  they  refuse  to  publish 
their  details.  I  believe  I  am  giving  them 
too  much  credit  by  saying  they  may  prob- 


/  5' 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Ably    number    about    five    or    six    thousand 
members    in   all    Germany. 

This  does  not  amount  to  much  in  com- 
parison with  the  2,500,000  paying  members 
affiliated  with  our  neutral  or  centralized 
unions.  In  our  German  movement  we  have 
no  room  for  sabotage  and  similar  syndical- 
ist and  destructive  tendencies.  (Great  ap- 
plause.) 

In  our  what  we  call  neutral  or  centralized 
unions  affiliated  with  the  General  Federa- 
tion of  Labor  we  at  all  times  have  refrained 
from  officially  recognizing  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party.  At  the  June  convention  of 
the  Socialist  Party,  held  in  1905,  it  was 
resolved  that  every  member  of  the  party 
should  be  compelled  to  join  his  respective 
trade  union.  (Applause.)  That  is  to  say, 
one  of  the  unions  affiliated  with  our  na- 
tional central  union,  one  of  the  neutral 
unions. 

Our  party  has  never  tried  and  never  per- 
mitted the  creation  of  new  or  rival  trade 
unions,  in  spite  of  the  many  and  somewhat 
serious  connections  that  have  at  times  ex- 
isted between  the  parties  and  our  unions. 
But  the  German  party  has  always  recog- 
nized the  trade  union  movement,  and  it  has 
developed  owing  to  industrial  and  other 
conditions  prevailing  in  our  country.  The 
Executive  Council  of  the  Social  Democratic 
Party  works  hand  in  hand  with  our  Federa- 
tion of  Trade  Unions,  in  order  to  prevent 
new  organizations,  no  matter  on  what  pre- 
text, being  established,  for  this  would  mean 
the  disorganization  of  our  labor  movement. 

This  co-operation  of  the  party  and  the 
trade  unions  has  largely  benefited  our 
movement.  It  is  also  one  of  the  main 
causes  of  our  success  at  the  last  general 
election,  with  which  you  are  certainly  fa- 
miliar, where,  out  of  a  total  vote  of  eleven 
million  cast  for  fifteen  different  political 
parties,  we  polled  4,500,000  votes  for  the 
Social  Democratic  Party  (applause),  and 
where,  out  of  397  members  of  the  Reich- 
stag, we  elected  110  Socialists.     (Applause.) 

"We  were  indeed  able  to  secure  many  suc- 
cesses, but  we  are  far  from  over-estimating 
our  real  power.  We  do  have  many  and 
great  obstacles  in  our  way.  Also  they  are 
different  from  those  you  have  to  overcome 
in  this  country.  We  are  not  only  con- 
vinced that  Socialism  is  possible,  but  we 
know  equally  well  that  the  future  of  man- 
kind absolutely  depends  upon  Socialism. 
'Applause.)  We  therefore  must,  and  will, 
-.vercome  all  difficulties  and  obstacles,  no 
matter  what  they  are. 

I  am  convinced  that  you,  too,  will  be  able 
to  do  your  share  in  this  new  work.  I  sin- 
cerely hope,  in  the  interest  of  the  interna- 
national  Socialist  movement  that  the  pres- 
ent convention  will  mark  a  further  step 
forward  in  this  line.  This  depends  largely 
upon  the  perfect  harmony  and  joint  action 
of  our  organizations  in  all  countries,  for  the 
labor  movement  is  and  will  remain  the  only 
rock  on  which  capitalism  is  bound  to  go 
to  pieces,  making  room  for  Socialism.  I 
thank  you.      (Great  applause.) 

On  motion  of  Del.  Brown,  of  Washington, 
a  rising  vote  of  thanks  was  given  Com- 
rade Legien  for  his  address,  and  to  Com- 
rade Baumeister  for  his  translation.  Three 
cheers  were  then  given  for  Comrade  Legien, 
and  a  tiger  for  his  secretary. 

COMMUNICATIONS. 

A  telegram  of  greeting  was  received  from 
the  Executive  Committee  of  Elizabeth,  N. 
J.,  announcing  the  defeat  of  the  commis- 
sion government  plan  at  a  special  election. 

Other  telegrams  of  greeting  were  re- 
ceived from: 

Russian  Socialist  Daily,  New  York. 


Executive  Committee,  Russian  Branches 
of  the  Eastern   States. 

East   Side   Local,   Wichita,   Kans. 

Jewish   Branch   No.    1,   Cleveland,   Ohio. 

United  Brewery  Workmen's  International 
Union. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Del.  Harriman,  of 
California,  has  sent  to  the  desk  two  tele- 
grams addressed  to  him  at  this  convention 
hall  referring  to  San  Diego,  and  asks  that 
they  be  read.     The  Chair  hears  no  objection. 

The  telegrams  were  then  read. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  move  that  these 
two  telegrams  to  Comrade  Harriman  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Executive  Committee  for  im- 
mediate  consideration  and  action. 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  move  to 
amend  that  they  report  to  this  convention 
this  afternoon  what  action  they  take  in 
the  matter. 

The  amendment  was  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  moved  and  sec- 
onded to  amend  by  adding  that  the  National 
Executive  Committee  shall  be  instructed 
to  report  to  the  convention  upon  this  mas- 
ter this  afternoon. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  I  move  to 
amend  the  amendment,  that  the  delegates 
in  convention  here  send  a  telegram  imme- 
diately to  the  Governor  of  California  de- 
manding protection  for  our  comrades.  The 
amendment  to  the  amendment  was  duly 
seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  is  of  the 
opinion  that  this  is  a  separate  motion, 
which  will  be  put  after  the  motion  and  its 
amendment  have  been  disposed  of. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  I  want  to  say 
for  the  National  Executive  Committee  that 
we  have  taken  action  on  the  San  Diego  af- 
fair. As  to  myself  personally,  I  intend  to 
take  it  up  in  Congress  as  soon  as  I  can 
get  back  there.  But,  comrades,  don't  com- 
pel the  National  Executive  Committee  to 
do  a  thing  that  may  not  be  the  right  thing. 
Leave  it  to  their  judgment  whether  they  re- 
port to  you  this  afternoon  or  tomorrow 
morning.  Supposing  the  National  Executive 
Committee  desires  to  wire  our  comrades 
in  California,  to  the  State  Executive  Com- 
mittee, as  to  the  actual  conditions  of  affairs 
there,  why  not  give  us  time?  Why  should 
we  wire  at  once  to  the  Governor  of  the 
State?  Why  should  we  wire  a  capitalist 
politician?  Leave  it  to  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee.  If  that  committee  does 
not  report  by  tomoriow  you  can  take  action. 
If  they  are  ready  to  report  they  will  report 
this  afternoon.  Moreover,  I  would  not  send 
a  telegram  until  the  National  Executive 
Committee  shall  recommend  the  sending  of 
it.  I  would  not  do  that.  Moreover,  as  to 
such  a  resolution  it  ought  not  to  go  to  the 
Resolutions  Committee.  I  promise  you  that 
if  it  be  possible  to  take  action  this  fore- 
noon we  will.  Please  withdraw  your  mo- 
tion, Comrade  Sadler,  about  compelling  us 
to    report    this   afternoon. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is,  by 
Del.  Wilson,  of  California,  that  the  tele- 
grams be  referred  to  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  for  immediate  consideration 
and  action. 

The  motion  was  unanimously  carried. 
DEL.   BESSEMER    (Ohio):      I  move  that 
the  convention  of  the  Socialist  Party  here 
assembled  immediately  send  a  telegram  to 
the  Governor  of  California  demanding  that 
he  protect  the  rights  of  our  comrades,  and 
of  the  working  men  of  San  Diego,  and  their 
protection  immediately. 
The  motion  was  seconded. 
DEL.    BESSEMER  (Ohio):      And    one    to 
the  President  of  the  United  States  also. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


\6l 


^ 


DELr.  SPARGO  (Vt):  I  rise  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  motion  not  so  much  that  I  am 
opposed  to  sending  a  telegram  as  suggested 
as  that  I  am  opposed  to  doing  it  before  the 
action  of  the  National  Executive  Commit- 
tee is  reported.  When  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  makes  its  report  it  may- 
make  such  a  report  that  this  may  be  part  of 
its  proposed  action,  or  it  may  be  felt  un- 
wise to  do  it.  We  know  already  that  the 
Governor  of  California  took  'action  in  the 
matter  and  sent  a  special  agent  to  San 
Diego  to  investigate  affairs  there.  We 
know  already  that  the  report  of  that  agent 
to  the  Governor  has  been  confirmatory  of 
all  that  we  allege  as  to  the  situation  in 
San  Diego.  So  far  as  we  can  see  now,  and 
I  believe  that  point  was  brought  before 
the  Executive  Committee  by  some  of  the 
comrades  from  California,  the  difficulty  in 
the  situation  is  that  there  may  be  some 
grand  stand  play  by  the  Governor  of  Cal- 
ifornia and  I  don't  want  the  Socialist  Party 
to  be  a  part  of  that  grand  stand  play  with- 
out very  earnest  thought. 

DEL.  MOORE  (Pa.):  We  had  some  ex- 
perience in  the  Lawrence  affair  with  a  mat- 
ter just  ilke  this.  I  went  up  to  consult 
Berger  about  it,  and  informed  him  of  what 
we  had  done.  It  is  just  as  Comrade  Spargo 
has  said,  if  we  send  a  telegram  to  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States  demanding  that 
he  live  up  to  his  oath  of  office,  which  is  to 
protect  the  rights  of  citizens  in  this  coun- 
try from  brutal  interference  by  the  author- 
ities themselves,  if  we  should  do  that  in 
San  Diego  at  the  present  time,  and  do  it  in 
a  sensational  way  we  should  play  into  the 
hands  of  the  capitalist  politicians.  As 
Comrade  Berger  has  said,  an  hour  or  two's 
delay  will  not  make  much  difference,  and  if 
they  send  the  telegram  having  in  their 
possession  correct  information  of  the  situa- 
tion it  will  prevent  sensational  things  be- 
ing done  by  the  Governor  of  California  or 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States  and 
we  shall  not  have  committed  the  Socialist 
Party  to  any  foolish  or  inconsiderate  action. 

DEL.  PREVEY  (Ohio):  The  argument 
just  presented  by  Comrade  Moore,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, does  not  seem  to  me  to  have  suf- 
ficient weight  to  prevent  us  sending  this 
telegram.  What  difference  does  it  make  to 
the  Socialists  in  convention  assembled  who 
gets  credit  for  what  is  being  done?  Are 
we  favoring  some  other  candidate  on  the 
Republican  ticket?  If  we  are  paying  too 
much  for  prestige  as  a  party  regardless  of 
results,  the  rights  of  men  are  in  danger, 
their  lives  are  in  danger,  their  liberties  are 
being  trampled  upon,  and  I  certainly  favor 
a  telegram  as  proposed  by  Comrade  Besse- 
mer, that  we  immediately  demand  protec- 
tion for  our  people.  The  men  are  in  dan- 
ger now.  They  are  going  to  kidnap  this 
comrade  who  is  very  prominent  in  these 
activities  in  San  Diego.  It  is  results  that 
we  want.  I  don't  care  for  tactics,  it  don't 
bring  results.  I  heartily  favor  the  send- 
ing of  this  telegram.  Whether  Taft  is  go- 
ing to  make  political  capital  out  of  it,  I 
don't  care.  I  want  results.  I  want  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  working  class  who  are 
fighting  in  the  class  struggle  in  California 
safeguarded.  That  is  what  we  are  here  for, 
working  in  the  interest  of  the  working 
class,  regardless  of  whether  Taft  or  some- 
body else  gets  credit  for  it. 

DEL.  COLLINS  (Col.):  I  believe  the 
whole  matter  turns  on  the  question 
whether  or  not  we  should  hold  up  the  hands 
of  certain  individuals  when  they  have  done 
something  that  we  believe  is  inadvisable. 
I  for  one  believe  that  there  are  many  in- 
dividuals in  the  Socialist  Party  who  do 
i  ihings  that  I  would  not  do  in  their  place, 


but  if  they  get  into  a  clash  with  the  cap- 
italist class  I  believe  it  is  my  duty  to  hold    ' 
up    their   hands   in  season   and   out   of  sea- 
son. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN  (Cal.):  I  think  this 
matter  is  likely  to  be  misunderstood.  The 
State  and  Labor  Council  sent  a  committee, 
together  with  the  State  Federation  of  La- 
bor, to  San  Diego,  to  make  an  investigation 
and  report.  They  were  all  there  at  the 
same  time  with  the  commissioner  from  the 
Governor  of  the  State  and  an  investigation 
was  made  and  a  report  had.  If  you  will 
permit  a  delay  until  that  report  can  be  . 
brought  before  you,  or  at  least  the  sub-  I 
stance  of  it,  you  will  then  know  how  to 
decide  intelligently  what  you  want  to  do. 
I  do  not  think  this  telegram  is  advisable  in 
the  form  that  is  proposed.  I  think  we  can 
proceed  to  support  those  who  are  fighting 
for  these  men  with  far  greater  force  than 
you  will  be  able  to  proceed  by  seeking 
favors  from  the  Governor  of  California  or 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  I  sim- 
ply point  out  that  if  you  will  only  wait  un- 
til the  Executive  Committee  has  had  its 
session  you  will  not  have  reason  to  regret 
it.  . 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  I  wish  to  cor- 
rect one  statement  made  by  Comrade  Harri- 
man.  As  long  as  Bessemer  is  in  this  move- 
ment you  will  not  hear  of  him  soliciting 
aid  from  any  capitalist  official.  I  put  this 
telegram  in  the  form  that  we  demand.  We 
have  the  right  to  demand.  You  are  in- 
formed here  that  there  has  been  an  investi- 
gation. But  the  men  there  are  in  a  serious 
condition  now.  They  need  protection  now. 
If  our  comrade  is  in  danger  of  being  kid- 
naped tonight  sending  a  telegram  tomor- 
row would  not  be  in  time.  I  am  not  in  fa- 
vor of  waiting  for  the  Executive  Commit- 
tee to  send  a  telegram  or  tell  us  what  to 
do.  The  Socialist  Party  in  convention  here, 
and  the  delegates  here,  are  a  larger  and 
more  powerful  body  and  have  more  author- 
ity than  any  Executive  Committee.  I  would 
hate  to  feel  that  the  delegates  here  are  in- 
capable of  deciding  whether  they  want  to 
demand  protection  for  the  comrades  in  San 
Diego.  I  say  "send  the  telegram,"  and  send 
it  demanding  protection.  We  don't  beg  pro- 
tection or  solicit  protection  from  them; 
we  demand  it. 

DEL.  MALKIEL  (N.  Y.):  Two  days  ago 
we  had  a  similar  communication  from  Cali- 
fornia. We  referred  it  to  the  National 
Executive  Committee  for  immediate  action, 
with  instructions  to  report  back  to  us. 
Comrade  Berger  informs  us  that  they  have 
take  action.  Isn't  it  proper  for  them  to  re- 
port to  the  convention  what  action  they 
have  taken? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  the  National  Ex- 
ecutive Committee  can  report  on  that  it 
will  be  in  order  now. 

SEVERAL  DELEGATES:  Move  the  pre- 
vious question. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Let  the  Chair  state 
the  situation.  Comrade  Malkiel  rises  to  a 
point  of  information.  That  is  not  a  point 
of  information.  A  point  of  information  is 
a  question  addressed  to  the  Chair  which 
the  Chair,  in  his  capacity  as  Chairman,  can 
answer.  The  Chair  gave  an  opportunity  for 
the  Executive  Committee  to  give  an  answer 
if  any  member  wished  to  give  it.  The  in- 
formation was  not  forthcoming.  He  gave 
recognition  to  a  delegate,  not  knowing  what 
he  was  going  to  do,  and  he  moved  the  pre- 
vious question.  The  only  thing  the  Chair 
can  do  is  to  put  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  carried. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  rise 
to  favor  the  sending  of  the  telegram.  I 
want  to  know  just  where  we  are  at.     Is  it 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


possible  that  the  Socialist  Party  has  be- 
come such  a  thing  that  we  can  no  longer 
/demand?  Not  very  long  ago  we  demanded 
as  a  party  the  withdrawal  of  all  troops 
from  the  borders  of  Mexico.  That  was  a 
much  greater  demand  than  the  demand  we 
are  making  now.  There  has  come  to  us  a 
cry  for  assistance  from  those  who  are  with 
us  in  this  class  struggle.  Is  it  possible 
that  we  are  going  to  delay  action  in  order 
that  everything  may  be  done  in  a  respect- 
able and  perfectly  proper  manner?  Or  are 
we  as  human  beings  going  to  listen  to  this 
call  for  assistance  and  answer  it  in  the  only 
way  that  we  can  answer  it,  by  saying  to  the 
authorities  of  California  that  we  are  with 
our  comrades  in  that  fight?  By  all  means 
send  this  telegram,  and  also  send  one  of 
assurance  to  our  comrades  that  those  of  us 
in  convention  assembled  are  not  only  sit- 
ting here  listening  to  greetings  but  also 
listening  to  cries  for  help  from  those  who 
are  in  the  class  struggle,  and  not  dreaming 
of  it  or  talking  of  it. 

DEL.  LONDON  (N.  Y.):  I  rise  against 
the  motion.  This  may  be  a  Socialist  con- 
vention, but  we  are  not  therefore  bound  to 
act  like  a  bunch  of  fools.  Let  us  conduct 
our  affairs  in  an  orderly  and  rational  man- 
ner and  not  take  immediate,  ill-considered 
action  upon  any  telegram  received  from 
some  one  outside  of  this  convention  hall. 
We  want  to  get  more  information  from  our 
duly  constituted  committee.  We  have  heard 
Comrade  Berger's  request.  We  have  heard 
him  state  that  he  desires  to  look  into  the 
matter,  to  be  given  an  opportunity  to  ex- 
amine and  investigate.  Moreover,  I  don't 
believe  much  in  a  telegram  that  tells  me 
that  somebody  is  going  to  be  kidnaped. 
That  is  nonsense  on  the  face  of  it  Some- 
body is  going  to  be  kidnaped!  Why  the 
very  nature  of  kidnaping  means  secrecy. 
People  don't  hire  a  brass  band  to  announce 
that  they  are  going  to  kidnap  somebody. 
We  are  not  a  bunch  of  babies  here.  To  be 
revolutionary  doesn't  mean  to  be  a  fool. 
That  is  all  there  is  to  this. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  vote  will  now 
be  taken  upon  the  motion  of  Comrade 
Bessemer,  of  Ohio,  that  the  convention  im- 
mediately send  a  telegram  to  the  Governor 
of  California  and  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  demanding  the  protection  for 
the  rights  of  our  comrades. 

A  division  having  been  called  for,  the  mo- 
tion of  Del.  Bessemer  was  declared  lost  by 
a  vote  of  ayes  102,  noes  137. 

DEL.  PROSSER  (Pa.):  Relative  to  the 
matter  just  voted  upon,  I  move  that  tele- 
grams be  sent  to  the  comrades  of  San  Diego 
acknowledging  the  receipt  of  their  tele- 
grams and  assuring  them  of  our  support 
at  the   earliest  possible  moment. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  moved  that  tele- 
grams be  sent  to  the  comrades  of  San  Diego 
assuring  them  of  support  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  We  have  just 
voted  down  the  only  rational  proposition. 
Now  you  want  to  send  a  message  of  condol- 
ence to  the  comrades  there.  Don't  send 
anything  if  you  can't  send  something  that 
counts.  Stand  by  your  conservatism  if  you 
want  to  be  consistent. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  I  have  no  particular 
objection  to  the  motion  presented,  but  I 
want  to  say  this,  that  so  far  as  the  fight 
for  free  speech  in  Los  Angeles  or  San  Diego 
is  concerned  there  is  no  doubt  in  this  con- 
vention that  we  support  a  legitimate  fight 
for  free  speech  anywhere,  all  the  time, 
everywhere,  but,  Comrade  Chairman,  it  may 
be 

DEL.   S.    SADLER    (Wash.):      A  point   of 


order.     Del.   Rodriguez  is   not   speaking  to 
the   motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  will  rule  that  it  is 
not  in  order  upon  this  particular  motion  to 
discuss  the  nature  of  the  free  speech  fight 
in  San  Diego.  I  hope  Comrade  Rodriguez 
will  confine  himself  to  the  question  before 
us. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  This  is  a  motion 
that  we  send  a  telegram  promising  to  give 
them  aid  as  soon  as  possible.  I  want  to 
know  whether  we  will  or  not. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  have  made  a  ruling. 
You  may  appeal  to  the  ruling  . 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  Let  me  understand 
the  Chair's  ruling. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  My  ruling  is  that  it 
is  not  in  order  at  this  time  to  take  up  the 
discussion  of  the  nature  of  the  particular 
fight  now  going  on  in  San  Diego. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  The  motion,  as  I 
understand  it,  is  that  we  promise  them  our 
immediate  support. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  we  send  them  a 
telegram  acknowledging  receipt  of  their 
communications  and  assuring  them  of  our 
action  at  the  earliest  possible  moment. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  Of  our  action  or 
support? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  word  was  action, 
as  I  understood  it. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  If  it  says  support  I 
contend  that  the  merits  of  the  controversy 
ought  to  be  considered.  If  it  says  support 
then  we  are  pledging  our  support  and  we 
want  to  know  what  we  are  going  to  sup- 
port. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Do  you  want  the  res- 
olution read,  or  do  you  appeal  from  the  de- 
cision of  the  Chair? 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  On  the  grounds  I 
have  stated,  I  certainly  do. 

COM.  HAYWOOD:  Will  you  permit  a 
statement  from  the  Executive  Committee? 

THE  VICE-CHAIRMAN:  The  question 
Is  now  on  the  appeal  from  the  Chair.  Com- 
rade Rodriguez  will  state  the  grounds  for 
his  appeal. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  The  motion  as  stated 
is  that  we  pledge  our  support  uncondition- 
ally without  any  limitation  to  the  fight  for 
free  speech  in  San  Diego.  I  contend  that 
on  a  motion  of  that  kind  we  have  the  right 
to  discuss  the  merits  of  that  fight  for  free 
speech  before  we  adopt  a  motion  to  sup- 
port that  fight. 

COM.  HAYWOOD:  Will  you  permit  a 
statement  from  the  Executive  Committee 
that  may  finish   this  whole  controversy? 

THE  VICE-CHAIRMAN:  I  don't  think 
that  would  be  in  order  now  without  a  mo- 
tion from  the  floor.  The  Chair  will  state 
the   reason   for   his   ruling. 

THE   CHAIRMAN:      I    ruled    that   a   dis- 
cussion of  the  merits  of  the  fight  now  go- 
ing  on   in   San   Diego   was   not   in    order   at 
this  moment.     I  made  this  ruling  with  the 
idea  of  expediting  the  business  of  the  con- 
vention and  making  it  possible  to  carry  on 
that     business    in     an    intelligent     manner. 
This  discussion,~Jif  there  is  to  be  a  discus- 
sion, ought  not  to  arise  upon  a  mere  ques- 
tion of  sending  that  telegram  but  ought  to 
arise  when  you  get  a  report  from  your  Na-  - 
tional  Executive  Committee-  which  you   are 
evidently  going  to  get  very  soon.     I  think  it 
will  be  readily  understood  that  a   telegram 
of   this    sort   promises    our   support,    not    to 
anything    and    everything    that    may    have  I 
been  done,  but  to  a  legitimate,  free  speech  | 
fight.      I    don't    think,    therefore,    that    it    is   1 
necessary    at    this    time    to    consider    every  I 
detail     of     that     fight     before     we    decide  j 
whether  we  will  send  the  telegram. 

By  a  vote  of  148  to  46  the  ruling  of 
the  Chair  was  sustained. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


I  A  DELEGATE:  I  move  that  the  whole 
jiatter  be  laid  upon  the  table  until  the 
ational  Executive  Commiuee  reports. 
DEL.  SFARGU  (Vt.):  To  send  a  tele- 
ram  to  the  comrades  of  San  Diego  assur- 
lg  them  of  our  support  will  not  of  itself 
elp  to  get  a  single  man  out  of  jail  or  help 
>  keep  a  man  from  being  put  in  jail.  They 
Bed  no  such  assurance.  They  know  it  now. 
hey  were  assured  of  it  yesterday  by  a 
legram  which  sent  them  $250.  They  will 
i  assured  of  it  still  more  a  little  later 
hen  we  send  them  a  telegram  with  more 
omey,  as  possibly  the  Executive  Commit- 
e  will  recommend.  Don't  waste  your 
oney  sending  idle  telegrams.  When  you 
nd  a  telegram  today  don't  send  one  say- 
g  we  are  with  you,  but  send  a  tcJegram 
lying  here  is  something  to  help  you.  If 
e  can't  help  them  practically  we  surely 
lght  not  to  waste  money  sending  idle  tele- 
rams.  Let  us  wait  for  the  report  of  the 
xecutive   Committee. 

DEL.  CALDWELL  (Mass.):  I  move  that 
lis  whole  matter  be  laid  on  the  table. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  By  this  whole  mat- 
r  you  mean  the  motion  of  Del.  Prosser 
om  Pennsylvania  to  the  effect  that  the 
invention  immediately  send  a  telegram  to 
ie  comrades  in  San  Diego  acknowledging 
ceipt  of  their  telegrams  and  assuring 
iem  of  our  support. 

The  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  was  car- 
ed. 

DEL.   BRANSTETTER    (Okla.):     A  point 
■  order.     My  point  of  order  is  that  there 
too    much    demonstration   from    the    gal- 
rles. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  hardly  a 
>int  of  order.  If  the  galleries  forget 
emselves  too  much  the  Chair  will  remon- 
rate  with  them.  We  can  not  always  re- 
rain  ourselves  when  we  are  in  the  gal- 
ries.  But  the  visitors  in  the  galleries  will 
ndly  refrain  from  interfering  with  the 
liberations  of  the  convention  as  much  as 
issible. 

The  Secretary  reported  the  receipt  of  cre- 
ntials  from  Allan  Fields,  Oklahoma; 
orge  Koop,  J.  O.  Bentall  and  Guy  Under- 
Dod,  Illinois.  He  also  announced  that 
tarles  Larney  was  no  longer  acting  as 
ternate  for  George  Koop. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  moved  and  see- 
ded that  the  report  on  credentials  be  re- 
ived. _ 
DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  Do  you 
>an  to  say  that  when  an  alternate  took 
e  place  of  a  delegate  in  the  opening  of 
e  convention  and  that  now  that  delegate 
n  replace  the  man  who  was  on  the  job 
Dm  the  beginning?  • 
THE  CHAIRMAN:     The  Chair  so  under- 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER:  I  don't  know 
lether  I  am  in  order  to  make  a  motion 
re 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     You  are  in  order 
DEL.     KATE     SADLER:      I    move,   that 
lere  an  alternate  has  been  on  the  job  in 
:   convention    from    the   beginning   he   be 
oernized  in   this   convention. 
THE    CHAIRMAN:      The    house    can    not 
ter    into    a    question    of    why    a    delegate 
me  late  or  wherether  he  or  the  alternate 
the  best  delegate  to  represent  the  State. 
DEL.  KATE  SADLER:     I  move  you  that 
2  State  take  care  of  the  expenses  of  that 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  motion  is  out  of 
ler  at  this  time. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  While  we 
ve  agreed  to  dispense  with  the  printing 
speeches  we  have  not  derided  to  dis- 
use with  the  printing  of  the  names  of 
jse   who   move   or   second    resolutions.      I 


move  that  hereafter  the  names  of  the  mov- 

tiie  minutes. 

ers  of  resolutions  or  motions  be  printed  in 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  Slobodin 
suggests  that  the  names  of  delegates  mak- 
ing motions  be  recorded  by  the  Secretary 
in  the  minutes.  Unless  there  is  objection 
the  Secretary  will  do  this  so  far  as  he  finds 
it /possible. 

THE  SECRETARY:  We  are  working  un- 
der Robert's  Rules  of  Order,  which  do  not 
require  this.     That  is   all. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  house  will  tacitly 
require  this  hereafter. 

REPORT  OF  JEWISH  SOCIALIST  AGI- 
TATION  BUREAU. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  have  the  report 
of  the  Jewish  Socialist  Agitation  Bureau, 
reported  by  the  fraternal  delegate  of  that 
organization.  That  delegate  desires  that 
it  be  read  and  incorporated  in  the  minutes. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.) :  I  move  that 
it  be  printed  and  placed  on  the  table  with 
the   other  reports.* 

The  motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 

REPORT   OF  AUDITING  COMMITTEE. 

The  Chairman  announced  that  the  Audit- 
ing Committee  was  ready  to  report,  and 
that  the  reporter  for  the  committee  asked 
that  some  one  else  read  the  report,  as  ho 
was  suffering  from  a  sore  throat. 

DEL.  COSGROVE  (Ohio):  I  want  to 
move,  previous  to  the  report  being  read, 
in  regard  to  the  discussion  of  the  report. 
Under  the  rules  we  are  allowed  four  hours 
for  the  discussion  of  the  report.  I  make 
the  motion  that  every  one  speaking  on  re- 
ports present  his  name  or  her  name  in 
writing  to  the  Chairman,  and  that  the  ques- 
tion be  not  called  for  until  the  delegates 
who  have  presented  their  names  to  the 
Chairman  have  spoken  on  the  subject. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Do  you  mean  that  in 
the  discussion  of  reports  delegates  desiring 
to  speak  should  send  their  names  to  the 
Chairman,  who  shall  keep  the  list  of  those 
name  in  order,  calling  upon  and  recogniz- 
ing delegates   in   that  order? 

DEL.  COSGROVE:  The  reason  I  make 
the  motion  is  this:  During  the  discussion 
yesterday  afternoon  one  side  presented  its 
views  very  fully.  I,  as  a  delegate  coming 
here  opposed  to  the  proposition,  voted 
against  it.  We  want  to  hear  free  discus- 
sion of  both  sides  of  the  question.  One 
side  had  given  a  full  discussion,  presenting 
their  views.  The  opposing  side  had  re- 
quested the  floor  on  several  occasions  and 
had  been  promised  by  the  Chairman  that 
they  would  haVe  the  floor.  But  the  previous 
question  was  called  for  and  the  comrades 
who  had  requested  the  floor  we're  not  al- 
lowed to  speak.  Now,  I  think  it  is  always 
customary,  under  parliamentary  rules  such 
as  govern  the  proceedings  of  this  conven- 
tion, that  if  a  comrade  requests  the  floor 
previous  to  the  question  being  called  for, 
he  has  the  right  to  be  heard.  I  think  the 
safest  way,  therefore,  would  be  to  have 
the  names  presented  to  the  Chairman  in 
writing  and  to  adopt  the  rule  that  the  ques- 
tion shall  not  be  allowed  until  the  com- 
rades who  have  requested  the  floor  have 
expressed  their  views  on  the  matter  before 
the  bouse. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  This  is  equivalent  to 
a  motion  to  su^nond  the  rules,  which  will 
require  a  two-thirds'   vote   to   adopt   it. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y):  The  rules  pro- 
vide    that     the    time    shall    be    divided    as 


V 

Vtf-      \ 


*The  report  is  printed  in  full,   Apw^ndix 
O.— Editor. 


/; 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


fairly  as  possible  between  the  two  sides 
to  a  question.  That  leaves  it  to  the  discre- 
tion and  knowledge  of  the  Chairman  as  to 
the  side  on  which  the  delegate  desires  to 
speak.  If  he  keeps  a  list  and  a  large 
crowd  rushes  up  with  their  names  the 
Chairman  must  grant  the  floor  in  rotation 
and  the  side  that  manages  to  get  their 
names  in  first  will  speak  and  then  some- 
body on  that  side  will  rise  when  his  name 
is  called  and  move  the  previous  question. 

DEL.  RINGLER  (Pa.):  I  move  as  an 
amendment  that  in  sending  names  to  the 
Chair  the  delegate  shall  designate  the  side 
on  which  he  wishes  to  speak  and  the  Chair 
shall  select  alternately  one  from  each  side 
until  the  time  arrives  at  which  the  vote 
must  be   taken. 

DEL.  MAHONEY  (Mass.):  Supposing  I 
am  on  neither  side? 

THE  CHAIRMAN :  I  can  not  answer  that 
question. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  :<N.  Y.):  The  purpose 
of  the  motion  is  to  prevent  the  calling  for 
the  previous  question.  The  rules  provide 
that  not  more  than  four  hours  shall  be  al- 
lowed for  discussion  on  any  question.  This 
means  that  whenever  a  delegate  arises 
whose  name  is  on  the  list  he  can  move  the 
previous  question  and  you  are  in  the  same 
position  that  you  were  before. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  I  want  to 
speak  against  the  motion  because  it  will  be 
very  easy  for  a  great  number  of  names  to 
be  placed  up  there  in  such  a  way  that  some 
people  will  talk  fifty  times  on  this  floor  be- 
fore they  get  away  and  others  would  not 
have  a  chance  to  present  their  views  at  all. 
I  want  to  say  right  now  that  I  am  opposed 
to  anything  of  that  kind,  and  that  I  am 
opposed  to  any  slates  being  arranged  for 
certain  ones  who  have  charge  of  this  con- 
vention. I  want  this  convention  to  be  left 
open,  and  absolutely  free.  I  am  opposed 
to  anything  being  fixed  up  so  that  some 
may  get  favors. 

The  previous  question  was  then  moved 
and   seconded. 

DEL.  COSGROVE:  I  want  to  speak  in 
support  of  my  motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  After  the  previous 
question  is  put  the  Chair  will  be  compelled 
to  give  you  the  floor  in  closing  if  you  de- 
sire it,  but  I  hope  the  discussion  will  be 
as  short  as  possible. 

The  previous   question  was  then  ordered. 

DEL.  COSGROVE:  The  idea  that  I  had 
in  view  was  this,  that  the  names  will  be 
received  in  rotation  as  presented.  I  don't 
think  that  any  one  is  going  to  present  his 
name  a  dozen  times  until  those  who  have 
presented  them  previously  have  had  an  op- 
portunity to  present  their  views.  It  is  not 
to  suppress  any  discussion,  nor  to  allow  a 
comrade  to  present  his  name  so  that  he 
may  at  any  time  call  for  the  previous  ques- 
tion. The  motion  stated  that  all  comrades 
presenting  their  names  should  have  the  op- 
portunity to  speak  before  the  previous 
question  is  put. 

DEL.  REILLY  (N.  J.):  I  understand  the 
object  in  making  this  motion,  but  it  is  real- 
ly unnecessary  under  the  rules.  Yester- 
day in  the  debate  on  the  commission  form 
of  government  the  rules  were  not  strictly 
enforced.  If  the  Chairman  will  enforce 
the  rules  it  will  be  unnecessary  to  have  a 
list  of  speakers  sent  up  here.  You  have 
four  hours'  talk  on  every  subject  that  comes 
up  for  discussion.  I  know  in  the  Workmen's 
Sick  and  Death  Benefit  Fund  they  kept  a 
speakers'  list,  and  the  last  convention  con- 
tinued nineteen  days  owing  to  such  a  rule, 
".-et  the  Chairman  enforce  the  spirit  of  the 
rule  which  is  to  divide  the  time  as  nearly 
as  possible,   which   he   can   do  very  readily 


i   side  ] 
each  sii 


by  asking  the  delegate  on  which 
wishes  to  speak  and  recognizing  each 
in  rotation.  This  will  accomplish  the  o 
ject  of  the  comrade  from  New  Jersey  a? 
at  the  same  time  will  not  make  it  impo 
sible  for  us  to  get  through  with  our  bus 
ness  in  the  time  that  we  have  fixed. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  moved  and  se 
onded  that  the  rules  be  suspended,  ai 
that  it  be  provided  that  in  the  discussion  > 
reports  delegates  desiring  the  floor  sha 
send  their  names  in  writing  to  the  Chai 
man;  that  the  Chairman  shall  keep  a  li 
of  such  names  and  that  the  Chairman  sha 
recognize  the  delegates  in  the  order 
which  their  names  have  been  received;  ar 
that  when  the  previous  question  has  bet 
carried  all  those  whose  names  are  at  th; 
time  upon  the  list  shall  nevertheless  hai 
the  right  to  speak  before  the  vote  is  take 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  rise  to  offer  a 
amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No  amendment  is  i 
order.  All  in  favor  of  suspending  the  rul< 
will  say  aye.     Those  opposed,  no. 

The  motion  was  lost. 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  offer  the  follow 
ing  motion:  That  the  previous  questic 
shall  not  be  ordered  until  an  opportunit 
has  been  given  an  equal  number  of  tl 
speakers  upon  either  side  of  the  propos 
tion  under  discussion  to  present  the 
views. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  rules  ths 
motion  out  of  order  for  the  reason  that 
is  impossible  to  demand  of  a  Chairma 
authoritative  knowledge  whether  a  man 
speaking  for  or  against  a  proposition.  Oi 
rule  states  that  so  far  as  possible  the  Cha 
shall  recognize  both  sides  equally,  but  yc 
can  not  make  a  rule  that  an  equal  numb< 
of  persons  shall  be  heard  on  both  side 
The  report  of  the  Auditing  Committee  wi 
be   presented. 

The  report  of  the  Auditing  Committ* 
was  then  read. 

To  the  National  Convention  of  the  Socia 

ist  Party: 

Comrades — We,  your  Audit  Committer 
beg  to  make  the  following  report: 

Th'e  books  of  the  National  Office  are  n< 
at  the  convention,  and  it  is  not  possible  1 
make  an  Audit  at  this  time. 

We  find  that  the  books  from  the  precec 
ing  audit  were  audited  on  April  1st,  191: 
by  the  Paine  and  Bock  Audit  Company  c 
Chicago,  selected  by  the  National  Execute 
Committee,  and  we  herewith  submit  the: 
report  with  recommendations  made  b 
them. 

AUDIT    OF    NATIONAL    OFFICE    FI- 
NANCES. 
Telephone    Randolph    2592. 
Telephone    Automatic    62-422. 
PAINE  &  BOCK  AUDIT  CO., 
Not  Inc. 
Public  Accountants  and  Auditors. 
546     Commercial    National    Bank    Building 
Corner  Adams  and  Clark  Sts. 

Chicago,  April  25,  1912. 
National  Executive  Committee,   The   Social 
ist  Party,  Chicago,  111: 

Gentlemen — In  accordance  with  your  it] 
structions  we  have  audited  the  books  o 
the  National  Office  of  the  Socialist  Fart 
for  the  period  September  1,  1911,  to  Apri 
1,  1912,  and  submit  herewith,  as  of  Apri 
1,    1912: 

General  Ledger  Trial  Balance,  Nations 
Office  Statement  of  Assets  and  Liabilities 
National  Office  General  Ledger  Trial  Hal 
ance,  Lyceum  Department  Statement  o 
Assets  and  Liabilities,  Lyceum  Departmenl 
all  of  which  we  hereby  certify  to  be  correel 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


1 


Our    audit    comprehended    the    following: 
Verified    Entries    of    Cash    Received    and 
Distribution  of  Same  with  Stubs   of  Secre- 
tary's Receipts. 

Verified  Enteries  of  Cash  Paid  and  Distri- 
bution of  Same,  with  Cancelled  Checks  and 
Receipts  for  Expenditures. 

Verified  Footings  of  Cash   Received. 
Verified    Footings    of   Cash    Expenditures. 
Verified   Mileage   Reserve   Fund   in    Sepa- 
rate Bank  Account. 

Checked  Cash  Book  and  Journal  Postings 
to  General  Ledgers. 

We  counted  the  cash  in  the  hands  of  the 
STational  Office  cashier  and  Lyceum  Depart- 
nent  cashier  on  April  11,  1912,  and  found 
.he  same  correct. 

We  made  bank  reconciliations  under  date 
)f  March  31,  1912,  and  found  that  the  sum 
otal  of  the  checks  outstanding,  added  to 
he  balance  shown  by  the  cash  books, 
greed  with  the  balances  shown  by  the 
tank  statements  on  that  date,  with  the  ex- 
eption  of  the  National  Office  account, 
vhich  exceeded  the  bank  balance  by  $0.80. 

We    suggest    that    the   bank    exchange   be 

>aid  at  the   end   of   each   month   instead   of 

aily,    as    is   your   custom.      The    bank   will 

harge  your  account  with  the  exchange  for 

he  month,  which  can  be  verified  with  the 

ass  book. 

i    We  recommend   that  a   "petty  cash"    ac- 

i  ount    be     opened    in    the     general     ledger, 

u  harging  same  with  a  sufficient  amount  to 

i  onstitute   a   working   or   petty   cash    fund; 

ame  to  be  reimbursed  from  time   to   time 

y  a  voucher  covering  O.   K.'d  memoranda. 

check    is    drawn    (covering    the    total    of 

isbursements),    cashed    and    the    fund    re- 

ored  to  the  original  amount. 

We    recommend    that   a    regular   form    of 

ay  roll  book  be  used,   the  same   to  be  ap- 

roved  at  the  time  salaries  are  paid. 

We     further     recommend     that     separate 

:>oks  be   used   for   cash   received  and  cash 

lid,  which  will  facilitate  the  work  and  be 

ss    expensive    than    your   present    method. 

We  also  suggest  that  a  date  be  fixed  each 

jar  for  the  closing  of  the   books. 

We  recommend  that   a  book  be   used  for 

ie    purpose    of    listing    the    furniture    and 

ctures  and  the  cost.     This  book  should  be 

agreement  with  the  furniture  and  fixture 

count  in  the  general  ledger.     A  perpetual 

ventory  of  this  kind  will  be  very  valuable 

ase  of  fire. 
We   also   recommend   that  a   more   up-to- 
Xe  system  of  billing  be  adopted  in  order 
save  time  and  expense. 

Respectfully  submitted, 
PAINE  &  BOCK  AUDIT  CO., 

By  H.  S.  Paine. 

)CIALIST    PARTY,    NATIONAL    HEAD- 
QUARTERS. 
3NERAL    LEDGER    TRIAL    BALANCE, 
APRIL  1,   1912. 

Dr.  Cr. 

ceum  Department.  .$  3,047.22 
leage  Reserve  Fund  9,235.89 
itstanding     Accounts     1,319.09 

ganizers     1,070.21 

as.  H.   Kerr  Co $      161.25 

uis     Kopelin     Press 

Bureau    340.00 

•propriations     1,770.00 

sh    in    Bank   and    on 

Sand   7,596.55 

bscription    Cards...         780.00 
mmission     on     Sub- 
scription  Cards    120.00 

tional   Dues    34,129.10 

itionery     and      Sup- 
plies          2,830.99 

nting     and     Litera- 


ture,   1911    3,379.96 

Printing,    1912    5,704.18 

Literature,  1912 

Buttons     174.21 

Campaign  Fund 

Furniture  and  Fix- 
tures          1,809.63 

Refund    17.71 

National    Executive 

Committee    847.45 

Express   and  Freight..      1,563.42 

Postage 2,336.14 

Rent     703.33 

Exchange   65.7-0 

General   Expense 366.19 

Telegrams  and  Tele- 
phone              235.31 

Wages 7,263.36 

Organizing     2,891.13 

Donations  and  Collec- 
tions     

Discount 

H.    G.    Adair 

Empire  Paper  Com- 
pany      

A.  B.   Dick  Company 

B.  W.    Heubsch 

MacMillan    Company 

James  H.  O'Neil  Com- 
pany      

F.  J.  Kain  &  Son 

P.  F.  Pettibone  &  Co.  . 

Partridge  &  Anderson 

Saul  Bros 

John   F.   Jordan 

Sullivan-Blakely  Com- 
pany      

Tarentum   Paper   Mills      

H  o  r  d  e  r's    Stationery 

Store    

Milwaukee  Social  Dem. 

Pub.   Company 

Equity  Series 

The  Elliott  Company 

Sub.      Card     Appropri- 

tion    50.00 

Appropriation,  Organ- 
izing          3,106.28 

Appropriation,        Press 

Bureau    100.00 

U.  S.  Express  Com- 
pany      

Eagle    Stamp   Works 

Pilcher-Hamilton  Com- 
pany     

George  H.  Doran  Com- 
pany      

J.     W.     Butler     Paper 

Company    

Joshua  Wanhope 

Globe       Engraving      & 

Electro.   Company 

Charged  Off  Accounts.  97.40 

National      Office,      Net 

Balance 


2,702.62 
59.85 


921.59 

101.72 
681.50 

4.00 

24.30 

.75 

>pt 

180.0nd- 

322.50  a 

10.34  sl 

41.25  ,f 
38.50   e 

2.25 
9.74 

23.45 

47.75 

/  12.50 

1.10 


353.19 
1.75 

117.48 

1.29 

15.09 
30.00 

25.00 
15,259.78 


$57,051.35     $57,051.35 

SOCIALIST    PARTY,    NATIONAL    HEAD- 
QUARTERS. 
STATEMENT  OF  ASSETS  AND  LIABILI- 
TIES,   APRIL    1,    1912. 
ASSETS. 

Cash  in  Bank  and  on  Hand $  7,596.55 

Mileage   Reserve   Fund 9,235.89 

Outstanding  Accounts 1,319.09 

Subscription     Cards 780.00 

Stationery  and  Supplies 2,830.99 

Literature    3,379.96 

Buttons     174.21 

Furniture   and  Fixtures 1,809.63 

Lyceum   Department    3,047.22 

Organizers 1,070.21 

$31,243.75 


i 


1IOXAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


LIABILITIES. 

G.    Adair $       681.50 

ipire   Paper   Co 4.00 

B.    Dick   Co 24.30 

Heubsch .75 

MacMillan  Co 1.26 

H.   O'Neil   Co 180.00 

F.   J.   Kain   &  Son 322.50 

P.  F.   Pettibone  Co 10.34 

Partridge  &  Anderson .45 

Saul  Bros 41.25 

John  F.   Jordan 38.50 

Sullivan-Blakely   Co.  .    2.25 

Tarentum   Paper    Mills 9.74 

Horder's    Stationery    Store 23.45 

Social   Democratic  Pub.   Co 47.75 

Equity  Series    12.50 

The  Elliott  Co 1.10 

U.  S.  Express  Co 353.19 

Eagle    Stamp   Works 1.75 

Pilcher-Hamilton  Co 117.48 

Geo.  H.  Doran  Co 1.29 

J.  W.  Butler  Paper  Co 15.09 

Joshua  Wanhope 30.00 

Globe   Eng.  &  Electro.   Co 25.00 

Chas.    H.    Kerr   Co 161.25 

Appropriations    1,770.00 

let    Difference    Between    Receipts 

-  and  Disbursements   12,107.28 

•  ational  Office,  Net  Balance 15,259.78 


$31,243.75 


SOCIALIST     PARTY,     NATIONAL    HEAD- 
QUARTERS. 
GENERAL     LEDGER     TRIAL     BALANCE, 
LYCEUM   DEPARTMENT, 
APRIL   1,    1912. 


Dr. 

Cr. 

National     Office 

! 

>      3,047.22 

Field    Subscription.. 

383.00 

Miscellaneous       Sub- 

scription      

243.37 

Lecturers'     Expense .  $ 

i3.602.96 

Organizers'     Expense 

5,738.59 

Donations    and    Col- 

lections    

478.31 

Special    Lectures.... 

1,024.09 

Slides     

39.93 

Discount 

42.98 

Refund     

.25 

Printing    

12,063.41 

Rent     

209.90 

Stationery    and    Sup- 

plies      

735.87 

Telephone   and   Tele- 

graph      

349.92 

Office     Fixtures. 

850.19 

Postage 

1,736.97 

17.85 

Wages     

6,261.52 
1,969.36 

Freight  and  Express 

General   Expense.... 

99.89 

Cash     in     Bank    and 

On    Hand 

4,572.35 

Local  Refund   

5.80 

J.    W.    Slayton 

267.76 

Lena   M.    Lewis 

358.75 

Anna   A.    Maley 

287.94 

Ralph    Korngold    .  .  . 

334.93 

Walter  J.   Millard... 

229.12 

A.    Cantrell . . . 

760.00 

George  H.   Goebel . . . 

615.83 

A.   W.    Ricker 

254.86 

Mi  la  T.  Maynard.  ..." 

215.31 

Phil.    Callery    

376.27 

A.     P>.    Baker 

22.45 

James    Maurer 

100.00 

N.    A.   Richardson. . . 

182.65 

E.    Untermann    

262.94 

R.    A.    Maynard 

187.17 

George    D.    Brewer. . 

516.65 

H.    W.    Spears 

147.05 

Frank   Bohn    

202.78 

P.    S.   Brown 275.55 

Ernest  Moore 

J.    W.    Butler 

Horder's      Stationery 

Store    

F.  J.   Kain  &  Sons 

Partridge  &  Anderson     

G.  B.    Williams 

Battershall  &  Oleson     

Trade     Circular    Ad- 
vertising   Company     

Pennsylvania    22.00 

Accounts          Receiv- 
able        110,856.73 

Subscription     Cards 

Commission     2,424.95 

Cost  of  Subscription     25,700.34 


134.23 

1.12 

38.80 

48.00 

.60 

.60 

2.00 

6.00 


187,405.91 


$192,856.48      $192,856.48 
SOCIALIST    PARTY,    NATIONAL    HEAD- 
QUARTERS. 
STATEMENT  OF  ASSETS  AND  LIABILI- 
TIES,   LYCEUM    DEPARTMENT, 
APRIL   1,   1912. 
ASSETS. 

Cash  in  Bank  and  On  Hand $     4,572.35 

Outstanding    Accounts 110,856.73 

Furniture   and   Fixtures 

Slides     

Stationery  and  Supplies 

Pennsylvania    


850.19 
39.93 

735.87 
22.00 


$117,077.07 
LIABILITIES. 
National    Office    $ 


Ernest  Moore 

J.  W.  Butler 

Horder's   Stationery   Store 

F.  J.   Kain  &  Sons 

Partridge    &    Anderson 

G.  B.    Williams 

Battershall  &  Oleson 

Trade  Circular  Adv.   Co 

Net  Difference  Between  Receipts 

and    Disbursements    113 


,047.22 

134.23 

1.12 

38.80 

48.00 

.60 

.60 

2.00 

6.00 

,798.50 


$117,077.07 
The  outstanding  accounts  in  above  state- 
ment represent  subscription  cards  sent  out; 
and  not  yet  paid  for  or  returned. 

(Note  by  National  Secretary — Part  of  the 
above  recommendations  have  already  been 
adopted.  The  others  .n  my  power  to  adopt 
will  be  adopted  in  due  course.  As  for  the 
one  about  having  a  fixed  date  each  yeaf 
for  auditing  the  books,  I  recommended  it 
in  the  annual  report  in  January,  and  have 
again  recommended  it  in  my  report  to  the 
National  Convention.) 

The  Audit  Committee  desires  to  state 
that  it  is  not  practicable  to  attempt  to 
audit  books  of  the  National  Office  at  Na- 
tional Conventions.  The  work  can  only  be 
done  by  expert  accountants,  and  even  such 
cannot  take  the  books  at  the  beginning  ot 
a  convention,  and  report  before  its  close. 

We,  therefore,  recommend  that  the  books 
of  the  National  Office  be  audited  in  Janu- 
ary and  July  by  a  regularly  incorporated 
accounting  company,  selected  by  the  JM^J 
tional  Executive  Committee. 

Respectfully   submitted, 
M.   E.    FRITZ, 
S.    E.    GARRISON, 
FRED  BENNETTS, 
WM.    A.   WARD, 
OSCAR   H.   BLASE. 

DEL.  MERRILL  (N.  Y.):  I  move  thj 
the  report  be  accepted  and  the  recommendf 
tions  of  the  committee  be  concurred  in. 

The  motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


1 


REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  FARMERS' 
PROGRAM. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  order  of 
business  is  the  report  of  the  Committee  on 
Farmers'  Program.  Comrade  A.  M.  Simons, 
reoorter  for  that   committee,   has   the   floor. 

COM.  SIMONS:  I  may  say  in  preface' 
that  a  great  deal  of  work  has  been  placed 
upon  this  and  we  have  tried  to  present  a 
program  short  enough  and  general  enough 
in  its  provisions  to  be  adopted  by  the  con- 
vention.    I  will  read  the  report.* 

DEL.  DUFFY  (N.  Y.):  I  move  that  this 
report  be  adopted  as  a  whole  and  that  the 
recommendations  be  concurred  in. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  I  move  to 
amend  that  the  report  be  accepted  and  that 
the  recommendations  be  taken  up  seriatim. 

COM.  SIMONS  (Kans.):  I  desire  to  speak 
to  the  motion.  I  have  come  with  this  same 
proposition  before  every  convention  of  the 
Socialist  party  held  in  the  United  States 
since  the  Socialist  party  was  established. 
I  came  before  the  first  one  that  was  ever 
held  in  the  United  States,  the  first  conven- 
tion held  at  Indianapolis,  and  since  that 
time,  year  after  year,  we  have  fought  over 
this  question.  I  have  changed  my  own  po- 
sition on  the  question  every  time  that  I 
found  a  new  fact  which  showed  me  that  I 
was  wrong  in  my  former  position,  and  this 
report  is  very  much  at  variance  with  some 
that  I  have  given  before,  because  of  the 
fact  that  in  the  last  ten  years  there  has 
been  a  complete  change  in  the  evolution  of 
farm   industries. 

Ten  years  ago  I  said — and  I  said  correct- 
ly— that  there  was  not  anywhere  in  the 
United  States  any  sign  that  the  concentra- 
tion in  farming  would  follow  the  lines  that 
it  had  followed  in  factory  industry,  at  least 
in  any  appreciable  time.  It  was  more  like 
a  geological  process.  But  the  last  ten  years 
has  brought  not  only  the  disappearance  of 
the  frontier — and  when  that  disappeared  in 
America  it  had  disappeared  in  the  entire 
world,  so  that  today  we  are  no  longer  an 
agricultural  exporting  country;  today  we 
are  no  longer  the  granary  of  the  world,  and 
all  through  Europe  the  question  of  where 
the  food  of  the  world  is  coming  from  is  be- 
coming a  tremendous  pressing  problem. 
And  behind  that  we  find  one  of  the  causes 
of  the  tremendous  rise  in  the  cost  of  living. 
That  fact  has  been  reflected  in  this  tre- 
mendous rise  in  the  price  of  land  that  has 
transformed  every  little  farmer,  owner  of 
his  farm,  into  a  land  speculator.  His  in- 
come from  the  ownership  of  his  farm  as  a 
speculator  has  been  greater  than  his  in- 
come from  his  ownership  as  an  operator. 
Because  of  that  fact  he  has  now  largely 
left  the  farm  and  is  turning  it  over  to  a 
race  of  tenants.  Coming  along  with  that 
is  the  movement,  now  practically  but  three 
years  old,  for  the  introduction  of  other 
than  animal  power  in  the  operation  of  the 
farm. 

More  than  forty  years  ago  the  first  steam 
plow  was  shown,  but  only  within  the  last 
three  years  has  it  been  effective.  A  few 
months  ago  I  went  into  one  of  the  great 
manufacturies  of  these  plows.  The  head  of 
the  company  took  me  through  twenty-three 
acres  of  factory,  where  three  years  before 
were  open  fields  and  houses,  and  every  acre 
of  that  factory  was  devoted  to  the  building 
of  great  farm  tractors.  With  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  horse  and  with  the  com- 
ing of  these  great  mechanical  powers,  with 
the  tremendous  increase  in  the  cost  of  liv- 
ing,   we    are    now    confronted    with    a    new 


*The  report   is   printed  in   full,   appendix 
dix  D.— Editor. 


problem  of  the  farm,  and  it  is  time  that 
we  awoke  to  it. 

Now,  the  recommendations  that  we  make 
here  we  have  made  to  relieve  two  classes, 
practically,  the  class  of  farm  tenants  and 
the  class  of  farm  laborers.  We  bring  in 
little  concerning  the  farm  laborers  because 
they  are  covered  by  our  regular  recom- 
mendations in  our  regular  platform  and  in 
our  regular  action.  We  take  up  the  ques- 
tion of  this  land  ownership  and  this  ques- 
tion of  the  enormous  increase  in  the  value 
of  land.  Some  of  you  are.  going  to  be 
frightened  because  you  catch  a  phrase  there 
which  you  may  think  we  borrowed  from 
the  single  tax  program.  But  I  hope  that  no 
one  will  bring  that  up  until  he  has  read 
again  the  Communist  Manifesto,  because 
long  before  Henry  George  ever  heard  of 
"Progress  and  Poverty"  that  principle  had 
been  incorporated  in  the  Communist  Mani- 
festo. So  I  hope  that  unless  you  are  will- 
ing to  repudiate  that  Communist  Manifesto 
you   will   not   pick   on   that  proposition. 

We  say  that  if  you  take  out  the  specula- 
tive value  you  will  do  away  with  this  enor- 
mous increase  in  farm  tenantry. 

In  the  second  place,  we  ask  you  to  adopt 
our  third  demand.  That  is  a  new  demand. 
It  was  expressed  two  years  ago,  but  it  is  a 
new  one  to  be  presented  to  any  Socialist 
party  in  the  world.  But  I  was  surprised 
to  have  called  to  my  attention  by  one  of 
the  comrades  on  the  floor  that  Comrade 
Kautsky  a  little  while  ago  surrendered  his 
entire  former  position  on  this  question  and 
had  declared  that  the  time  had  now  come 
for  the  Socialist  movement  to  stand  for  the 
socially  owned  farm. 

I  believe  the  Socialist  party  can  come 
out  and  stand  for  the  establishment  by  the 
county  organization  and  by  the  state  organ- 
ization of  socially  operated  farms.  Do  you 
realize  that  it  has  been  repeatedly  dis- 
cussed in  the  United  States  Department  of 
Agriculture  that  they  should  establish  ex- 
perimental farms?  We  want  something  en- 
tirely different.  We  want  a  farm  that  shall 
be  not  primarily  experimental,  but  one  pri- 
marily productive,  operated  by  society  and 
which  shall  constitute  a  means  of  con- 
trolling rents  and  controlling  farm  labor  by 
making  it  impossible  to  force  wages  down 
as  they  may  be  by  private  competition. 
We  propose  to  make  this  the  foundation  of 
social  production  by  giving  us  a  grip  upon 
the  source  of  food  supply. 

The  other  items  are,  on  the  whole,  self- 
explanatorv.  Two  years  ago  I  finished  my 
talk  on  this  subiect  by  asking  you  not  to 
adopt  in  the  platform  the  report  that  I 
brought  in,  because  I  thought  that  we  did 
not  know  vet  what  we  stood  for.  Since 
that  time  the  States  of  Oklahoma,  North 
Dakota,  South  Dakota,  Texas,  and,  I  pre- 
sume, others  have  put  farm  progress  in 
their  state  platforms.  They  are  going 
ahead.  The  farmers  are  going  to  get  into 
the  Socialist  party  and  fight  for  Socialism 
whether  we  want  them  or  not. 

A  DELEGATE:     They  are  doing  it  now! 

COM.  SIMONS:  Yes,  that  reminds  me 
that  the  farmers  from  Texas  are  beginning 
to  organize  unions  among  the  tenants;  are 
beginning  to  fight  on  the  economic  and  po- 
litical field  exactly  the  same  sort  of  strug- 
gle that  we  are  battling  in  the  factory, 
in   the  mill,   in  the   mine   and   in   the   store. 

Now,  then,  I  say  that  those  comrades  are 
taking  up  that  subject.  It  is  time  that  we 
struck  out  some  lines  nationally.  It  is  time 
that  we  laid  down  principles  that  would 
apply  to  this  class  as  well  as  to  all  di- 
visions of  the  working  class.  We  have 
spent   thousands   and    thousands    of   dollars 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


to  reach  the  trade  unionists,  and  I  want 
more  sp^nt  in  that,  way;  but  there  are  only- 
two  millions  of  them;  we  have  spent  all 
our  resources  on  that  small  fraction,  in  the 
effort  to  reach  the  few  mechanical  and 
other  industries,  and  no  one  of  them  has 
anywhere  near  the  number  of  workingmen 
and  women  that  are  to  be  found  upon  the 
farms  of  this  country. 

Take  hold  of  this  program;  criticize  it; 
tear  it  to  pieces  if  you  can.  But  I  do  hope 
that  before  you  leave  this  hall  you  will 
say  that,  as  for  the  Socialist  party  of  the 
United  States,  we  are  going  to  take  a  stand 
at  least  ahead  of  the  insurgents  and  prog- 
ressives and  radicals,  who  are  trying  today 
by  every  possible  means  to  capture  the 
vote  of  the  small  farmer  and  build  up  a 
peasant  proprietorship  in  the  United  States; 
I  do  hope  that  we  are  going  to  take  a  step 
ahead  of  them;  that  we  are  going  to  make 
the  Socialist  party  of  America  the  actual 
expression  on  the  political  field  of  the  en- 


tire  working   class,   of   the  entire   human 
race. 

Comrades,  we  stand  today  at  the  parting 
of  the  ways.  We  are  making  tremendous 
inroads  into  the  factory  workers.  The  only 
.hope  that  capitalism  has  to  sweep  back  the 
on-rolling  tide  of  revolution  is  to  bank  up 
against  us  the  workers  of  the  farm.  To 
them  they  are  appealing;  to  them  they  are 
offering  everything  that  capitalism  can  of- 
fer to  stay  on  the  backs  of  the  workers. 
We  must  go  to  the  farmer  and  show  him 
that  he  can  not  be  relieved  while  he  is 
being  ridden  by  the  capitalist  class  and 
that  we  alone  come  to  him  with  the  gospel 
of  freedom,  of  liberty,  of  emancipation,  of 
social  ownership,  of  everything  necessary 
to  the  production  of  wealth  and  the  sat- 
isfaction of  life. 

THE  VICE-CHAIRMAN:  The  hour  of  1 
o'clock     having     arrived,     the     convention 

stands  adjourned. 


AFTERNOON   SESSION. 


Chairman  Lee  called  the  convention  to 
order  at  2:30  p.  m. 

COMMITTEE   ON   EDUCATION. 

The  tellers  reported  the  following  vote 
on  the  standing  Committee  on  Education, 
the  candidates  being  the  seven  highest: 

May  Wood  Simons,  174. 

George  R.   Kirkpatrick,   166. 

Emil  Seidel,  160. 

Frank  Sanford,   124. 

Caroline   Pratt,   122. 

John  C.  Kennedy,  115. 

Warren  Atkinson,  109. 

The  foregoing  delegates  were  declared 
elected  as  the  standing  Committee  on  Edu- 
cation. 

FARMERS'  PROGRAM. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Farmers'  Program  has  been 
made.  There  is  a  motion  to  adopt  the  re- 
port as  a  whole.  There  is  a  substitute  mo- 
tion to  receive  the  report  and  consider  the 
recommendations  seriatim.  Comrade  Ohsol, 
of  Massachusetts,  has  the  floor. 

DEL.  OHSOL  (Mass.):  I  wish  to  speak 
against  the  adoption  of  the  report  as  a 
whole  for  this  reason:  There  is  a  confusion 
in  points  1,  2  and  7. 

Point  No.  1  does  not  state  whether  the 
Socialist  party  aims  to  introduce  land  own- 
ership as  a  Socialist  institution.  The  land 
is  left  out  from  the  other  means  which 
should  be  socially  owned.  It  infers  that 
land  ownership  will  be  something  different, 
that  land  will  be  owned  by  private  owners, 
whether  that  be  the  intention  or  not,  in 
there. 

And  in  the  second  clause  you  see  that 
land  cannot  be  used  by  those  who  do  not 
till  it.  Consequently  it  is  natural  that  the 
only  title  to  land — that  means  also  the 
ownership  of  land — will  be  in  the  hands  of 
those  who  occupy  and  till  it.  That  means 
the  support  of  small  farmers  and  nothing 
else;  the  same  thing  which  has  been  dis- 
cussed all  over  and  has  been  rejected  by 
the  Social  Democratic  party  of  Germany 
and  also  in  Russia  and  also  in  a  whole  lot 
of  countries  where  agrarian  reforms  have 
been  considered  as  a  whole. 

This  recommendation  promises  the  wage 
earners  in  the  last  clause,  the  seventh,  that 
they  will  be  better  off.  Just  why  they 
will  be  better  off  if  live  stock  is  insured 
.  and  they  will  not  be  insured  according  to 
the  program,  I  do  not  know.  There  is  noth- 
ing which  states  that  we  should  organize 
the  farm  hands  and  try  to  better  their 
condition.      It  only  deals  with  farmers  and 


small  occupants.  We  must  distinguish  be- 
tween those  two  points.  The  Socialist 
party  is  a  party  of  the  working  class.  It 
does  not  undertake  to  relieve  the  burdens 
of  all  classes  of  society.  However,  we  take 
it  that  there  are  some  classes  that  will  still 
suffer.  What  the  farmers  may  want  in  one 
State  they  may  not  want  in  another  State. 
What  they  may  want  in  one  county  they 
may  reject  in  another.  In  Mexico  they 
demand  confiscation  of  the  land.  In  this 
country  they  would  reject  that  proposition. 
In  one  country  they  would  stand  for  small 
ownership  and  in  another  country  they 
would  stand  against  it.  In  one  there  might 
be  one  thing  proper  and  in  another  some- 
thing different.  Therefore,  a  policy  should 
be  adopted  that  is  consistent.  We  are  deal-, 
ing  with  principles,  and  not  with  a  pro- 
gram. A  program  must  contain  only  those 
demands  which  the  Socialist  party  as  a 
working  class  party  means  to  carry  out, 
and  not  the  wishes  of  this  or  that  class, 
whether  they  are  small  farmers,  grocery 
keepers  or  any  stratum  of  society.  We 
must  distinguish  between  form  of  owner- 
ship and  forms  of  tillage.  Those  things 
are  entirely  different.  The  form  of  own- 
ership may  be  state  or  national  ownership, 
but  the  form  of  tillage  must  adapt  itself 
to  the  means  of  production  and  the  machin- 
ery we  use  and  the  form  of  distribution 
we  are  dealing  with.  These  are  confused 
in  the  report.  It  leaves  the  tenancy  and- 
occupancy  to  those  who  are  tilling,  and  it? 
tries  to  unite  those  who  cannot  be  united. ; 
In  Canada  the  ownership  is  concentrated  J 
and  tillage  of  some  kinds  has  entirely  dis- 
integrated. The  land  may  be  tilled  by  small, 
farmers  having  50  acres  or  160  acres. 

At  this  point  Del.  Ohsol  was  interrupted" 
and  called  to  the  platform.  In  reply  to  a>l 
question  the  Chairman  stated  that  the  mat- 
ter before  the  house  was,  first  the  motion* 
by  Del.  Duffy  (N.  Y.)  to  adopt  the  report; 
as  a  whole,  and  next  the  substitute,  motion  , 
by  Del.  Slobodin  (N.  Y.)  to  receive  the  re-^ 
port  and  act  upon  the  recommendations 
seriatim. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  I  want  to  make  a. 
point  of  order.  I  do  not  want  to  interrupt  < 
the  comrade  who  is  speaking,  but  since  he] 
has  been  interrupted,  I  will  make  it.  WH 
must  dispose  first  of  the  amendment,  and* 
if  the  amendment  is  adopted,  then  we  Willi 
discuss  it  seriatim  and  the  comrade  willi 
speak  on  such  plank  as  is  under  discussion.  1 
If  the  amendment  is  defeated,  then  his  gen-; 
eral  argument  will  be  in  order. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  Comrade  Merrill- 
willing  to  accept  the  substitute? 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


6t 


DEL.  MERRILL  (N.  Y.):  Comrade  Mer- 
111  is  willing-   to  accept  it. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  there  any  objec- 
ion  to  the  acceptance  of  the  substitute? 
?he  motion  before  the  house  then  is  that 
he  report  be  received  and  the  propositions 
.cted  upon  seriatim.  In  the  discussion  of 
hese  propositions  necessarily  it  will  not  be 
»ossible  to  restrict  a  speaker  to  one  par- 
icular  recommendation  at  a  time.  We  will, 
towever,  as  rapidly  as  the  house  sees  fit, 
ome  to  a  vote  upon  the  recommendation 
f  the  committee.  Then  after  recommenda- 
ion  one  has  been  adopted  or  rejected  it  will 
lot  be  in  order  to  discuss  any  more  than  is 
.bsolutely  necessary  that  recommendation, 
.■"he  speakers  will  strive  as  far  as  possible 
o  adhere  to  the  seriatim  method  of  dis- 
ussion,  but  the  Chair  will  not  attempt  to 
nforce  it  absolutely. 

DEL.  OHSOL:     I  will  confine  my  remarks 
3  the  first  clause. 
DEL.  EDWARDS   (Tex.):     I  want  to  find 
ut  if  he   is  discussing-  the  subject  or   the 
ody  of  the  report. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  technical  matter 
5  still  felt  to  be  Comrade  Slobodin's  mo- 
on. The  motion  is  to  receive  the  report 
id  act  upon  the  recommendations  seriatim, 
there  is  no  objection,  I  will  put  that  mo- 
on. 

The  motion  was  put  and  carried. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  before 
ie  house  now  is  the  adoption  of  the  first 
commendation.  Comrade  Ohsol  has  the 
)or,  but  in  the  discussion  of  the  first  rec- 
nmendation  he  will,  of  course,  have  to  dis- 
ss it  in  relation  to  those  which  are  to 
How,  but  he  will  adhere  as  closely  as  pos- 
61e  to  the  first. 

DEL.   OHSOL:     I  am  now  going-  to  pass 

the   first    clause,    because    it    leaves    out 

ads.      It    is    impossible    to    own    socially 

ose   big    storage    plants,    those    means    of 

insportation,   if  you  do  not  own  the  land 

lelf  upon  which  those  storage  plants   and 

lier  means  are  erected.     That  is  one  thing. 

e  other  thing  is  that  if  the  farmers  own 

id  they  are  supposed  to  produce  for  sub- 

itence  only,  not  for  the  market.     That  is 

3   only    possibility    to    keep    the    occupant 

t  of  competition,   out   of  the  large  world 

.rket.      As    long   as   you    produce   for    the 

.rket,    for    those    storage    plants    and    for 

>se  means  of  transportation  you  have  to 

ire  some  control  over  this  method  of  pro- 

2tion.     That  is  the   only  possible  way   to 

,roduce  co-operative  action,  which  will  be 

j/erned    by    the    next    clause    if   you    own 

|i  land.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  all  Socialist 

•ties  have  come  to  that  view.     The  Ger- 

n    Socialist    party    started    to    debate    on 

agrarian  question  in  1S70  and  from  time 

time   till    1908,    when    it   was    postponed. 

3   only   recommendation   which    has   been 

ught  out  thus  far  was  that  of  Comrade 

utsky  at  one  of  the  various  German  So- 

ist  assemblies,   that  the  land   should  be 

iied  by  the  state.     If  you  take  the  pres- 

state  you  cannot  possibly  leave  any  pri- 

e  ownership  of  land,  and  for  that  reason 

small    farmers    in    Germany    and    else- 

?re  have  become  bankrupt.     For  that  rea- 

they  have  not  been  able  to  pay  with  the 

minery  owned  by        }  large  land  owners. 

the    second    place,      chey     have     become 

rived    of    those    bankers    who    advanced 

n    money    under    mortgages,    and_  those 

tgages  can  now  be  taken  by  application 

the    State    at    a    lower    percentage,    and 

3   the    farmer    can   be    relieved    of    large 

ments  he  has  heretofore  had  to  pay  to 

ate  owners  of  capital  or  bankers. 

he  next  recommendation  which  has  heen 

3  far  advanced  is  the  abolishment  of  all 


those  restrictions  which  try  to  tie  the  farm- 
er with  a  certain  form  of  taxation.  You 
cannot  possibly  distinguish  between  land 
which  they  own  themselves  and  land  which 
is  privately  owned  by  mere  land  owners, 
and  if  that  is  the  case  you  leave  private 
ownership   of   land. 

DEL.  MORGAN  (Minn.):  A  point  of  or- 
der. I  understand  that  now  we  are  dis- 
cussing the  first  clause. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  has  clear- 
ly stated  that  in  the  discussion  of  the  first 
section  it  will  be  impossible  to  prevent  the 
.speakers  from  considering  the  later  sec- 
tions. 

DEL.  MORGAN:  But  he  is  discussing 
the  second  now. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  He  is  undoubtedly 
discussing  that  in  connection  with  the 
other.  The  only  result  of  supporting  the 
point  of  order  would  be  that  Comrade 
Ohsol  would  have  a  right  to  get  up  eight 
times  and  have  altogether  forty  minutes  to 
speak  instead  of  five.  We  will  get  along 
much  more  expeditiously  by  not  insisting 
on  the  point  of  order. 

DEL.  OHSOL:  Cut  out  "land"  from  the 
first  section,  which  means  transportation 
and  storage,  and  it  means  that  you  have  to 
confine  yourselves  either  to  land  owners  or 
land  tenants.  Now,  if  you  introduce  such 
a  form  of  ownership  you  will  have  to  have 
tenants  of  the  State  and  you  will  have  to 
care  for  them.  You  can  supervise  and  lay 
down  the  conditions  of  tenantry,  either  30 
years  or  more.  You  can  lay  down  condi- 
tions of  tillage  of  the  soil,  but  as  soon  as 
you  do  you  introduce  an  actual  form  of  own- 
ership. So  you  leave  this  to  them,  or  you  do 
not  recognize  any  form  of  property.  What 
is  the  use  of  singling  out  land  from  all 
other  means  of  production?  Small  stores 
and  small  shops  are  also  tools  of  produc- 
tion which  are  used  now,  and  which  are  also 
now  in  the  stage  of  tenantry.  The  ma- 
chinery trust,  for  instance,  the  United 
States  Shoe  Machinery  firm,  adapts  its  ma- 
chinery to  small  shoe  makers,  and  this  is 
actually  the  same  thing  which  happens 
with  the  land.  Therefore  I  say,  let  us 
adopt  such  a  policy  as  will  better  the  con- 
dition of  those  who  till  the  soil — not  the 
farm  owners,  but  the  farm  laborers.     (Ap- 

DEL.'CASSIDY  (N.  Y.):  Yesterday  when 
we  discussed  a  question  it  appeared  that 
some  who  spoke  had  no  special  knowledge 
of  the  subject.  I  trust  that  today  only 
those  who  are  real  farmers  and  who  have 
made  some  special  study  of  this  subject 
will  talk  on  the  question.  I  am  a  printer 
by  trade  and  a  city  worker.  I  believe  the 
subject  is  one  of  the  most  intense  interest 
and  greatest  significance  to  the  Socialist 
movement.  Now,  as  a  printer  and  a  city 
worker,  I  want  to  get  the  inside  facts.  I 
realize  its  importance,  and  I  trust  that  the 
bookkeepers  and  stenographers  and  all 
others  who  have  no  real  knowledge  on  the 
subject  will  keep  silent.     (Applause.) 

DEL.  WILLS  (Okla.):  I  want  to  speak 
against  the  adoption  of  that  report  of  the 
committee  in  its  present  form.  I  am  an 
actual  farmer.  I  must  say  that  I  compli- 
ment the  committee  for  bringing  in  such  an 
elaborate  report,  and  I  will  say  this,  that 
with  few  exceptions  I  have  very  little  to 
sav  against  it.  But  in  its  present  form  I 
agree  with  the  Comrade  who  has  just 
spoken,  that  it  is  necessary  to  mention  that 
we  distinctly  demand  the  collective  owner- 
ship of  land.  (Applause.)  The  Oklahoma 
delegation  feels  that  this  question  would 
have  been  discussed  in  a  much  better  man- 
ner if  this  subject  had  been  referred  to  a 


/     70 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


committee  of  farmers  to  consult  with  the 
present  committee.  I  must  say,  personally, 
:  said  before,  that  this  committee,  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  they  have  not  an 
actual  farmer  among-  them,  have  done  a  re- 
markably good  job.  (Applause.)  I  want  to 
compliment  them.  We  are  discussing  now 
the  first  section,  I  understand,  Comrade 
Chairman.  Am  I  permitted  to  make  my  ob- 
jections to  the  other  sections? 

DELEGATES:     Yes,   go  ahead. 

DEL..  WILLS:  I  think  it  would  have  a 
tendency  to  facilitate  business  if  we  had  a 
committee  elected  composed  of  say  four  or 
five  farmers — I  believe  I  am  the  only  one 
of  our  delegation — to  confer 'with  this  com- 
mittee. It  would  save  a  great  amount  of 
discussion,  I  believe,  and  we  could  get  our 
position  before  this  body  in  a  better  way 
Therefore,  I  move  you  as  an  amendment 
that  we  appoint  a  committee  of  five  farm- 
ers, delegates  to  this  convention,  to  con- 
fer with  this  committee  and  bring  in  a  re- 
port  as   soon   as   possible.      (Seconded  ) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     At  this  convention? 

DEL.   WILLS:      Yes. 

A  DELEGATE:  A  committee  of  farm- 
ers? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  A  committee  of  five 
composed  of  farmers. 

The  previous  question  was  ordered,  and 
the  motion  of  Del.  Wills  to  elect  a  commit- 
tee of  five  was  carried. 

The  following  nominations  for  this  com- 
mittee were  made,  all  of  the  delegates 
named  accepting: 

Wills,  of  Oklahoma. 

Sherman,  of  Oregon. 

Theinert,  of  Rhode  Island. 

Nash,   of  Minnesota. 

Beloit,  of  Idaho. 

L.    L.    Rhodes,    of  Texas. 

Grant,  of  North  Dakota. 

Caldwell,    of  Pennsylvania. 

Coonrod,   of  Idaho. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  will  remember 
that  you  are  to  nominate  only  actual  farm- 
ers. The  Chair  takes  it  that  every  delegate 
who  has  accepted  is  an  actual  farmer  at  the 
present  time  because  that  was  the  meaning 
of  the  motion.     There  are  nine  candidates. 

Del.  Hillquit  moved  that  the  nine  nom- 
inees stand  as  the  '  committee.  Seconded 
and  carried. 

THE    SAN    DIEGO    SITUATION. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  convention  this 
morning  referred  a  certain  matter  to  the 
National  Executive  Committee  with  in- 
structions to  report  this  afternoon.  The 
report  of  the  National  Executive  Commit- 
tee on  that  subject  takes  precedence  of  the 
regular  order  of  business,  and  Comrade 
Harriman  for  the  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee has  the  floor. 

Del.  Harriman,  on  behalf  of  the  National 
Executive  Committee,  presented  the  follow- 
ing^ report   and   accompanying   telegrams: 

REPORT  OP  THE  NATIONAL  EXECU- 
TIVE  COMMITTEE. 

The  Executive  Committee  met  in  extend- 
ed session.  The  San  Diegx)  situation  was 
thoroughly  discussed  and  the  following  ac- 
tion finally  taken: 

1st.  A  contribution  of  $250  has  been  sent 
to  the  State  Committee  of  the  Socialist 
party    of    California    for    San    Diego. 

2nd.  The  report  on  the  situation  by  Com- 
rade N.  A.  Richardson  has  been  circulated 
and    an   appeal   for   funds    accompanies   it. 

3rd.  We  propose  that  the  following  tele- 
grams be  ed  at  once  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  California,  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Building  Trades  Council  of  California,  to 
the  Executive   Committee  of   the  American 


Federation  of  Labor  of  California  and  to  t 
State  Executive  Committee  of  the  Sociali 
party  of  California. 

The  following  is  the  telegram  to  Gover 
or  Johnson: 

"To   His    Excellency,   Hiram   Johnson,   Go 
ernor  of  California,  Sacramento,  Cal.: 
"Sir — The    Socialist    party   of    the    Unit 
States  in  convention  assembled  demand  th 
you  render  immediate  assistance  to  the  c 
izens   of   San   Diego,    to    the   end   that   the 
rights  may  be  preserved  and  order  restore 
We   have    wired   all    labor    organizations 
the  State  to  co-operate  with  you  to  this  er 
We  urge  you  to  release  immediately  the  i 
port    on    the    situation     by      Commission 
Weinstoek,  so  that  the  entire  citizenship 
the  State  may  know  the  facts." 
"To   Paul   Sherinberg,    Secretary   State  Fe 
eration  of  Labor,  and  to  O.  A.  Tweitmc 
Secretary-Treasurer  State  Building  Trad 
Council  of  California,  San  Francisco,  Ca 
"Dear    Comrade — The    Socialist    party 
the  United  States   in  convention   assembl 
extends   to   the  working  class   of  Californ 
in  their  fight  in  San  Diego  their  united  syr 
,  pathy  and  support. 

"We  have  wired  the  Governor,  urging  hi 
to    render   instant   relief   to    the    citizens 
San  Diego  and  to  release  the  Weinstoek  r 
port  relating  thereto. 

"We    ask    that    the    State    Federation 
Labor,  Building  Trades  Council  and  the  S 
cialist  party  co-operate  in  urging  the  Go 
ernor  to  act.     We  have  issued  an  apoeal 
the    Socialists    of    the     United     States     f 
funds." 

TO    THE    STATE    EXECUTIVE    COMMI' 
TEE  OF  THE  SOCIALIST  PARTY 
OF  CALIFORNIA. 

"The  Socialist  party  of  the  United  Stat 
in  convention  assembled  has  endorsed  tl 
action  of  the  N.  E.  C.  in  sending  you  $2! 
,  in  cash  to  be  used  in  the  fight  in  San  Dieg 
Telegram  has  been  forwarded  to  the  Go 
ernor  of  the  State  asking  him  to  release  t] 
Weinstoek  report.  You  are  requested 
foflow  our  telegram  by  an  urgent  appe 
from  your  committee  on  the  same  subjec 
The  report  of  Comrade  N.  A.  Richards<; 
has  been  published  and  an  appeal  for  fun< 
issued  to  the  party  membership.  The  coj 
vention  urges  you  to  act  at  once  and  to  c 
all  in  your  power  to  assist  in  the  situi 
tion." 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  I  suggest  the  add 
tion  to  the  telegram  of  the  following  wordj 
"And  that  you  co-operate  with  the  Sta' 
Federation  of  Labor  and  the  State  Buildil 
Trades  Council  to  this  end."  This  is  tl 
report,  and  I  move  its  adoption.   (Seconded 

DEL.    IRVIN    (Okla.):      I   want   to   ask 
question  of  Comrade  Harriman.     Why  "cit 
zens  of  San  Diego"? 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  We  do  not  refer  oifl 
to  the  working  class  of  San  Diego. 

DEL.  IRVIN:  They  are  not  citizens  | 
San   Diego. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  Well,  they  are  ctt 
zens  so  far  as  a  great  many  of  us  ever  W 
come  citizens,  because  they  are  men  wt 
are  migratory,  and  we  meant  it  to  inclwj 
the  entire  party  involved.  The  reason  M 
put  "citizens"  in  there  was  that  it  was* 
my  mind  that  the  persecutions  there  extel 
to  a  great  many  people.  Some  of  them  a 
merchants,  but  most  of  them  belong  to  til 
working  class,  and  we  meant  their  interem 
and  their  rights  to  be  preserved  by  this  a| 
tion,  and  we  are  all  standing  together  the* 
That  was  the  only  purpose. 

DEL  ZITT  (Ohio) :  I  move  to  am6T| 
that  in  the  telegram  the  word  "urge"  J 
substituted  for  the  word  "demand."  (3f\ 
onded.) 


^ 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


EL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  wish 
to  ask  if  there  was  not  another  labor  or- 
ganization  in   danger  or   in   the   fight? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chair  can  answer 
ov|no  such  question. 

DEL.  SADLER:  May  I  ask  Comrade 
Harriman  that  question  then? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  Comrade  Harri- 
Llf  man  chooses  to  answer  the  inquiry  he  may 
do  so. 

DEL.  SADLER:  Wasn't  there  another  or- 
ganization specified?  You  have  only  men- 
tioned one. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  They  were  all  in  the 
"^scraps,  and  the  money  that  is  sent  and  the 
assistance  that  is  solicited  by  the  State 
Federation  of  Labor,  Building  Trades  Coun- 
cil and  Socialist  Party  goes  to  San  Diego 
,°jto  defend  them  all,  no   matter  who. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER:  Then  I  would 
amend  that  we  include  a  telegram  to  the 
Industrial  Workers  of  the  World,  who  are 
also  in  the  fight.   (Applause.) 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  There  is  also  a  tele- 
gram to  be  sent  to  the  comrades  in  San 
Diego  stating  what  we  have  done.  I  sug- 
gest that  that  be  incorporated  in  the  report, 
that  a  telegram  be  sent  to  the  San  Diego 
comrades  stating  to  them  what  is  our  ac- 
tion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  is  no  ob- 
jection that  will  be  considered  included  in 
the   report. 

DEL.  SADLER:  I  want  that  clearly 
understood.     My  amendment — 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  have  made  what 
motion? 

DEL.  SADLER:  I  made  an  amendment 
that  in  the  telegram  be  also  included  the 
Industrial  Workers  of  the  World.. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Industrial  Work- 
ers of  the  world;  what  department? 

DEL.    SADLER:      At    San   Diego. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  What  office?  Do  you 
mean  to  the  national  organization  or  to  the 
local   organization  at   San   Diego? 

DEL.  SADLER:  The  local  organization 
where  the  fight  is. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  already 
provides  for  a  telegram,  as  I  understand 
it,  to  a  joint  meeting  of  all  the  comrades 
in  San  Diego  involved.  It  does  not  distin- 
guish the  various  branches. 

DEL.    HARRIMAN:      To    San   Diego,    the 


To    the    San    Diego 
That  a  telegram  be 


Free  Speech  League. 

THE    CHAIRMAN: 
Free  Speech  League. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN: 
sent  to  the  Free  Speech  League  at  San 
Diego,  which  is  a  merged  committee  from 
all  the  organizations  in  the  free  speech 
fight. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  I.  W.  W.  is  also 
in  it.     Are  you  ready  for  the  question. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio) :  I  want  to  say 
that  the  last  clause  that  was  put  in  there 
was  that  they  be  urged  to  co-operate  with 
the  organizations  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  Is 
that  not  correct?  And  in  that  case  you 
have  recognized  the  A.  F.  of  L.  and  have 
ignored  the  organization  that  is  working 
on  the  ground.      (Applause.) 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  So  that  we  may 
know  the  facts,  I  will  t  te  that  the  Free 
Speech  League  in  San  ±^iego  is  a  league 
composed  of  delegates  from  the  Central 
Labor  Council  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  the  I. 
W.  W.  and  the  Socialist  Party  in  San 
Diego.  This  league  wras  prmed  after  the 
ordinance  was  passered  and  apjlerstand  it, 
and  they  entered  iname  will  be  und- 

A    delegate    att  e  also.  \    point 

"V^HAIRJ^"™  °<  »e  tasked 


DEL.  HARRIMAN:  Just  aa  soon  as  I 
get  the  opportunity  I  will  answer. 

■DEi^.  BiiiSSEMER:     Not  for  a  speech. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Del.  Bessemer  will 
maintain  order. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  During  that  time 
there  went  to  San  Diego  Mr.  Weinstock,  ap- 
pointed by  the  governor,  O'.  A.  Pridmore, 
appointed  by  the  State  Building  Trades, 
Paul  Chandler,  from  the  State  Federation 
of  Labor,  and  N.  A.  Richardson,  from  the 
Socialist  Party.  They  were  all  there  at  the 
same  time.  They  were  all  present  during 
the  investigation  made  by  the  commissioner 
of  the  state,  and  they  joined  in  the  re- 
port. Now,  the  I.  W.  W.  men,  and  prin- 
cipally the  Socialists  from  San  Diego,  made 
the  statement  in  the  convention  in  the  city 
of  San  Francisco  one  week  ago  or  more 
that  it  was  the  men  from  the  Building 
Trades  Council  that  had  sent  the  committee 
back.  It  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of 
those  men  from  the  State  Building  Trades 
Council,  which,  as  you  know,  is  a  part  of 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor.  Yes, 
we  are  asking  the  co-operation  of  the  entire 
working  class  on  the  coast  to  fight  the 
battle  that  my  comrade  wants  fought.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  want  to  say  that 
still  we  have  not  got  a  direct  answer,  and 
I  want  to  have  the  reading. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Delegates  and  vis- 
itors, and  more  especially  .visitors,  will 
please  refrain  from  occupying  the  time  of 
the  convention  with  demonstrations  of  ap- 
proval or  disapproval  on  one  side  or  the 
other. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  would  like  to  have 
a  reading  of  the  telegram  in  which  he  ap- 
peals to  the  Socialist  Party  to  co-operate 
with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  May  I  have  a  reading 
of  it  verbatim? 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:    The  secretary  has  it. 

The  secretary  read:  "To  the  State  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  the  Socialist  Party  of 
California.  The  Socialist  Party  of  the 
United  States,  in  convention  assembled,  has 
voted  $250   to  be  sent  to  you  in  cash — " 

A  DELEGATEi     This  is  not  A.   F.   of  L. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  want  the  part  that 
was  omitted,  whereby  they  appealed  to 
them   to  co-operate  with  the  A.  F.   of  L. 

SEC.  REILLY:  This  is  as  Comrade 
Harriman  gave  it  at  that  time,  and  it  is 
down  here  in  shorthand.  "And  that  you 
co-operate  with  the  State  Federation  of 
Labor  and  the  State  Building  Trades  Coun- 
cil to  this  end."     That  is  what  you  gave. 

DEL.    HARRIMAN:      Yes,    that   is    it. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  That  is  what  I  want 
to  get  at.  I  want  to  say  that  instead  of  the 
State  Federation  of  Labor  it  is  nothing 
more  or  less  than  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  and  thev 
are  working  hand  in  hand  with  the  I.  W. 
W.,  and  if  this  convention  is  going  on  rec- 
ord with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  that  fight,  when 
the  I.  W.  W.  is  just  as  much  in  the  fight 
as  they  are,  you  are  ignoring  them,  and  it 
is  unjust.  I  want  to  see  the  I.  W.  W.  in- 
cluded in  this.  They  are  worthy  of  recog- 
nition. I  think  the  amendment  to  the 
motion  is  in  order  and  should  be  voted 
unanimously  in  favor.  I  don't  care 
whether  you  agree  with  me  or  not.  My 
middle  name  is  Fight  anyway.  I  don't 
care  how  much  you  agree.  I  insist  that 
you  comrades  do  recognize  any  movement 
of  the  working  class.  I  want  to  say  more, 
while  I  have  the  floor,  that  by  us  ignoring 
the  I.  W.  W.  or  that  organization  in  con- 
vention here,  we  do  more  to  compel  mem- 
bers of  our  party  to  leave  the  movement, 
because  there  are  many  members  of  the 
party  that  say  that  we  are  cowards,  that 
we  are  not  direct-actidnists   enough   in   the 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


political  party,  and  they  have  got  discour- 
aged and  got  outside,  and  they  tell  me  that 
they  are  getting  out  and  becoming  direct- 
actionists.  We  are  driving  them  out  by 
not  standing  by  them  in  our  political  party. 
I  appeal  to  you,  comrades,  in  the  name  of 
the  working  class;  the  working  class,  as 
Ben  Hanford  said,  right  or  wrong,  always 
the    working  class. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  It  seems  to  me  that 
theVe  is  an  entire  misapprehension  in  the 
mind  of,  Comrade  Bessemer,  and  I  have  no 
doubt  in  the  minds  of  some  other  com- 
rades. There  was  absolutely  no  intention 
on  the  part  of  the  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee to  refuse  recognition  to  the  I.  W.  W. 
An  its  action.  On  the  contrary  there  was  on 
the  part  of  the  committee  the  assumption 
that  the  action  proposed  and  support,  ex- 
tended was  support  extended  in  the  main, 
and  action  recognizing  in  the  main,  the 
I.  W.  W.  as  the  center  of  the  fight.  What 
are  we  doing?  We  are  saying  here  that 
in  the  city  of  San  Diego  there  is  a  great 
fight.  In  that  fight  the  Socialist  Party,  the 
Federation  of  Labor  and  the  I.  W.  W.  are 
all  involved.  They  are  united  in  that  fight. 
Very  well.  Now,  we  send  word  to  them, 
we  send  word  to  that  joint  committee  rep- 
resenting equally  the  three  elements  and 
say,  "We  have  voted  you  money.  We  have 
called  on  all  of  our  comrades  to  give  you 
all  the  support  they  can."  We  say  to  them, 
in  addition  to  that,  "We  have  called  upon 
the  entire  working  class  to  extend  you 
support."  Why  does  the  I.  W.  W.  appeal 
to  us  for  funds  in  its  emergency?  Because 
it  cannot  get  any.  And  we  of  the  Socialist 
Party  say  we  will  get  what  we  can.  More 
than  that,  we  are  saying  to  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  unions,  "Forget  your 
differences  in  this  fight,  and  let  there  be 
a  united  fight  of  the  working  class  until 
victory  is  achieved."  I  repeat,  there  is  no 
discrimination  against  or  refusal  to  recog- 
nise the  I.  W.  W.  There  is  a  recognition 
of  the  fact  that  the  L  W.  W.  cannot  help 
itself,  and  that  we  ourselves  will  do  what 
we  can,  and  turn  around  to  other  organiza- 
tions of  the  working  class  and  say,  "Let  us 
put  our  shoulders  to  the  wheel;  let  us  fight 
and  fight  until  we  win;"  and  if  that  is  not 
a  logical  fighting  proletarian  attitude,  then, 
comrades,  I  have  been  for  twenty  odd  years 
in   this   movement   in   vain.      (Applause.) 

The  previous  question  was  then  ordered. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  The  rea- 
son for  my  insistence  upon  mentioning  that 
particular  labor  organization  is  this:  that 
in  that  communication  which  is  to  be  sent 
other  labor  organizations  were  mentioned. 
Now,  I  desire  that  every  organization  that 
is  carrying  on  the  fight  in  that  part  of  the 
country  shall  have  equal  courtesy,  tn  fact, 
I  hope  that  the  comrades  here  will  insist 
that  every  portion  of  that  fighting  force 
shall  have  equal  recognition.  You  know 
and  I  know  that  this  class  fight  is  not  go- 
ing to  be  won  by  any  single  portion  of  the 
Working  class,  and  it  does  not  befit  us  as 
the  political  expression  of  the  working  class 
to  go  on  record  by  mentioning  any  particular 
part  of  the  economic  organization.  Now, 
then,  I  hope  that  the  comrades  here  as- 
sembled will  vote  that  if  these  telegrams 
are  to  be  sent, '  that  a  telegram  will  be 
sent  mentioning  at  least,  if  nothing  else, 
the  name  of  the  fighting  organization 
known  as  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the 
World.  (Applause.)  I  do  not  ask  any 
applause.  I  ask  that  you  do  justice  as 
far  as  you  can  see  it  right  now.  And 
the  $250  that  has  been  sent  from  the  na- 
tional office,  remember,  if  you  please,  that 
it  all  came  out  of  your  own  pockets,  out 
of  the  pockets  of  the  working  class.     The 


National  Executive  Committee  has  worked 
— yes,  because  there  is  a  force  that  will 
make  it  work,  whether  it  wants  to  or  nott 
(Applause.) 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  The  motion, 
as  I  understand  it,  is  that  a  telegram  bei 
sent  to  the  State  Executive  Committee  of 
California,  to  the  State  Building  Trades  I 
Council  and  to  the  State  Federation  of 
Labor.  Now,  the  amendment  provides  that 
a  telegram  be  also  sent  to  the  Industrial 
Workers  of  the  World.  Now,  as  far  as  I 
know,  these  telegrams  go  only  to  organi- 
zations outside  of  the  city  of  San  Diego. 
Now    where   is    that   telegram    to    be   sent' 

SLJ  eE?/U($.  a  thing  in  existence  as  a 
State  Federation  of  the  I.  W.  W.  in  the 
state  of  California?  As  far  as  I  know 
there  is  no  such  organization,  and  if  this 
telegram  is  to  be  sent  to  the  I.  W  W 
of  the  city  of  San  Diego,  I  ask  why  not 
n?n?^°n<!    ^s,?  .t0x, the    pr°Per    organization 

dUo?  S??ia»!ist  ?ar.ty  in  the  city  of  San 
Diego?  it  has  just  as  much  right  to  it 
as  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World. 
Li?eiev?i,  t.he-re  Is-  no  reason  whatever  to 
r^!Un3e  rthat,  ln  th  s  ^legram,  and  for  that 
reas°"  J  vote  against  the  motion. 

THE    CHAIRMAN:    It   is    mov£l    to    send 

f  f\f®legrrams  Yh,ich  you  have  heard  read 
I  think  every  delegate  knows  what  these 
te  egrams  are.  It  is  moved  to  amend  the 
telegram  to  the  governor  of  California  by 
substituting    the    word    "demand"    for    the 

Jh°/  mn?-rse-  k  U  is  -^so  moved  to  amend 
the    motion    by   providing    that   a    telegram 

lar  to  that  which  is  to  be  sent  to  the  Free 
bpeech  League  in  San  Diego.  The  vote  will 
recur  upon  the  second  amendment,  then 
upon  the  first  amendment,  and  then  upon 
the  original  motion. 

The  amendment  offered  by  Del.  Sadler 
was  carried. 

The  motion  to  substitute  "demand"  for 
urge  was  carried,  and  the  original  mo- 
tl0^,as    amended    was    then    adopted. 

COMRADE  IRVINE  (Cal.):  I  want  the 
floor  upon  a  proposition  in  connection  with 
the  raising  of  money  to  support  the  San 
Diego   free   speech  fight, 

S^Eg^f^s       IS    thGre    °bJeCti0n? 

COMRADE  IRVINE:  Then  I  will  rise 
to  it  later. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  I  move  that  the  floor 
be  granted  to  Comrade  Irvine  for  five 
minutes. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Not  more  than  five 
minutes. 

The  motion  was  carried.  * 

COMRADE  IRVINE:  Comrade  Cnair- 
man,  I  would  like  to  tell  the  friends  of 
the  I.  W.  W.  that  the  Executive  Committee 
were  absolutely,  seven  of  us,  unanimous 
in  what  we  did,  and  now  if  you  want  to 
get  money  for  San  Diego,  it  is  up  to  you 
now  to  dig  down  in  your  pockets  and  give 
us  a  big  collection  for  San  Diego.  (Ap- 
plause.) That  is  the  thing  as  I  see  it.  I 
think  the  I.  W.  W.  are  not  ashamed  of 
their  representation  on  the  Executive 
Committee,  are  they?  We  thought  it  was 
the  best  thing  to  do  to  get  money  and  men 
and  power  to  send  to  San  Diego.  Now, 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  suggest  that  we  take  up^ 
a  collection  now,  and  that  the  gallery  give 
us  something,  even  body  in  the  gallery, 
everybody,  in  *&*"*  ;?lconies.  (Applause.) 
When  a'm-^-e  are  a^u  naked  and 

tarred      rwas  the  on^P-nfl      beaten      and 

branded^,.    .zJTTfA/"JS    tt«me  to  act  and 
•  not   to  t   in   the   telegram it  (Applause.) 

If  yor.stituted  for  the  woi  ^  y^g  ^ 
gettinded.)  own  and  give 

it  to 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1M2 


73 


DEL.  HILLQUIT  (N.  Y.):  Comrades,  at 
e  risk  of  becoming  very  unpopular,  I  will 
pose*  the  suggestion  as  strenuously  as  I 
n.  Not  because  it  is  for  the  San  Diego 
tot.      Personally    I   will    gladly   contribute 

it.     But   I   object   to  a   motion   to   take 

any   collection   for   any   purpose   at   the 

tional  convention  of  the  Socialist  Party.  I 

ow   it   has  been   defeated   here   time   and 

oe  again.     Many  comrades   have  traveled 

days,  and  having  to  stay  here  a  week  or 

ger,    are    absolutely    in    no    position    to 
itribute  to  anything. 
DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  am  compelled  to 

se   a  point  of  order.     There   is   nothing 

fore  the  convention. 

DEL.   HILLQUIT:      If  the  chair  will  SO 

le,  I  will  sit  down. 

THE   CHAIRMAN:     The  point  or  order 

well  taken.  There  is  no  motion  before 
i  house. 

t  was  moved  that  a  collection  be  taken 

once    for    the    San    Diego    fighters,    but 
j  motion  was  not  seconded. 
Dn  motion  the  convention  then  proceeded 

the   regular  order. 

MMITTEE  ON  FARMERS'  PROGRAM. 
CHE  CHAIRMAN:      I  am   informed  that 

supplementary  committee  ^  that  you 
cted  to  confer  with  the  Farmers'  Com- 
ttee  has  done  its  work,  and  Comrade 
aons  will  now  report  for  the  Committee 
Farmers'  Program. 

COMMITTEEMAN     A.     M.     SIMONS:       I 
ill  take   less  than  two   minutes   to   make 
explanation.     Today   when  we   met   we 
nd    that    there    was    much    less    diver- 
ice     than     we     had     expected,     and     our 
nges    consisted   in    the    insertion   of   one 
rd  and   the   addition   of   a  plank  provid- 
for    diversity    in    state    platforms.      I 
1  read   the   amended   section,   calling  at- 
tion    to    the    inserted    word,     the    word 
entually."      It    is    in    the    second    para- 
ph   of    the    program:      "To   prevent    the 
cling  of  land  out  of  use  and  to  eliminate 
antry,  we  demand  that  all  farm  land  not 
tivated  by  owners  shall  be  taxed  at  its 
1  rental    value,    and    that    eventually" — 
t    is    the    word    inserted,    "eventually" — 
tual    use    and    occupancy    shall    be    the 
y  title   to  land."     We  now  add  this  be- 
se    there     were     several     changes     sug- 
ted,    which,    when    they    were    examined, 
■e   found    to    apply   only    to    special   sec- 
ts of  the  country,  and  were  not  general, 
ask    that    this    be    added:      "While   the 
ve   is    offered   as    a    general    outline    for 
national     agricultural    program     of    the 
lalist  Party,  we  wish  to  point  out  that 
e  are  various   conditions   in  the  widely 
irated    districts    of    the    United    States, 
that  to  each  section  and  to  each  state 
rt  be  left  the   task  of  working  out   the 
iher    details    of    a    program    applicable 
the    peculiar    agricultural    conditions    in 
r  respective  states  and  districts." 
owe  also  a  word  of  apology  to  Comrade 
e  Richards  O'Hare.     She  was  a  member 
the    committee.      We    were    not    able    to 
h    her.      I    was    not — I    will    take    the 
le  blame — able  to  reach  her  in   time  to 
mre  whether  she  approved  that  or  not. 
time  was  taken  up  in  various  sessions, 
being  in  Executive  Committee  sessions 
t   of   the    time,    and    so    her   name    was 
appended.     Since   that  was  printed  she 
t  back  there  and   signed   and  approved 
o  from  now  on  her  name  will  be  under- 
d  as  being  on  there  also, 
now  move  the  adoption  of  the  report. 
■HE   CHAIRMAN:     The    question   arises 
ctly    upon    the    adoption    of    the    first 
of  this  report. 


DEL.  EDWARDS  (Tex.):  I  wish  to  make 
a  verbal  change  which  I  believe  the  com- 
mittee will  probably  accept.  After  the 
second  line  in  the  first  r«>-jmmendation, 
I  would  like  to  move  that  this  clause  be 
inserted:  "Where  such  means  are  used 
for  exploitation."  I  believe  it  is  manifest 
that   they  do  not  mean   the  way  it  reads. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Will  you  read  the 
clause   then   as   it   would  stand? 

DEL.  EDWARDS:  "The  Socialist  party 
demands  that  the  means  of  transportation 
and  storage  and  the  plants  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  farm  products  and  farm, 
machinery,  where  such  means  are  used 
for  exploitation,  shall  be  socially  owned 
and   democratically   managed." 

The  amendment  was  seconded. 

DEL.  O'REILLY  (111.):  I  would  like  to 
call  the  attention  of  the  committee  to  a 
mere  matter  of  English.  I  would  like  to 
call  attention  to  the  fact  that  if  they  put 
in  that  clause  they  will  express  just  the 
opposite  idea  from  the  one  that  Uiey  wish 
to  express.  It  reads,  "The  Socialist  Party 
demands  that  the  means  of  transportation 
and  storage  and  the  plants  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  farm  products  and  farm 
machinery  shall  be  socially  owned  (and 
democratically  managed."  If  he  inserts  the 
words  "if  they  are  used  for  exploitation," 
he  contradicts  himself,  because  socially 
owned  machinery  means  that  the  prod- 
ucts would  not  be  used  for  exploitation. 
As  a  matter  of  English,  I  would  like  to 
have  them  consider  that.  I  think  it's  bad 
English. 

DEL.  SHERMAN  (Ore.):  I  wish  to  say 
that  I  do  not  agree  with  the  report  of 
the  majority  of  that  committee,  and  I 
wish  to  state  why.  I  believe  that  as  long 
as  the  means  of  production  are  to  remain 
in  the  ownership  of  private  hands  we  will 
have  wage  slavery.  I  am  opposed  to  wage 
slavery.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  the  means 
of  production  remaining  in  private  hands 
at  any  time,  and  I  do  not  think  there 
should  be  a  special  program  for  the  farmer. 
As  Lincoln  said,  a  nation  cannot  exist  half 
free  and  half  slave.  If  we  have  the  means 
of  production  in  private  hands,  we  must 
have  wage  slavery,  and  for  that  reason  I 
am  opposed  to  any  special  program  for 
the  farmers. 

DEL.  DUFFY  (N.  Y.) :  I  rise  to  speak  in 
opposition  to  the  acceptance  of  the  amend- 
ment. As  amended  it  would  read  "and  the 
plants  used  in  the  manufacture  of  farm 
products  and  farm  machinery,  where  used 
for  exploitation,  shall  be  socially  owned 
and  democratically  managed."  The  plants 
used  in  the  manufacture  of  farm  products 
and  farm  machinery  are  always  used  for 
exploitation,  because  the  workers  work 
enough  to  produce  this  machinery,  and 
they  cannot  be  used  in  any  other  way.  But 
at  the  same  time  I  want  to  speak  in  favor 
of  the  unamended  section.  I  am  repre- 
senting a  farming  community,  while  I  am 
not  a  farmer,  in  the  state  of  New  York, 
and  I  have  recently  had  an  opportunity  in 
a  two  months'  trip  to  study  the  problems 
of  V,  ose  farming  sections  of  the  state. 
Ther^  he  chief  problem  is  this,  that  they 
do  nox  raise  enough  food  and  so  on,  and 
have  to  buy  it  from  the  west.  So  this  is 
a  national  problem,  and  the  means  of  trans- 
portation and  storage  being  owned  socially, 
are  absolutely  necessary  for  the  elimina- 
tion of  the  conditions  under  which  those 
farmers  are  suffering  in  that  section  of 
the  state  of  New  York,  and  I  presume  in 
other  sections  throughout  the  east.  There- 
fore, I  am  very  much  in  favor  of  the  fi^t 
section  unamended.  ^ 


74 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


DEL.  EDWARDS  (Tex.):  I  am  perfectly 
willing  to  have  the  committee  rewrite  that 
.section,  provided  this  point  may  be  made 
char.  I  believe  if  anyone  will  read  the 
section  as  it  is  printed,  and  then  remember 
some  of  the  questions  that  are  asked  by 
audiences,  you  will  see  the  necessity  of 
making  it  clear  One  of  the  questions 
asked  will  be,  "Do  you  want  to  have  a 
wagon  and  a  corn  crib  socially  owned  and 
democratically  administered?"  Now  of 
coVs-%'  lhe  cornmittee  did  not  mean  'that, 
and  if  the  committee  or  the  chairman  will 
suggest    some   phrase   that    will   just   make 

n^ShSS      hat  ^f     refer     t0     SUch     means     Of 

production  and  transportation  as  the  dele- 
ft? IT  New  Y+°urk  has  just  mentioned, 
that   will   answer   the   purpose 

THE    CHAIRMAN:      The    committee    has 

accepted  the  amendments  in  substance    The 

SnnC/°rSlng.  2f      that      amendment,      I 

???Ph-^      ll}  not  be   kibbled  over  between 

i^Jlf£e*ent  comraaes-  because  it  is  under- 

"?>,  of  course,  that  it  is  not  strictly 
capital  means  that  we  refer  to 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  *  It  has  been 
fmendmen?    ^    COmmittee    ^epted    thiS 

THE    CHAIRMAN:      It   is   accented 

DEL.  THOMPSON:  The  committee  is 
considerably  scattered.  I  am  a  member  of 
the   committee,   and  I   do   not  want  to  a  ! 

?nP™*U;i,  I  tiUnk  U  would  be  bad  policy 
to  put  that  phrase  in  there.  I  simply  want 
t0    correct    that    statement.  P  Y  Want 

no?^Sr£H*AIRMA?:Jf  the  committee  does 
«?L%sZee  t0  ac?ept  it,  all  right.  I  under- 
stood the  committee  accepted  it 

DEL.  WRIGHT  (Neb.):  Two  years  atrd 
this  committee  was  elected  for  the  purpofe 
turist udJ^  "ae  problems  of  the  agricuL 
or  mn«t  5  £?r  tWx°  years  this  committee, 
?&J ~  Sf  them>  have  been  busy  studying 
this  problem.  As  for  myself,  I  have 
labored  over  this  question  until  my  htad 
has  ached.  We  find  ourselves  at  this  time 
"em  th(Xghly  educated  in  this  great  prob? 
lem.  Ihe  very  fact  that  the  committee 
and  every  student  of  this  great  question 
have  been  waiting  anxiouslf  for  the  la°t 
census  report  and  have  not  been  able  to 
£«*  lt  Pr°Yes  that  to  arrive  at  a  complete 
understanding  of  the  evolution  of  farm 
industry  is  as  yet  an  impossibility.  Everv 
day  some  new  force  is  making  its  appear- 
ance   in    connection    with    the    evolution    of 

efntf^nTV1  5aVe  just  been  ^formed  re- 
cently of  this  fact,  which  I  dare  say  the 
average  farmer  has  not  taken  into  con? 
Twra^,?^and  PerhaPs  does  not  know: 
iiwm Europe  Is  even  alarmed  over  the  pos- 
sibility of  not  being  able  to  get  the  usual 
food  supply  which  Europe  gets  from  Amer- 
}n  ^^Sri^,lt+Ura;1  exP°rts-  I  cite  this  fact 
to  show  that  along  with  this  hundreds  of 
other  fundamental  problems  are  making 
their  appearance.  You  cannot  lay  down  a 
specihc  line  of  action  in  connection  with 
those  things  which  are  yet  in  the  hands  of 
the  experimental  station  and  in  the  minds 
of  the  inventors,  and  which  are  as  yet  not 
seen  not  analyzed,  not  studied.  American 
capital  as  well  as  European  capital  is  now 
commencing  to  seize  upon  land,  not  be- 
cause land  is  so  much  more  productive 
than  it  used  to  be,  but  because  the  field 
of  investment  has  been  closed  up,  with  the 
result  that  America  has  been  discovered, 
civilized,  and  its  civilization  capitalized  al- 
most to  the  limit.  Now  then,  money  is 
hunting  for  an  investment,  and  it  is  seek- 
ing land  as  an  outlet.  Capital  has  com- 
menced to  take  hold  upon  farming.  The 
inventor's  mind  is  being  turned  in  the  di-  * 
rection  of  improving  farm  methods;  not  due 
to    the    efforts    of    the    farmer,    but    to    the 


prospect  of  dividends  as  seen  by  the  n 

facturing     class,     who     use     the     inv 

and    scientist    to    further    the    ends    oi 

capitalist     class.       Just    exactly    what 

end  of  this   course  will  be,  I  do  not  k 

nobody    knows.      Only    those    things    v 

can    be    analyzed    up    to    this    time    ca 

dealt    with.       This     report    has     not 

thrown    together    in    a    haphazard    ma 

This    report   is   just   as   complete   as   it 

be,   just  as   scholarly  as   it   can  be,  an 

economically    sound     as    it    is    possibl 

produce    at    this    time.      It    reaches   jus 

far  as  we  are  able  to  analyze  the  situa 

I    can    understand    very    readily    why 

objection   will   come   from   one   part   of 

United    States,    while    an    entirely    diff< 

objection  will  come  from  another  part. 

new    clause    introduced    leaves    it    open 

the  states  in  their  state  platforms   to 

form   to   the   conditions   of   their   partic 

sections.     What  we  do  require  now,  in 

of  the  fact  that  we  do  see   that  the   < 

talist      landlords,      speculators      and 

grafters   seize   an   opportunity   for   mar 

lation,    is    that    we    must    have    a    nati 

declaration  which  aims  a  blow  at  this  < 

of  parasites,   to   get  them   off   the   farn 

back.     We  must  have  a  national  declars 

which  will   involve   the  means   of  expL 

tion    in    manufacturing    lines    which    r 

the   farmer.      This   you   have    got,    and 

declaration  as  to  a  national  program  co 

every  phase  of  this  question  that  can 

sibly    be    dealt   with    intelligently,    and 

more  we  fuss   with   it,    the   worse   you 

going    to    make    it,    and    we    are    likelj 

end  up  here  with  no  program  at  all. 

no  matter  how  we  end  the  discussion,  t 

are  a  number  of  students  of  economics 

have  been  attracted  to  this  question.     1 

will   study  it,   not   for  the   next   two  yi 

but  for  the  next  twenty  years,  and  wil 

the  time  become  clearer  on   the  mattei 

new  forces  make  their  appearance. 

DEi.  TAYLOR  (111.):  I  would  lik< 
ask  for  information  whether  this  ch 
in  regard  to  exploitation  was  suggested 
the  idea  that  this  as  it  reads  now  w< 
take  in  the  individual  wagon,  the  ow 
ship  of  a  wagon  in  which  a  man  tz 
goods  from  his  farm  to  the  warehous< 
the    railroad. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  un 
stands  that  that  was  the  reason  for  n 
ing ,  that    amendment. 

DEL.  TAYLOR:  Then  I  move  as  a  i! 
stitute  for  the  amendment  that  the  v 
"social"  be  put  before  the  word  "me?! 
in  the  first  line  of  this  clause;  "the  Soc 
ist  party  demands  that  social  means" 
so  forth. 

DEL.      OHSOL      (Mass.):        I      have 
amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Delegate  Ohsoll 
Massachusetts  moved  that  in  the  first 
the  word  "land"  be  inserted  so  thai 
shall  read,  "The  Socialist  party  denu 
that  land  and  the  means  of  transporta! 
and  storage,"  etc.  This  amendment 
also  be  before  the  house. 

DEL.    SLOBODIN    (N.    Y.):     Why   do 
demand  the  collective  ownership,  as  in 
platform,    of   the   means   of   transportat 
First,    as   a   step   to   our   final    end   the 
lective  ownership  of  all  the  means  of 
duction    and    distribution;    and    second, 
the   purpose   of  improving  the   conditioi 
the    workmen    that    work   in    these   Unj 
States.     Is  that  the  reason  why  the  fa 
ers'  report  contains  the  demand  for  the 
cial  ownership  of  the  means  of  transpo 
tion?     Is  the  farmer  interested  in  our  i 
aim    who    is    the    owner    of    some    of 
means  of  production  himself?     Is  he  iv 
ested    in    improving    the    condition    of. 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


1 


working-men  who   work  on   the   railways? 

"No.  What  is  it  that  he  is  interested  in  first? 
He  wants  the  means  of  transportation  to 
be  more  efficient  and  cheaper.  That  is  why- 
hat  is  included  in  the  farmers'  program,  so 

l<Jthat    the    farmer    may    get    more    efficient 

Uservice  and  pay  less  for  it.  You  see  very 
eadily  that  there  is  a  conflict  between  the 
nterests    of    the    men    who    work    on    the 

^railways  and  the  interests  of  the  small 
farmer  who  uses  those  railways.  The  one 
lemands  the  highest  wages  he  can  get, 
arhich  means  increase  in  the  cost  of  trans- 
portation. The  farmer  demands  a  lower 
ost  of  transportation  which  eventually 
neans  less  wages.  They  must  reconcile 
he  meaning  and  intent  of  our  general  pro- 
ram  with  the  program  laid  down  in  this 
eport.  Why  is  it  this  farmers'  program 
hat   has   so  forcibly   stated   that   there   are 

cjibout  three  million  small  tenant  farmers  ig- 

i  lores  the  three  or  four  million  agricultural 
vage  slaves?  Why  don't  you  say  one  word 
tbout   the   agricultural   laborers?     There   is 

l^iot  one  word  about  that.  Ten  years  ago 
his    question    was    discussed   and    Delegate 

c  Simons   agreed  that   he  was   wrong  at   that 

:1  ime.      He   wanted    the    party    at    that   time 

i\o  take  the  same  position.     I  remember  that 
opposed   him   at   that    time.      I   don't   say 
he    farmers'    problem   or   that   the   agricul- 

e  ural  problem  is  not  of  importance,  but 
ve  have  so  many  irons  in  the  fire  and  the 
etting  of  the  movement  to  the  proletariat 

is  so  important  that  we  are  not  ready  to 
ake  up  this  agricultural  problem.  Let 
s  first  approach  the  wage  slave.  Let  us 
et  our  message  of  Socialism  to  the  agri- 
ultural    workers,    those    that    work    on    the 

:li|arms,  then  when  we  have  succeeded  to 
ome  extent  in  that  the  next  step  will  be 
get  the  same  message  to  the  tenant 
armers  of  America.  If  there  is  to  be 
n  agrarian  program  on  the  part  of  the 
ocialist  party  it  should  be  addressed  to 
gricultural  workers  and  nobody  else. 

DEL.  L.  L.  RHODES  (Tex.):  I  wish  to 
ay  that  this  farmers'  program  that  is  be- 
ore   the   convention   satisfies   the   people   of 

fojhe  south.  While  I  am  sure  that  it  will 
ot  help  the  people  of  the  cities  it  will 
elp  us  largely  in  advancing  the  cause  of 
ocialism  in  the  southland.  We  are  just 
s  radical  as  you  are;  we  stand  for  what 
ou  people  of  the  north  stand  for  but  you 
ave  never  had  to  contend  with  the  Bourbon 
emocracy  of  the  south. 
A  DELEGATE:  Thank  God. 
DEL.  RHODES:  I  want  to  say  thank 
od,  too.  The  program  is  certainly  clear 
nough.  It  doesn't  hurt  you.  It  aids  us. 
t  makes  it  possible  for  us  to  make  inroads 
nd  progress  in  a  country  that  has  been 
irgely  unoccupied.  We  join  you  in  your 
rogram.  We  only  ask  you  people  who 
now  nothing  about  our  section  of  the 
untry,    since    this    farmers'    program    can 

allot  hurt  you  to  at  least  let  us  have   it   In 

aa|ur  state  down  there. 

DEL.  MORGAN  (Minn.):  I  am  opposed 
)  the  last  amendment  to  insert  the  word 
land."  In"  Minnesota  where  ^  travel  a 
ood  deal  among  the  farmers,  many  of 
iem  are  coming  to  us  and ''the  point  on 
hich  so  many  of  them  have  split  has  been 
le  argument  constantly  set  up  by  the  op- 
■)nents  of  Socialism  who  sav:  These  So- 
alists  propose  to  take  your  little  farm,  or 
our  house  and  lot  and  they  propose  to 
'ake  it  all  public  property.  Now  the  ef- 
U,ct  of  that  was  so  great  that  an  amend- 
lent  was  introduced  to  the  national  plat- 
rm  and  carried:  and  that  is  the  one  that 
is  commended  itself  to  our  farmers.  They 
•e  willing  to  concur  in  the  platform  that 
e  have  adopted,  against  the  private  own- 


ership of  land  and  means  of  production 
used  for  exploitation.  They  agree  with 
that.  They  agree  that  no  man  should  be  al- 
lowed to  hold  land  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
ploiting his  fellow  man.  But  he  ought  to 
own,  until  the  conditions  have  radically 
changed,  he  ought  to  cvn  his  little  house 
and  lot;  he  ought  to  o\v  *j  his  little  patch 
of  land  so  long  as  he  is  using  it  for  the 
support  of  himself  and  family  and  not  to 
exploit  others,  and  that  plank,  that  state- 
ment has  brought  thousands  of  farmers 
to  us.  Now  if  you  put  this  word  in  the 
farmers  'program  and  say  that  the  Socialist 
Party  demands  that  land  and  the  means 
of  transportation  shall  be  socially  owned 
we  shall  have  this  fight  all  over 
again.  I  find  that  this  question  has 
been  asked  me  hundreds  of  times:  Do 
you  fellows  propose  to  take  my  little 
house  and  lot  away  from  me  so  that  I  won't 
have  a  place  of  my  own  to  lay  my  hands, 
and  we  have  referred  them  to  the  plat- 
form and  said  yes,  if  you  use  your  house 
and  land  to  exploit  somebody  else,  renters 
or  anybody  else,  anything  of  that  kind,  that 
will  be  the  ult^BSBte  outcome,  but  so  long 
as  you  use  it  simply  for  your  own  good  you 
will  not  be  deprived  of  the  ownership  of 
that  value  of^'which  you  have  so  largely 
produced  yourself.  That  statement  has 
brought  us  hundreds  of  farmers;  that 
statement  has  succeeded  in  bringing  those 
people  to  us.  But  if  you  will  adopt  this 
last  amendment  you  have  simply  knocked 
the  old  platform  to  pieces.  We  are  back 
in  the  old  fight  again,  and  we  can  not  own 
even  a  piece  of  land  to  be  buried  in,  and  I 
will  have  to  turn  over  the  graves  of  three 
of  my  dear  ones  to  the  Socialist  common- 
wealth at  some  future  time;  I  shall  have 
to  beg  a  place  to  bury  them  in  under  those 
circumstances. 

DEL.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):     I  am  not  now  a 

farmer  but  I  was  raised  as  one.  That  is 
the  reason  I  grew  so  tall.  I  am  not  in 
favor  of  that  part  of  the  amendment  that 
says  "the  land."  I  am  in  favor  of  the 
word  "social."  I  shall  not  repeat  any  of 
the  reasons  given  by  my  comrades  but  I 
wish  to  say  in  reply  to  Comrade  Slobodin 
when  he  asks  if  there  will  not  be  a  con- 
flict between  those  working  on  the  railroad 
who  want  higher  wages  and  the  farmers 
who  want  cheaper  transportation.  Yes.  But 
if  we  shall  not  make  a  demand  for  social 
ownership  for  that  reason  will  not  the 
same  conflict  rage  between  the  farmer  who 
raises  his  produce  for  sale  and  the  men  in 
town,  the  workers  in  the  city  to  whom  that 
produce  is  sold  Does  not  the  wage  earner 
in  the  town  ask  more  wages  in  order  that 
he  may  get  more  of  the  product  of  the 
farmer,  and  does  not  the  farmer  raise  the 
price  of  his  product  if  he  can,  to  get  more 
of  the  wages  of  the  worker?  Therefore 
you  are  not  changing  the  program  any.  If 
it  is  inconsistent  to  ask  for  the  social 
ownership  of  the  things  named  in  para- 
graph 1  or  recommendation  1,  it  is  in- 
consistent anywhere  else.  I  insist  that 
this  is  not  a  special  program  for  the  farm- 
ers as  indicated  by  my  comrade  down  here, 
any  more  than  it  is  a  special  program  for 
the  wage  earner  when  you  ask  for  the  so- 
cial ownershi]  of  the  shop  in  which  he 
works.  I  agr  with  you  that  no  nation 
can  exist  half  Blave  and  half  free.  I  ad- 
mit that  when  you  ask  for  immediate  de- 
mand for  the^wage  worker  in  town,  when 
yoxi  ask  for  shorter  hours,  when  you  ask 
for  more  wages,  if  it  is  a  special  program 
to  ask  the  same  things  for  the  farmer 
then  it  is  a  special  program  to  ask  it  for 
the  wage  worker. 


/ 


76 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION, 


Sometimes  we  are  told  that  a  farmer 
owns  his  job.  I  tell  you  the  fellow  that 
farms  knows  that  the  job  owns  him.  He 
works  sixteen  hours  a  day.  If  the  day  is 
not  long-  enough  he  patches  it  out  morning 
and  night.  I  say  the  job  owns  him.  If 
this  be  a  special  program  then  so  is  the 
other.  We  ask  for  eight  hours  a  day  and 
do  our  best  to  get  it. 

In  a  couple  of  years  from  now  you  may 
take  another  step  and  make  the  program 
clearer,  but  as  things  are  today  I  think 
that  recommendation  1  with  the  word  "so- 
cial" added  should  be  accepted  not  as  final 
but  as  the  best  step  that  we  can  take  at 
this  point. 

DEL.  DEVOLD  (Minn.):  I  want  to  hear 
that  plank  read  once  more. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  (reading):  "The  So- 
cialist party  demands  that  the  -means  of 
transportation  and  storage  and  the  plants 
used  in  the  manufacture  of  farm  products 
and  farm  machinery  shall  be  socially  owned 
and    democratically   managed." 

The  amendment  of  Edwards  of  Texas  is 
that  after  the  word  "machinery"  there  be 
inserted  the  words  "where  such  means  are 
now  used  for  exploitation"  or  other  words 
that  would  have  that  meaning.  The  amend- 
ment by  Ohsol  is  to  insert  the  word  "land" 
in  the  first  line  so  that  it  shall  read  "the 
Socialist  party  demands  that  land,  the 
means  of  transportation  and  storage,  and 
the  plants  used  in  the  manufacture  of  farm 
products  and  farm  machinery  shall  be  so- 
cially owned"  and   so  forth. 

DEL.  MALEY  (Wash.):  Touching  the 
insertion  of  the  word  "land"  there  it  seems 
to  me  the  question  is:  Are  we  ready  for 
the  socialization  of  the  land.  Capitalism 
has  done  its  work  with  the  means  of  trans- 
portation and  storage  so  that  as  an  im- 
mediate program  we  would  be  ready  for 
the  socialization  of  those  kinds  of  prop- 
erty if  we  had  control;  but  it  does  not  seem 
that  we  are  ready  to  proceed  immediately 
to  the  socialization  of  the  land  until  cap- 
italism has  done  further  organization  in 
the  farming  community. 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  I  think  there 
is  a  little  confusion  here.  I  think  the  in- 
sertion of  the  word  "land"  is  unnecessary, 
and  you  will  see  that  it  is  if  you  read  the 
third  recommendation  in  which  we  have 
endeavored  to  cover  very  carefully  that 
question  of  the  socialization  of  land.  Now 
the  points  that  have  been  made  against 
the  insertion  of  the  word  "land"  in  the 
first  clause  are  very  strong  points  but  the 
fact  that  we  cover  it  carefully  and  thor- 
oughly in  the  third  recommendation  makes 
it  unnecessary  that  it  be  put  in  the  first 
recommendation.  I  hope  that  you  will  see 
that  it  is  unnecessary.  I  would  like  to 
call  yo.ur  attention  in  a  general  way  to  the 
feature  of  this  proposition,  these  few 
paragraphs  here  that  we  have  been  trying 
to  find  some  way  to  state  in  all  our  efforts 
to  write  a  farmers'  program  both  in  this 
country  and   el:  and   that   is  to   sat- 

isfy our  extremists,  who  are  always  insist- 
ing that  we  must  have  the  collective  own- 
ership of  the  land,  or  our  comrades  in 
Germany  who,  after  they  had  appointed 
committees,  one  to  study  the  subject  in 
South  Germany,  another  strong  committee 
in_  another  section,  and  another  strong  com- 
mittee in  another  section,  they  came  in  with 
a  program  much  more  elementary  than  this 
is  going  into  the  matter  a  great  deal,  which 
was  rejected  because  of  thi*?  consideration. 
which  is  the  objection  which  they  always 
against  a  program  in  which  there  is 
some  strength,  namely,  the  Socialist  Party 
of  Germany  rejected  the  program  proposed 
there  on  this  ground:  They  said  they  would 


not  stand  for  it  because  It  strengthen 
the  sense  of  ownership  among  the  ag 
cultural  population  and  therefore  tended 
break  down  the  spirit  of  the  proletari. 
On  account  they  rejected  the  program,  a 
that  has  been  the  thing  that  our  extra  ( 
thodox  Socialists  in  the  movement  ha 
been  afraid  of.  They  have  always  block1 
us  on  that  account.  But  we  think  we  ha: 
met  that  situation  here  in  a  way  that  wi 
appeal  to  them  and  satisfy  them  for  t 
reason  that  we  have  provided  in  that  thi 
proposition  for  the  gradual  socializatij 
of  the  ownership  of  the  land  in  this  wa; 
We  propose  that  the  state,  which  now  ow 
agricultural  and  experimental  farms,  sht 
acquire  more  and  more  land  by  the  vario 
ways  that  are  familiar  to  us  all,  such 
are  mentioned  in  that  paragraph,  and  th. 
we  add  this  point  which  is  the  feature 
which  I  refer  that  as  the  state  extends  i 
ownership  of  this  land,  holding  more  aii 
more  of  it,  such  land  instead  of  being  givt 
over  to  private  ownership  shall  be  orga 
ized  into  socially  owned  and  socially  o; 
erated  agricultural  industries.  There  v 
-,  touch  the  only  serious  objection  that  ti 
comrades  in  Germany  or  anywhere  else  . 
the  world  could  bring  against  such  a  pr« 
gram  based  on  the  older  absolutely  sciei 
tific,  revolutionary  view  of  Socialism.  Ha1 
ing  secured  ourselves  on  this  propositic 
against  this  danger  you  ought  to  remen 
ber  this,  comrades,  I  think  nine-tenths  < 
us  now  agree  that  we  ought  to  have 
farmers'  program.  Now  I  beg  of  you  don 
let  us  lose  the  benefit  of  the  work  the 
has  been  done.  Let  us  assist  the  differei 
farmer  organizations  who  have  adapte 
themselves  to  their  local  situations,  th 
Socialist  comrades  in  North  Dakota  wh 
have  prepared  a  program,  those  in  Okie 
homa  who  have  prepared  a  program,  thos 
in  South  Dakota,  in  Texas,  in  many  state 
adapted  to  their  local  situation.  We  ca 
never  have  a  Socialist  Party,  a  successfi 
Socialist  Party  unless  we  get  the  farmer; 
Let  us  not  lose  the  chance  to  get  thei 
by  stumbling  over  a  phrase.  Let  us  hav 
this  program  go  through.  We  will  fix  i 
up  grammatically  if  there  are  any  gram 
matical  errors  in  it,  but  let  us  get  this  t 
the  farmers  and  give  the  farmer  comrade 
in  the  Socialist  Party  a  chance  to  buil 
up  a  strong  movement. 

DEL.  NAGLE  (Okla.):  I  wish' to  stat 
our  position  on  this  program.  As  reporte 
in  the  first  instance  it  was  not  satisfac 
tory  to  the  farmers,  or  those  who  repre 
sent  the  farmer  element  in  Oklahoma.  Th 
same  was  true  of  Texas,  and  I  believe  t 
a  large  extent  of  Kansas,  but  as  it  i 
amended,  with  the  words  in  the  secon 
paragraph  we  have  no  objection. 

As  was  stated  right  here  unless  you  giv 
us  a  farmers'  program  and  allow  us  som 
room  locally  you  can  not  expect  results  i: 
an  agricultural  state.  In  the  state  of  Okla 
homa  we  have  93,816  tenant  farmers 
Sixty  per  cent  of  those  who  farm  the  lanj 
of  that  state  are  tenants;  40  per  cent  ow; 
the  land.  Of  those  who  own  their  lam 
85  per  cent  have  their  farms  mortgaged 
That  is  the  condition  we  are  meeting  there 
And  let  me  say  the  city  worker  is  no 
the  only  man  who  works  eight  hours  a  da} 
the  man  on  a  section  of  land  also  worlO 
eight  hours;  eight  hours  in  the  mornini 
and  eight  hours  in  the  afternoon;  he  ii 
the  man  who  works  from  can't  to  can'4 
from  the  time  he  can't  see  until  the  timt 
he  can't  see.  He  not  only  works  himself 
but  in  the  corn  belt  and  the  cotton  bel 
his  wife  works  and  his  children  work.  Thi 
farmer  is  the  only  man  who  exploits  hii 
own   wife   and   his   own   children   under   tin 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


v 
177 


1 


slating  system.     All  we  ask  of  you — and 
imons  of  Kansas  now  agrees  with  Texas, 
ad  when  Kansas  and  Texas  agree  I  think 
/erybody  on  earth  can  agree — all  we  ask 
f  you  is — I  think  it  is  satisfactory  to  the 
irmers   of   the    Southwest — that    this    pro- 
ram  as  now  written  with  the  two  amend- 
ments be  adopted.     I  think  that  will  be  en- 
rely  satisfactory  to  all  of  us.     With  this 
nd    of   a   program    we    can    proceed    with 
ie  fight  in  the  southwest. 
i  The    previous    question    was    here    moved 
id  seconded,  and  duly  carried. 
DEL.  ALEXANDER    (Tex.):     I   desire   to 
»eak  for  the   report  as  originally  written, 
tie?  j    is    nothing    of    more    importance    to 
Agricultural  class  than  a  farmers'  pro- 
n.      Many    of    the    comrades    who    dis- 
iCs   this   question   hail    from    cities,    with- 
t  it  any  knowledge  of  agricultural  questions. 
t  do  not  claim   personally   to   be  a   farmer 
I  tt  I  was  raised   in  a  farming  section,   in 
ii  agricultural  country  and   am  intimately 
i  quainted    with    the    interests    of    the    ag- 
p  rian  population  of  this  country.  We  must 
i  ,ve   a   program    for    the    farmers    because 
e    small    farmer    today    is    the    worst    ex- 
Dited  worker  in  J,ie  whole  United  States. 
ley  work  harder  and   longer  and  get  less 
an    any    other    class    of    the    population, 
irthermore,    the   farmers   of  this   country 
d  the  tenants  of  the  farms   are  at  least 
per  cent  of  the  population  of  the  coun- 
t,  and  the  city  wage  workers   alone   can 
ver   win    this   battle   without    the    aid    of 
e    workers    on    the    farms.      Neither    the 
ige  working  section  of  the  working  class, 
r  the   farming   section    of   the   producing 
ss  can  win  this  fight  alone.     To  win  this 
ttle    for    justice    the    workers    and    pro- 
cers  in  the  farms  and  in  the  mills  and  in 

2  mines  must  all  work  in  concert  and  in 
rmony.  Never  get  it  into  your  mind 
it  the  small  farmer  is  a  capitalist.  That 
ttement  is  especially  true  In  the  south 
iere  he  is  often  an  absolute  pauper.  All 
it  he  owns  goes  to  the  express  robbers, 
i  railroad  robbers,  the  elevators,  the  stor- 

3  houses,  they  absorb  all  that  he  makes, 

i  often  when  a  farmer  rises  to  the  dig-  - 
y   of   employing   a  farm   hand   the   farm 
id  gets  more  out  of  it  than  the  long  suf- 
ing  farmer,  so  that  in  no  sense  is  he  a 
)italist. 

This  amendment  that  is  offered  as  it 
nds  puts  the  Socialist  Party  in  the  posi- 
a  of  declaring  for  the  collective  owner- 
p  of  all  the  land  and  we  would  be  facing 
■■  proposition  everywhere  that  you  So- 
_lists  want  to  take  away  the  ownership 
even  our  garden  plot.  As  a  matter  of 
t    the    thoroughly    accepted    position    of 

Socialist  Party  the  world  over  is  that 

do  not  propose  to  force  every  inch 
land  into  public  ownership,  but  that  we 

opposed  to  the  private  ownership  of 
d  only  to  the  extent  that  it  is  used  for 
loitation.     And  to  whatever  extent  sim- 

ownership  exists  without  exploitation, 
the  extent  that  it  is  used  without  taking 
iy  the  result  of  other  people's  labor  we 
1  not  attempt  to  interfere  with  that  form 
orivate  ownership.  There  are  no,  big  mi- 
s' plantations  in  the  south.  They  are 
ill,  poor  farms.  The  farmers  live  a  hard- 
poorer  life  than  any  city  wage  workers 
the  world.  This  amendment  ought  to  be 
ed  down   unanimously  because   it  would 

us  on  record,  if  passed,  as  favoring  the 
lie  ownership  of  all  land,   which  would 

enable  us  to  hold  even  a  garden  spot 
land,  you  would  meet  with  the  objec- 
that  the  Socialist  Party  was  trying 
cake  the  farmer's  land  away  from  him 
evervwhere  deprive  our  speakers  of 
answer  to  that  question.     So  the  amend- 


ment to  the  amendment  ought  by  all  means 
to  be  voted  down.  With  that  exception  the 
program   is    absolutely   satisfactory. 

DEL.  DEVOLD:  I  wish  to  speak  in 
favor  of  the  amendment  including  the  land. 
I  am  in  favor  of  the  amendment  including 
the  ownership  of  land.  I  will  give  you  my 
reason.  Yesterday  afternoon  Wv  listened 
to  a  talk  by  Cpmrade  DeLara  ot  Mexico, 
in  which  he  advocated  the  public  owner- 
ship  of  land  in  Mexico.  He  was  cheered  to 
the  echo  by  this  assembly  when  he  made 
that  point.  You  seemed  by  cheering  Com- 
rade DeLara  to  favor  the  public  owner- 
ship of  the  land  of  Mexico. 

A  DELEGATE:  This  is  the  United 
States. 

DEL.  DEVOLD:  My  friend  doesn't  seem 
to  think  that  we  in  Minnesota  live  in  the 
United  States.  It  seems  to  me  that  if  you 
favor  the  public  ownership  of  land  in  one 
country,  and  cheer  that  proposition  when  ii 
is  made,  you  should  favor  the  public  owner- 
ship of  land  in  another  country  just  as  well. 
And  here  is  another  point.  Comrade 
Simons,  in  making  his  farmers'  report, 
stated  the  Marxian  philosophy,  the  concen- 
tration of  land  into  the  hands  of  a  few 
people,  and  he  showed  by  his  farmers'  re- 
port that  the  land  is  coming  into  the 
hands  of  a  few  people.  Now,  do  we  stand 
for  the  private  ownership  of  land  in  the 
hands  of  a  few  people,  or  do  we  stand  for 
the  public  ownership  of  the  land?  That  is 
the  question  here.  You  admit  that  you  are 
going  to  accept  this  farmers'  report,  that 
the  land  will  go  into  the  hands  of  a  few 
people.  Why  don't  you  stand  for  the  land 
being  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  a  few  peo- 
ple, and  handing  it  back  to  all  the  people 
from  whom  it  has  been  taken.  My  friend 
Thompson,  to  hear  him  speak  you  would 
think  that  he  was  hired  to  do  a  vaudeville 
stunt.  I  want  to  quote  you  something  from 
the  German  Social  Democratic  party.  I  am 
not  a  German,  but  I  know  mere  about  Ger- 
many than  Comrade  Thompson  does.  I  have 
been  in  Germany.  The  vote  Of  the  German 
Social  Democratic  party  among  the  small 
farmers  in  Prussia  since  1903  and  up  to 
1907  decreased,  and  so  while  the  conditions 
for  Socialistic  campaigning  and  agitation 
in  those  years  were  of  the  best  and  the 
party  had  tried  not  to  scare  the  farmers  by 
demanding  the  socialization  of  land,  the 
vote  of  the  small  farmers  decreased.  It 
shows,  my  friends,  that  if  you  throw  a  sot 
at  the  farmers  they  will  think  that  you  are 
trying  to  pull  the  wool  over  their  eyes  like 
the  Republicans  and  the  Democrats  have 
been  doing,  and  they  will  repudiate  you  at 
the  polls.  This  Socialist  Party  stands  either 
for  private  ownership  of  land  or  for  public 
ownership  of  land.  If  it  stands  for  public 
ownership,  why  don't  you  adopt  the  plat- 
form that  states  right  out  that  you  stand 
for  public  ownership  of  land.  Now,  I  just 
had  a  tour  through  the  state  of  North  Da- 
kota, speaking  to  the  farmers  of  North  Da- 
kota. Furthermore,  I  am  well  acquainted 
with  the  farmers  in  Minnesota.  I  am  a 
Scandinavian  and  the  majority  in  those  two 
states  are  Scandinavians.  The  Scandinavian 
Social  Democratic  party  at  the  last.  Con- 
gress adopted  a  plank  calling  for  public 
ownership  of  all  the  land  in  Norway  by  the 
people;  and  you  can't  scare  the  farmers  in 
North  Dakota  and  M  -nesota  by  telling 
them  that  you  stand  e!.  ;tly  for  the  same 
thing  that  the  Socialist  i-arty  in  their  own 
country  stands  for. 

DEL.  COLLINS  (Colo.):  May  I  ask  a 
question.  Do  you  mean  all  land,  use  land 
for  production  only  or  land  used  for  exploi- 
tation?    Do  you  mean  the   land  where  we 


/;. 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


/live,  the  home,  the  land  used  for  productive 
purposes  also? 

DEL;  DEVOLD:  The  ownership  of  land 
nowadays  is  vested  in  a  piece  of  paper.  We 
propose  to  do  away  with  that  kind  of  own- 
ership. We  propose  to  make  land  public, 
like  all  other  means  of  production  and  dis- 
tribution. There  is  the  point  right  there. 
Do  you  wish  public  ownership  of  land  or 
private  ownership  of  land?  If  we  stand  for 
the  public  ownership  of  land,  why  do  we 
throw  a  sop  to  the  farmers  and  tell  them 
that  we  don't  stand  for  it? 

COM.  SIMONS:  Do  I  have  the  floor  in 
reply? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  can  only 
say  that  under  his  understanding  of  the 
rules  the  committee  does  not  have  the  floor 
at  the  close  of  the  debate. 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  We  did  that 
yesterday. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  that  is  desired  you 
will  have  to  overturn  the  ruling  of  the 
Chair. 

DEL.  FENNER  (Mass.):  Was  not  the 
rule  that  the  chairman  of  the  committee 
should  have  twenty  minutes  to  reply? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  finds  no 
such  statement  in  the  rules. 

DEL.  WILLS  (Okla.):  Does  not  Section 
2  explain  that  proposition? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  cannot  an- 
swer the  question  because  it  is  not  a  ques- 
tion of  parliamentary  law.  The  motion  be- 
fore the  house  is  to  insert  the  words, 
"When  such  means  are  used  for  exploita- 
tion," as  modifying  "means  of  transporta- 
tion and  storage,  and  the  plants  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  farm  products  and  farm 
machinery."  There  are  two  amendments, 
and  I  am  putting  to  you  the  amendment  of 
Edwards  of  Texas  to  insert  the  words, 
"when  such  means  are  used  for  exploita- 
tion." 

The  motion  of  Edwards  of  Texas  was  de- 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  vote  recurs  on 
the  amendment  by  Ohsol  of  Massachusetts 
to  insert  the  word  "land"  after  the  word 
"that"  in  the  first  line  so  that  the  para- 
graph will  read:  "The  Socialist  Party  de- 
mands that  land,  the  means  of  transporta- 
tion and  storage  and  the  plants  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  farm  products  and  farm 
machinery,  when  such  are  now  used  for 
exploitation,  shall  be  socially  owned  and 
democratically  managed."  All  those  in  fa- 
vor of  the  motion  of  Comrade  Ohsol  to 
insert  those  words  will  say  aye. 

The  amendment  of  Ohsol  of  Massachu- 
setts was  lost. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  will  now  take  up 
the  second  paragraph. 

DEL.  OHSOL  (Mass.) :  The  adoption  of  the 
first  paragraph  means  the  overthrow  of  our 
national  platform,  which  says  that  all  means 
of  production  and  distribution  shall  be  so- 
cially owned.  Now,  we  state  that  only  those 
things  used  for  exploitation  shall  be  socially 
owned.  If  we  proceed  in  this  way  we  might 
as  well  wipe  out  our  whole  Socialist  Party 
platform.  I  wish  to  state  that  by  adopting 
this  farmers'  program  we  are  overthrowing 
our  national  platform  and  our  Socialist 
principles  altogether. 

COM.  SIMONS:  I  have  to  speak  by  con- 
sent. I  wish  to  explain  to  Com.  Ohsol  that 
these  propositions  must  always  be  consid- 
ered as  subject  to  and  controlled  by  the 
national  platform,  and  that  therefore  noth- 
ing that  is  done  here  can  replace  or  over- 
throw the  national  platform.  It  is  supple- 
mentary to  that.  We  do  not  mention  all  of 
the  things  in  the  national  platform  every 
time  because  we  do  not  consider  it  neces- 
sary. 


DEL.  STREBEL  (N.  Y.):  In  other  won 
we  understand  that  it  is  in  the  nature 
an  immediate  demand,  part  of  the  imn 
diate  program  of  the  Socialist  Party,  a 
not  a  pronouncement  on  fundamental  pr; 
ciples. 

(Cries  of  "Yes"  and  "That  is  the  idea. 

DEL.  FURMAN  (N.  Y.):  I  should  like 
inquire  if  that  idea  is  incorporated  in  tr 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  delegate  can  s 
swer  that  question  for  himself  just  as  w 
as  the  Chair  can  answer  it  for  him,  becai; 
I  suppose  the  delegate  has  read  the  artic 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  Assumi 
that  all  this  is  carried  and  you  have  adopt 
it,  and  assuming  that  the  result  is  as  y 
anticipate,  and  the  farmers  rush  into  t 
Socialist  Party  and  they  begin  to  ha 
great  weight  in  the  Socialist  Party,  a 
then  suppose  the  unions  go  out  and  wc 
against  the  party,  what  will  be  the  positi 
of  Simons? 

COM.  SIMONS:  I  can  answer  for  Co: 
rade  Simons:  I  will  be  with  the  agrici 
tural  laborers. 

Section  2  of  the  recommendation  Vf 
then  adopted. 

Section  3  was  then  read  as  follows: 

"We  demand  the  retention  by  the  r 
tional,  state  or  local  governing  bodies 
all  land  owned  by  them,  and  the  continuo 
acquirement  of  other  land  by  reclamath 
purchase,  condemnation,  taxation  or  oth< 
wise;  such  land  to  be  organized  as  rapid 
as  possible  into  socially  operated  farms  i 
the  conduct  of  collective,  agricultural  ent( 
prises." 

DEL.   OHSOL    (Mass.):     I   move   to   su 
stitute    the    words    "gradual    acquiremer 
for  the  words  "continuous  acquirement" 
the  second  line. 

DEL.  MORGAN  (Minn.):  This  gent, 
man  had  the  floor  and  I  wanted  to  call  yo 
attention  to  the  fact  that  he  was  discussii 
the  whole  question.  You  ruled  that  he  h; 
better  get  up  once  than  forty  times.  He 
now  getting  up  the  fortieth  time. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  necessary 
exercise  some  discretion  in  this  discussic 
I  hope  the  delegate  will  not  arise  to  spe 
on  every  plank,  but  I  think  the  house  w 
recognize  that  it  is  fair  to  have  this  amen 
ment  settled  one  way  or  the  other. 

DEL.  OHSOL:  Comrade  Thompson  sa 
that  the  third  section  covered  exactly  t 
point  that  we  wanted  to  cover  in  the  fii 
section,  the  question  of  the  socialization 
the  land.  Now,  if  the  third  section  is 
mean  this,  it  should  be  clear.  There  is  t 
ambiguity.  It  states  "the  continuous  a 
quirement  of  other  land."  As  it  stands  nc 
we  have  already  the  land  which  is  recover 
by  reclamation.  That  can  be  publicly  own 
under  the  capitalistic  government.  If  yj 
mean  all  land  you  should  say  all  land,  B 
sides  that  now  owned  by  the  state  or  n 
tion.  It  is  only  fair  to  be  clear  on  th 
point.  If  you  say  gradual  acquirement 
the  land  you  will  then  have  the  peojj 
gradually  becoming  owners  of  all  the  laK 
whether  used  for  transportation  or  the  rai 
ing  of  stock  or  any  other  agricultural  pti 
pose.  Therefore,  I  suggest  that  all  tho. 
comrades  who  really  stand  for  the  sociaj 
zation  of  the  land  support  this  amendmel 
Let  it  be  clear.  It  may  eventually  col 
about  that  the  agricultural  laborers  vfl 
rise  against  that  program  and  we  shj 
have  to  have  two  parties,  one  for  n 
farmers  and  one  for  the  farm  laborers,! 
at  least  employers  and  agricultural  latjQ 
ers  All  those  in  favor  of  public  ovvnj 
ship  of  lands   should   support   the   ametl 

m<DEL.    BYRD    (Tex.):      I   happen    to   haj 
been  born  and  raised  on  a  farm.     My  fatt, 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  15,  1912 


to  call  me  at  4  o'clock  in  the  morning 

j  d  keep  me  at  it  until  9  o'clock  at  night. 

M    I   didn't   have   the   best   education,    that 

ucation   we  all   ought   to   have.     I   agree 

th  the  amendment.     I  am  also  asked  the 

."jlestion,  in  Texas,  what  are  you  going  to 

'    about    the   land    question?     And    I   say, 

'hus  saith  the  Lord:     The  land  shall  not 

sold  forever,   for  the  land  is  mine,   for 

are    strangers     and     sojourners     with 

5."      Leviticus    25-23.      Now,    I    want    to 

y     to     my     friend     that     I     don't     have 

go     back     to     Scripture     to     find     that 

™at  is  a  divine  law.  I  say  to  the 
n  and  women  that  asked  me  that  ques- 
>n:  "Haven't  you  intelligence  enough,  my 
ar  friends,  to  know  that  none  of  your  an- 

3lfstors,   nor  any  of  your  ancestors'    ances- 

y'rs    away   back   to   the   beginning   of    time, 

^ide  any  part  of  this  old  earth.     You  know 

well  as  I  that  no  living  man  made  any 

rt  of  it.     Therefore,  he  has  no  more  right 

own    any    part    of    it.      My    friend    over 

lI(ere  said  he  wanted  a  place  to  bury  him- 
If  and  his  family.  I  have  a  special  friend 
the  land  of  Texas  who  has  1,300  acres  of 
e  river  bottom  land  on  the  Colorado 
ver.  /    He    is   as    strong   a    class-conscious 

'fcialist  as   ever  came   down   the  pike,   and 

is  willing  at  any  time  when   the  people 

mt  to  socialize  the  land  to  do  so.     I  agree 

ni  th  the  amendment.  Take  a  1  the  land 
d    the   fullness    thereof.      Thus    saith    the 

°.'trd:  "Thje  land  shall  not  be  sold  for- 
er." 

.,  I  want  to  know  whether  the  Socialists  of 

2fe  United  States  are  in  favor  of  the  col- 
tive  ownership  of  the  earth  or  just  a 
rt  of  it.  I  want  to  say  to  you  that  until 
e  people  own  the  whole  earth,  until  we 
*n  the  whole,  entire  earth  and  reduce  gov- 

"fiment  to  a  science  of  producing  and  dis- 
buting  wealth,  based  on  labor,  you  can 
ver  have  a  sensible  Socialist  organization, 
ppose  I  was  John  D.  Rockefeller  and  I 
mted  to  build  a  railroad.  I  would  have 
have  the  land  to  build  it  on.     Suppose  I 

'^jint  to  have  a  factory  where  we  manufac- 
re  cotton.  I  have  a  picture  of  a  cotton 
jker  that  picks  cotton  by  machinery.  That 
ichine  will  do  the  work  of  twenty  men 
d  it  only  requires  one  man  and  a  boy  to 
erate  it.  What  are  you  going  to  do  with 
3  18  men  thrown  out  of  work?  That  raa- 
ine  does  not  eat  anything.  What  are  you 
ing  to  do  with  the  grocery  men?  That 
ichine  does  not  require  any  shoes.  What 
to  become  of  the  shoemaker?  That  ma- 
ine  does  not  require  any  clothes.  What 
to  become  of  the  tailor?  That  machine, 
t  dear  friends,  never  goes  into  litigation, 
hat  is  to  become  of  the  lawyers?  And 
t,  but  not  least,  that  machine  has  no 
ill.  And  what  will  become  of  the  preach- 
I  am  here  to  tell  you  that  you  will  do 
vise  act  if  you  adopt  this  comrade's  prop- 
tion  and  declare  for  taking  the  earth  and 
S  fullness  thereof  for  all  the  people. 
DEL.  STRICKLAND  (Ohio):  Now  that 
many  of  us  are  going  to  lose  our  jobs, 
think  that  we  want  this  section  pretty 
ar,  and  since  this  is  to  explain  our  posi- 
n  with  reference  to  the  land,  I  move  to 
lend  the  amendment  by  putting  the  word 
reductive"  in  there,  making  it  read  "all 
ler  productive  land."  If  I  get  a  second  to 
2  amendment  I  should  like  to  speak  to  it. 
The  amendment  was  duly  seconded. 
DEL.  STRICKLAND:  I  think  the  word 
roductive"  will  cover  the  case.  The  com- 
ics want  to  repeat  the  words  "used  for 
ploitation."  I  think  that  is  not  necessary, 
hink  the  word  "productive"  is  sufficient, 
e  reason  I  think  we  ought  to  use  this 
alifying  word  is  that  we  have  not  reached 
agreement  on  how  we  are  going  to  own 
r  little  garden  patch  or  in  what  way  we 


shall  have  title  to  our  homes.  I  think  ttoe 
amendment  as  stated  by  the  ministeriaV 
comrade  who  referred  to  Leviticus  25-23 
will  not  cover  the  case,  because  we  don't 
want  to  vest  the  title  in  God,  for  we  are 
not  in  unit  on  this  question  of  God,  and  we 
don't  want  to  take  a  position  with  reference 
to  the  ownership  of  the  home  or  the  home 
land,  but  we  do  want  the  ultimate  collective 
ownership  of  all  productive  land.  There- 
fore, I  offer  this  amendment. 

DEL.  STALLARD  (Kan.):  In  this  dis- 
cussion the  main  feature  has  been  whether 
we  shall  stand  for  the  collective  ownership 
of  all  lands,  or  whether  we  shall  stand  for 
the  private  ownership  of  land  so  long  as 
that  land  is  not  used  for  purposes  of  ex- 
ploitation. That,  briefly  stated,  has  been 
the  main  bone  of  contention.  I  have  taken 
the  floor  to  call  your  attention  to  one  fact." 
The  supreme  power  of  the  Socialist  Party 
is  the  referendum  ballot  of  the  rank  and 
file.  At  the  last  convention  in  1908  the 
convention  adopted  a  declaration  for  the 
public  ownership  of  all  land,  and  in  about 
three  months'  time,  by  an  overwhelming 
majority  vote  of  the  membership,  that  sec- 
tion was  repealed.  If  you  wish  to  adopt  a 
farmers'  program  you  should  adopt  a  pro- 
gram that  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party 
want;  and  I  do  not  believe  that  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  Socialist  Party  has  seriously 
changed  their  mind  on  that  proposition. 

Now,  I  believe  personally  that  some  time 
in  the  far  distant  future  that  no  man  will 
privately  own  a  place  to  bury  himself  or  a 
garden  spot,  but  I  do  not  believe  that  social 
development  has  reached  the  point  that  we 
should  demand  that  now;  and  I  may  be 
wrong  in  the  prediction  that  it  will  ever 
come.  This  is  a  matter  of  an  immediate 
program  and  not  a  matter  of  making  pre- 
dictions. We  want  a  program  that  fits  with 
the  present  conditions.  At  the  present  time 
we  are  not  ready  for  the  nationalization  or 
public  ownership  of  all  land,  and  for  that 
reason  I  think  that  any  amendment  to  any 
part  of  this  program  that  would  call  for  im- 
mediate public  ownership  of  all  land  should 
be  voted  down. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  hour  of  5  o'clock 
having  arrived,  the  Secretary  will  proceed 
to  read  the  resolutions  that  are  before  us. 

RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolution  from  Tacoma  protesting 
against  Judge  Hanford.  Referred  to  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions. 

Resolution    by    Delegate    Garrison    (Ind.)  , 
against  speakers  of  the  party  exciting  race 
prejudice.     Referred  to  Committee  on  Con- 
stitution. 

Resolution  from  Local  New  York  in  re- 
gard to  establishing  publishing  concerns  for 
the  party.  Referred  to  Committee  on  Con- 
stitution. 

Resolution  from  Local  New  York  urging 
campaign  for  universal  adult  suffrage.  Re- 
ferred to  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  by  Mary  E.  Geffs  and  others 
as  to  women  candidates  for  President  and 
Vice-President.  Referred  to  Committee  on 
Resolutions. 

Resolution  from  Local  Glenville,  Scotia, 
N.  Y.,  offering  a  plan  of  Socialist  control  of 
the  means  of  production  and  distribution. 
Referred  to  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  by  W.  P.  Collins  as  to  paying 
expenses  of  contesting  delegates.  Referred 
to  Committee  on  Constitution. 

Resolution  by  W.  P.  Collins  as  +o  refer- 
endum nominations  for  President  1  Vice- 
President.  Referred  to  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means. 

Resolution  by  eighteen  members  Ohio 
delegation  charging  the  party  with  beconi' 


/  ■ 


conservative. 
O/n  Resolutions. 
Resolution     by 
thers     opposing 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 

/ 
Referred    to    Committee  Resolution  by  Delegate  Oyler  (Neb.) 


Delegate  Alexander  and 
commission  government. 
Referred   to   Committee   on   Constitution. 

Resolution  proposing  amendment  to  Ar- 
ticle 2,  Section  5  of  Constitution.  Referred 
to  Committee  on  Constitution. 

Resolution  from  Young  Socialists'  League, 
Philadelphia,  for  a  National  Committee  of 
Young  Socialists'  .Leagues.  Referred  to 
Committee  on  Constitution. 

Resolution  from  Young  Socialists'  League, 
Philadelphia,  for  a  National  Socialist  Sun- 
day School  Committee.  Referred  to  Com- 
mittee on  Constitution. 

Resolution  by  E.  R.  Meitzen  to  discon- 
tinue publication  of  weekly  syndicate  arti- 
cles. Referred  to  Committee  on  Constitu- 
tion. 

Resolution  by  North  Dakota  delegation  as 
to  a  Socialist  banking  program.  Referred 
to  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  by  Delegate  Christian  (Mont.) 
favoring  telegram  to  Joseph  J.  Ettor  and 
Arturo  Giovannetti.  Referred  to  Commit- 
tee on  Resolutions. 


reference  to  owning  party  press.     Refei 
to  Committee  on  Constitution. 

Resolution  by  five  delegates  from  Ore 
demanding    that    the    organization    be 
strictly  of  a  working  class  character, 
ferred  to  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Resolution  by  Mary  L.  Geffs  and  otl 
as  to  qualifications  for  state  political 
didates.  Referred  to  Committee  on  St 
and  Municipal  Program. 

Resolution  by  W.  P.  Collins  and  oth 
against  military  character  of  Boy  Sc 
movement.  Referred  to  Committee  on  R 
olutions. 

Resolution  by  Delegate  Zitt  as  to  hold 
of  political  offices  resigning  from  posith 
in    the    party.      Referred    to    Committee 
Constitution. 

Resolution   by  Duncan  opposing  the  I 
lingham    Bill.      Referred    to    Committee 
Resolutions. 

Resolution  by   Delegate   Dempsey  on 
Immigration    question.      Referred    to    Co 
mittee  on  Resolutions. 

The  convention  then  adjourned  until  M 
16,  1912.  at  10  o'  clock  A.  M. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1913 


FIFTH  DAY'S  SESSION. 


The  convention  was  called  to  order  by 

lairman  Lee. 

The  following-  delegates  accepted  norai- 

itions  for  Chairman  of  the  day: 
t  James   F.    Carey   of  Massachusetts. 
jijJohn   W.  Slay  ton  of  Pennsylvania. 

George  H.  Goebely  of  New  Jersey. 
1$  James  A.  Smith  of  Utah. 

Winfleld  R.  Gaylord  of  Wisconsin. 

W.  P.  Collins  of  Colorado. 

The  vote  resulted  as  follows: 

Carey,   74;   Goebel,   60;   Slayton,   29;   Col- 

is,   18;  Gaylord,   18;   Smith,    6. 

Comrade  James   F.   Carey   was   declared 

ected  Chairman  of  the  day. 

The  following  accepted  nominations  for 

ice-Chairman: 

Lewis  J.  Duncan  of  Montana,  W.  P.  Col- 
lins  of  Colorado,   Ma/  Wood   Simons   of 

ansas,  Charles  A.  Byrd  of  Texas. 

The    vote    resulted    as    follows:    Simons, 

0;  Duncan,  47;  Collins,  21;  and  Byrd,  10. 

Comrade    Simons    was    declared    elected 

ice-Chairman  of  the  day. 

On  motion,  the  reading  of  the  roll  call 
delegates  and  of  the  minutes  of  the  pre- 

ding  day  were  dispensed  with. 

Communications  of  greeting  were  re- 
ived from  the  following: 

Cigarette  Makers'  Union  of  New  York. 

Seventh     and     Eighth     Ward     Branches, 

brkmen's  Circle,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Polish  Section  Socialist  Party,  Cleveland, 

lio. 

Working-men's    Sick   and    Death    Benefit 

ind,  United   States   of  America. 

Uptown  Jewish   S.   P.  Branch,   Philadel- 

ila,  Pa. 

Polish  Section,  Philadelphia. 

Secretary,  S.  P.  Local,   San  Diego,  Cal. 

Central  Committee,   S.   P.,  Boston,   Mass. 

George    R.    Lunn,    Mayor,    Schenectady, 

English  Speaking  Socialist  Club,  Law- 
nee,  Mass. 

Branch  367  Workmen's  Circle,  New  York. 
Third  Ward  Branch,  S.  P.,  Elizabeth*, 
J. 

Branch  14,  Workmen's  Circle,  Provi- 
nce,  R.  I. 

United  Garment  Workers,  No.  54,  Brook- 
n,   N.   Y. 

The  following  communications  were 
ad  by  synopsis  and  referred  to  the  com- 
ttee   as   stated: 

Petition  from  Jewish  Branches  of  Cin- 
mati,    Ohio;    referred    to   the    Committee 

Constitution. 
Resolutions    from    Jewish    Branch,    Bos- 
n,     Mass.;     referred     to     Committee     on 
solutions. 

Resolutions  from  Branch  West  Hunts- 
tie,  Ala.;  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
^solutions. 

Resolutions  from  Local  Kansas  City, 
>.,  addressed  to  the  Missouri  delegation 
i  read  at  their  request;  referred  to  the 
mmittee    on    Platform. 

•THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  order  is 
finished  business.  I  think  nearly  every- 
tag  Is  unfinished.    But  we  will  now  take 


up  report  of  Committee  on  Farmers*  Pro- 
gram,   clause    3. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  FARMERS' 
PROGRAM. 

THE  SECRETARY:  The  amendment  of 
Ohsol  of  Massachusetts  which  is  before  the 
convention  is  to  strike  out  the  words 
"continuous  acquirement"  from  the  third 
section,  and  to  insert  Instead  thereof 
"gradual   acquirement  of  all  land." 

The  amendment  offered  by  Strickland  of 
Ohio  is  to  insert  the  words  "socially  pro- 
ductive" before  the  word  "land."  On  a 
vote  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  by 
Strickland   of   Ohio  was  lost. 

The  amendment  by  Ohsol  of  Massachu- 
setts was  also  lost;  and  the  original  rec- 
ommendation of  the  committee  was 
adopted. 

DEL.  STREBEL  (N.  Y.):  Rule  23  limits 
debate  to  four  hours.  I  should  like  to  in- 
quire how  much  of  the  time  remains  on 
this   report. 

THE  SECRETARY;  We  have  used  about 
three  hours. 

DEL.  STREBEL:  I  move  that  the  Chair 
now  fix  the  time  when  the  debate  will 
close. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  debate  will  close 
according  to  the  Chairman's  watch  at  ten 
minutes   to    eleven. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  I  move  that  the 
debate  close  in  thirty  minutes. 

The   motion   was   seconded   and   adopted. 

The  Secretary  then  read  clause  4  of  the 

farmers'  program,   which  was  adopted. 

Clause  5  and  clause  6  were  also  adopted. 

Clause  7  was  then  read  by  the  Secretary. 

DEL.  OHSOL  (Mass.):     I  move  to  insert 

the   word   "not"  after  the   word   "with"   in 

the    second    line    and    to    insert    the    word 

"not"   after  the   word   "and"   in   the   third 

line. 

DEL.  FURMAN  (N.  Y.):  I  would  like  to 
have  that  read  as  amended  to  see  what 
sense  it  makes. 

THE  SECRETARY  (reading):  "We  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  elimination 
of  farm  tenantry  and  the  development  of 
socially  owned  and  operated  agriculture 
will  not  open  new  opportunities  to  the  ag- 
ricultural wage  worker  and  will  not  free 
him  from  the  tyranny  of  the  private  em- 
ployer." 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  I  move  that 
that  motion   be  laid   on   the  table. 

The  motion  to  table  was  seconded  and 
declared  carried  by  the  Chair.  A  division 
was  then  called  for. 

A  DELEGATE:  A  point  of  order.  The 
motion  to  lay  on  the  table  is  out  of  order, 
as  the  original  motion  was  a  ne  tive  of 
the  whole  proposition. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  of  order 
is  not  well  taken.  The  question  before 
us   is   the   verification    of   the   vote. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  Does  the  mo- 
tion to  lay  on  the  table  carry,  the  whole 
proposition? 


7* 
o/j 


/ 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


/  THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  does  not 
understand  that  it  will  apply  to  the  re- 
port as  already  adopted,  but  merely  to 
the  amendment. 

The  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  was  car- 
ried by  a  vote  of  147  aye  to-  27  no. 

DEL.  WILLS  (Wash.):  I  move  to  strike 
out  that  entire  section. 

The  motion  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  77 
aye  and  117   no. 

DEL.  ROSETT  (Md.):  I  move  to  amend 
by  inserting  the  words  "to  that  extent" 
before  the  words  "free  him,"  and  as 
amended  it  would  then  read:  "We  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  elimination 
of  farm  tenantry  and  the  development  of 
socially  owned  and  operated  agriculture 
will  open  new  opportunities  to  the  agri- 
cultural wage  worker  and  to  that  extent 
free  him  from  the  tyranny  of  the  private 
employer. 

The  motion  was  seconded  and  the  para- 
graph as  thus  amended  was  then  adopted. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Secretary  will 
read  the  additional  matter  to  be  included 
in  the  report  but  which  is  not  in  the 
printed    copies. 

THE  SECRETARY  (reading):  "The  So- 
cialist party  pledges  its  support  to  the 
renters  and  the  agricultural  wage  work- 
ers in  their  attempt  to  organize  to  pro- 
tect themselves  from  the  aggressions  of 
capitalism  and  the  employers  in  agricul- 
ture." 

It  was  moved  and  seconded  that  this 
clause  be  adopted. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  All  those  in  favor  of 
the  adoption  of  this  clause  8  will  say  aye. 
Contrary  no.     The  motion   is  carried. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  I  want  to 
know  if  the  policy  is  to  be  pursued  by  the 
Chairman  to  cut  off  debate  on  every  sec- 
tion  of  this  report   that   is   offered. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  has  no 
desire  to  cut  off  debate. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD:  Let  me  inform 
you ■ 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  gentleman  is 
out  of  order.  If  he  does  not  like  the  ac- 
tion  of  the  Chair  he  can   appeal. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD:  By  hek,  I  don't  get 
a  chance  to  appeal. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Secretary  will 
read   the  additional  clause  9. 

THE  SECRETARY  (reading):  "While 
the  above  is  offered  as  a  general  outline 
for  the  National  agricultural  program  of 
the  Socialist  party,  we  wish  to  point  out 
that  there  are  such  variations  of  condi- 
tions in  the  widely  separated  districts  of 
the  United  States  that  to  each  section  and 
to  each  state  must  be  left  the  task  of 
working  out  the  further  details  of  a  pro- 
gram applicable  to  the  peculiar  agricul- 
tural conditions  in  their  respective  states 
and  districts. 

DEL.  FRITZ  (Miss.):  I  offer  the  fol- 
lowing as   a  substitute   for   the   whole. 

"8.  As  a  measure  of  immediate  relief 
for  the  thousands  upon  thousands  of  land- 
less farmers  of  the  South  and  Southwest, 
and  for  the  purpose  of  equalizing  the  bur- 
dens of  taxation  by  removing  the  motive 
now  prevailing  for  tax  dodging,  we  de- 
mand that  all  owners  of  landed  property 
assess  their  own  lands,  the  State  reserving 
the  risrht  to  purchase  such  land  at  their 
assessed  value,   plus  10   per  cent. 

"9.  Land  now  in  the  possession  of  the 
State  or  hereafter  acquired  to  purchase, 
reclamation  or  tax  sales  to  be  renfed  to 
landless  farmers  at  the  prevailing  rate  of 
share  rent,  or  its  equivalent  payment  of 
such  rent  to  cease  as  soon  as  the  total 
amount  of  rent  paid  is  equal  to  the  value 


of  the  land,  and  the  tenant  thereby  a< 
quires  for  himself  and  his  children  th 
right  of  occupancy,  the  title  to  all  sue 
lands  remaining  with  the  commonwealth 

On  motion  of  Delegate  Berlyn  of  111 
nois,  duly  seconded,  the  resolution  offere 
by  Delegate  Fritz  was  laid  upon  the  tabl* 

DEL.  RUTHENBERG  (Ohio):  I  mo\ 
the  adoption  of  a  new  section,  number  li 
to  read  as  follows: 

"We  also  point  out  that  the  above  shoul 
be  considered  only  as  an  immediate  pre 
gram,  and  that  we  demand  the  ultimat 
collective  ownership  of  all  the  land  use 
for  productive  purposes." 

DEL.  NOBLE  (Tex.):  I  move  to  lay  o 
the   table. 

DEL.  RUTHENBERG:  As  maker  of  th 
motion  I  have  the  right  to  the  floor  eve 
if  the  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  is  mad* 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Will  you  point  ou 
where  that  appears  in  the  rules?  The  Chai 
will  have  to  have  the  particular  passag 
in  the  rule  pointed  out. 

DEL.  SPARGO  (Vt.):  I  should  like  t 
inquire  in  regard  to  the  expiration  of  th 
time  for  debate  what  time  it  is  now  b; 
the  Chairman's  watch. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  In  two  minutes  th 
time  for  debate  will  have  expired.  Com 
rade  Ruthenberg's  point  is  not  well  taker 

Del.  Ruthenberg  appealed  from  the  de 
cision  of  the  Chair,  and  upon  a  vote  of  th. 
convention  the  Chairman  was  sustained. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  I  claim  that  Dele 
gate  Ruthenberg  had  the  right  to  speal 
even  though  the  motion  to  lay  on  th< 
table  has  been  made.  Comrade  Ruthen 
berg  had  the  right  to  state  his  positioi 
and   that  right  has  been  denied  him. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  body  of  th. 
house  has  sustained  the  position  of  tht 
Chair.  That  makes  it  the  ruling  of  thi 
body  of  the  convention  and  not  the  Chair 
man's  ruling. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  For  the  further  in 
formation  of  my  fellow  delegates  on  thi! 
floor  I  request  the  reading  of  this  rul< 
concerning  this  question  of  debate  after  ! 
motion  to  table. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  befon 
the  house  is  the  vote  upon  the  report  o: 
the  committee,  a  motion  to  adopt  whicl 
was  made.  The  Chair  will  receive  no  fur 
ther  inquiries  except  that  pertaining  U 
the  matter  before  the  house. 

DEL.  RUTHENBERG:  Under  Robert*! 
Rules  of  Order  the  right  of  the  delegate  t< 
state  his  position  has  been  denied  him. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  point  has  beei 
decided  by  the  convention.  The  questioi 
is  upon  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  th« 
committee. 

The  motion  to  adopt  the  report  of  th< 
Committee  on  Farmers'  Program  was  thei 
carried. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  In  order  tc 
be  fair  to  everybody  I  move  that  Comrade 
Ruthenberg  be  allowed  to  read  the  clause 
in  Robert's  Rules  of  Order,  that  the  dele- 
gates  in  this  convention  may  kno-w 
whether  we  are  right  or  wrong. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT  (N.  Y.):  A  point  ol 
order.  That  there  is  nothing  before  th« 
house  except  the  next  order  of  business 
We  are  not  here  to  discuss  academic 
questions  arising  on  Robert's  Rules  of  Or- 
der. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  of  order 
is  well   taken. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont.):  I  wish  to  spealj 
on    the   point   just   raised. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Do  you  appeal  from 
the  decision  of  the  Chair? 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


DEL.  DUNCAN:  Yes,  I  demand  to  speak 
n  this  question  and  state  my  position. 
t  seems  that  we  have  had  about  enough 
this  steam  roller  business  this  morn- 
ng.  This  convention  ought  to  know  the 
ules  under  which  they  are  working.  If 
tq  have  the  right  to  speak  five  minutes 
n  a  motion  to  table  we  ought  to  know 
We  are  working  under  Robert's 
iules  of  Order  and  for  that  reason  I 
link  for  the  information  of  this  con- 
ention  we  should  hear  that  rule  read, 
nd  the  attempt  of  the  chair  to  keep  us 
rom  having  the  rule  read  does  not  look 
ood    to   me. 

THE  VICE  CHAIRMAN:  Chairman 
arey    will    now    state    his    position. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  This  is  the  section: 
Motion  to  lay  upon  table.  This  motion 
iall  take  precedence  of  all  other  subsidi- 
ry  motions  and  yields  only  to  privilege 
nd  incidental  questions.  It  is  not  de- 
atable."  I  am  quoting  the  rule.  Upon 
lis  question  appeal  was  taken.  The  house 
istained  the  Chair.  Another  delegate 
)se  to  make  a  point  of  order  on  the  very 
aestion  that  had  previously  been  ap- 
saled  from.  Where  are  we  going  to  stop? 
ou    can    keep    it    up    all    day,    all    week, 

1  next  month.  The  Chair  is  here  for 
e  purpose  of  arriving,  so  far  as  he  can, 

the  decision  of  the  majority  of  the 
legates.  You  can  call  this  a  steam 
•Her.  I  would  rather  be  a  steam  roller 
an   a  gas   house. 

THE  VICE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question 
:>w  is  upon  sustaining  the  Chair  in  the 
»*sition  he  has  taken. 
A  division  being  called  for  the  Chair 
as  sustained  on  a  show  of  hands  by  a 
te  of  146  to  sustain  the  Chair  and  86 
ainst. 
DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  In  the  name  of  those 

noes  I  demand   a  roll  call. 
THE  VICE   CHAIRMAN:     A   roll   call   is 
quested. 

A  DELEGATE:  As  one  of  the  86  I  don't 
int  a  roll  call. 

THE  VICE  CHAIRMAN:     Are  there  fifty 
legates  who   wish  a  roll  call? 
63  delegates  demanded  a  roll  call. 
DEL.    BESSEMER     (Ohio):       I    think    I 
n  make  this  thing  clear. 
DEL.     GOEBEL     (N.     J.):       If    Robert's 
lies  of  Order  say  a  certain  thing  I  want 

2  rule  read  before  I  vote  on  this. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  rise  to  give  the 
'ormation  that  if  that  rule  is  read  this 
iole  thing  will  stop. 

CHE  VICE  CHAIRMAN:  The  necessary 
'ormation  on  this  matter  will  be  fur- 
shed  by  the  Secretary  reading  such 
.es  as  apply  to  this  question.  There 
11  be  no  information  from  the  delegates. 
will  be  done  by  the  Secretary  and  there 
II  be  no  motion  received  until  it  is  done. 
)EL.  HILLQUIT:  No  discussion  is  in 
ler,  nothing  except  the  roll  call.  My 
nt  of  order  is  that  ^the  roll  call  is  mere- 
a  verification  of  the  vote  already  had. 
are  in  the  course  of  voting. 
HE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  is  not 
11  taken.  The  Secretary  will  read  the 
es,  after  which  the  vote  will  be  taken 
roll   call. 

HE  SECRETARY:  (Reading)  "Para- 
ph 19.  Subsidiary  motions.  To  lay  on 
le.  This  motion  takes  precedence  of 
other  subsidiary  questions  and  yields 
10  privileged  or  incidental  question.  It 
mot  debatable  and  can  not  be  amended 
have  any  other  subsidiary  motion  ap- 
d  to  it  nor  can  an  affirmative  vote  on 
e  reconsidered.  It  eliminates  the  sub- 
from  consideration  until  the  assembly 
8  to  take  it  from  the  table."     Now  Sec- 


tion 54,  which  is  a  note  reads  as  follows; 
"The  minority  has  no  remedy  for  the  un- 
fair use  of  this  motion,  but  the  evil  could 
be  slightly  drrrrrnished  as  follows:  The 
person  who  introduces  a  resolution  is 
sometimes  cut  off  from  speaking  by  a 
motion  to  lay  the  question  on  the  table 
being  made  as  soon  as  he  states  the  ques- 
tion or  evfn  before.  In  such  cases  the  in- 
troducer of  the  resolution  should  always 
claim  the  floor  to  which  he  is  entitled. 
Persons  are  commonly  in  such,  a  hurry  to 
make  this  motion  that  they  neglect  to  ad- 
dress the  Chair.  In  such  cases  one  of  the 
minority  should  address  the  Chair  quickly 
and  if  he  gain  the  floor  make  the  point  of 
order  that  he  is  the  first  to  address  the 
Chair,  and  that  the  other  member,  not 
having  the  floor,  was  not  entitled  to  make 
the  motion." 

THE  VICE  CHAIRMAN:  There  is  noth- 
ing before  this  convention  but  the  roll 
call. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ  (111.):  I  want  to 
know  how  I  am  to  vote.  Do  I  vote  yes  or 
no  on  this  to  sustain  the  Chair? 

THE  VICE  CHAIRMAN:  We  are  now 
voting  on  the  question  of  sustaining  the 
Chair  in  his  decision.  All  those  in  favor 
of  sustaining  the  Chair  will  vote  yes. 

The  roll  call  resulted  in  the  Chair  being 
sustained  by  a  vote  of  167  against  93. 

The  result  of  the  roll  call  as  announced 
was  167  for  sustaining  the  Chair,  93 
against. 

ROLL  CALL  ON  BESSEMER  MOTION. 
The  roll-call  was  as  follows: 


State. 

Yes. 

No. 

Ala. 

G.   L.   Cox 

Ariz. 

E 

H.  Allen 

E.   Johnson 

Ark. 

Ida  Callery 

J.  A.  C.  Meng 

D 

Hogan 

A.   R.   Finke 

Cal. 

A.   E.   Briggs 
E.   A.   Cantrell 
G.  W.  Downing 
Mary  E.   Garbutt 
Job   Harriman 
E.    H.    Mizner 
R.  A.  Maynard 
A.   W.   Harris 

E.  L.  Reguin 

N.  A.  Richardson 
H.  C.  Tuck 
J.   W.   Wells 

F.  C.  Wheeler 

* 

Ethel   Whitehead 
T.  W.  Williams 
J.   Stitt  Wilson 
F.    E.    Wolfe 
H.   E.    Wright 

Colo. 

W.    P.    Collins 
A.  H.   Floaten 
Mary  L.  Geffs 
T.  M.  Todd 
John   Troxell 

Conn. 

S.   F.   Beardsley 
Ernest   Berger 

B.  P.    Clarke 

C.  T.   Peach 
Jasper  McLevy 

Dela. 

F.  A.   Houck 

D.  of  C. 

W.    J.    Ghent 

Fla. 

F. 

Stanley 

J.  S.  Alexander 
C.  C.  Allen 

Ga. 

A. 

F.  Castleberry 

Ida. 

G. 

W.  Beloit 

T.  J.  Coonrod 
S.  W.  Motley 
I.   F.    Stewart 

111. 

J. 

O.  Bentall 

B.    Berlyn 

Joseph  R.  Burge 

L.   F.   Haemer 

J. 

C.  Sjoden 

J.    C.    Kennedy 
M.  E.  Kirkpatrick 
George  Koop 
J.  P.  Larsen 
Caroline  A.  Lowe 

NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 

fjta.ie. 

Tea. 

No. 

State. 

Yes. 

No. 

F.  T.  Maxwell 

Mary   O'Reilly 
W.    E.   Rodriguez 
S.    Stedman 
G.   N.    Taylor 
G.  Underwood 

C.    H.   Pierce 
G.    Rothmund 
C.    E.    Russell 
H.    A.    Simmoni 
U.    Solomon 

lad. 

S.   S.   Condo 
W.  W.   Farmer 

G.  A.  Strebel 
J.   Wanhope 

Janet  Fenimore 

N.  c. 

B.  T.  Tiller 

S.   C.   Garrison 

N.  D. 

A.  E.   Bowen,  J 

W.   H.   Henry 

Robert    Grant 

James   Oneal 

C.   D.    Kelso 

S.    M.   Reynolds 

A.    LeSueur 

W.   Sheffler 

Ohio. 

J.  L.  Bachman 

M.   S.   Hayes 

Florence   Wattles 

Wm.  Bessemer 

F.    G.    Stricklan 

Iowa 

Jas.  Baxter 

J.   J.   Jacobsen 

Max  Boehm 

Margaret  D.  Brown    I.    S.    McCrHlis 

T.  Clifford 

Lee  W.  Lang 

D.  L.  Davis 

Kama. 

Geo.  D.  Brewer 

M.    Wood-Simons 

D.  J.  Farrel 

O.  H.  Blase 

B.  F.  Wilson 

W.  Hinkel 

A.  W.  Ricker 

E.  J.  Jones 

S.  M.  Stallard 

Dan  McCartaa 

Ken. 

C.  Dobbs 

W.  Lanfersiek 

Wm.  Patterson 
E.  E.  Powell 

La. 

J.  R.  Jones 

Margusrite  Prevey 

Me. 

G.  A.   England 

C.  M.  Priestap 

Md. 

C  W.  Staub 

A.   E.   Hartig 
Dr.  J.   Rosett 

C.  E.  Ruthenberg 
Anna  K.  Storck 

Masa. 

J.   F.   Carey 
A.   Coleman 

L.  A.  Zitt 
F.  N.  Prevey 

C.    E.    Fenner 

Okla. 

J.  G.  Wills 

E.   Schilling 

J.   M.   Caldwell 

O.  F.  Branstette 

R.   Lawrence 

Allen  Fields 

P.   Mahoney 

J.  T.   Cumbie 

Rose  Tenner 

R.   E.   Dooley 

G.    E.  Roewer,  Jr. 

L.    B.    Irvin 

D.  A.  White 

P.    S.    Nagle 

J.  G.   Ohsol 

Geo.    E.    Owen    < 

Mich. 

Jas.  Hoogerhyde 

F.    Aaltonen 

O.    Ameringer 

H.  S.  McMaster 

G.   H.    Lockwood 

M.    F.    Barker    j 

Etta  Menton 

J.    A.    C.    Menton 

Ore. 

M.  E.  Dorfman 

J.  H.  McFarland 

J  Hayden 

Minn. 

Marietta  E.  FournierJ.   H.   Grant 

Tom  J.  Lewis 

M.  Kaplan 

N.   S.  Hillman 

F.  C.  Ramp 

J.  G.  Maattala 

J.    S.    In  galls 

C.  W.  Sherman 

A.  O.  Devoid 

O.   Jacobson         !* 

Penn. 

L.  R.  Bruce 

G.  W.   Bacon 

T.  E.  Latimer    ' 

Gertrude  B.  Hunt 

J.    M.    Barnes    J 

D.  Morgan 

C.  W.  Ervin 

Cora   Mae   Bixl| 

J.   E.  Nash 

C.  F.  Foley 

D.     M.    Caldwell 

O.   S.  Watklns 

F.  H.  Merrick 

Anna    Cohen 

MiES. 

M.    E.    Fritz 

Edw.  Moore 

J.  E.   Cohen 

Ma 

E.  T.   Behrens 

Wm.  Parker 

F.    A.    Davis     1 

W.    L.   Garver 

A.  G.  Ward 

Lewis  Goaziou  j 

C.    Lipscomb 

Robt.  J.  Wheeler 

R.   L.   Grainger! 

G.  W.  O'Dam 

J.  C.  Young 

J.   C.    Hogan 

O.    Vierling 

C.    A.    Maurer    I 

W.   A   Ward 

J.    H.    Maurer    I 

MOBt 

L.  J.  Duncan 
C.  A.  Smith 
J.  M.  Kruse 
J.  B.  Scott 
P.  H.  Christian 

i 

R.  B.  Ringler 
J.   W.    Slayton    1 
D.  Williams 
L.   B.   Wilson      1 
W.   A.   Prossefl 

Neb. 

P.  J.  Warren 
C.   R.   Oyler 
C.   J.  Wright 

R.I. 

James  Reid 

Not  voting. 
E.  W.   Theinert 

Nev. 

G.  Miller 

Not  voting. 

N.  H. 

J.   P.   Burke 

S.  C. 

Wm.  EberhardJ: 

W.   A.   McCall' 

S.  D 

Benj.  Dempsey 

N.  J. 

C.  J.  Cosgrove 

J.    R.    Jones 

Tenn. 

C.  G.  Harold 

G.   H.  Goebel 

Texas. 

E.  A.  Green 

R.  Alexander     1 

W.  B.  Killingbeck 

H.  F.  Kopp 

T.  A.  Hickey 

G.    C.    EdwardlB 

G.  Theimer 

F.  Krafft 

E.  R.  Meitzen 

C.    A.    Byrd 

James  M.  Reilly 

W.  S.  Noble 

L.    L.    Rhodes-B 

N.  M. 

J.  B.  Lang 

J.  C.  Rhodes 

M.    A.    Smith    W\ 

N.  Y. 

H.  Slobodin 

C.    J.    'Rill,    Jr. 

J.    C.    Thompfl 

E.  Lindgren 

Fred    rennets 

B.    William      .fl 

A.  Pauly 

Theresa     Malkiel 
W.  Burckle 
Jas.  A.  Man  sett 

Utah. 

H.    P.    Burt     J 

J.    A.   Smi 

W.    M.    WeslejB 

E.    F.    Cassidy 

Vt. 

John  Spa' 

Wm.  E.  Duffy 

Va. 

G.    M.    Norris   jll 

O.  L.  Endres 

Wash. 

L.  B.  Alter 

E.     J.     Brnwnfl 

C.   L.   Furman 

A.  H.  Barth 

W.    H.    WayntM 

M.  Hillquit 

F.  Bostrom 

Emma   D.    Cofll 

A.  Lee 

Kate  Sadler 

H.    C.    CuppleM 

M.   London 

S.  Sadler 

Anna  A.    MaleJBJ 

H.    E.    Merrill 

H.  M.  Wells 

H.    Hensefer    JRI 

MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


^ 


State. 
W.  Va. 


Wis. 


Wyo. 


Yes. 


H.  W.  Houston 
E.   H.   Kintzer 


No. 
C.  H.  Boswell 


V.    Ij.    Berger 
D.    W.    Hoan 
W.    R.   Gaylord 
W.    A.    Jacobs 
T.    Hinklein 
Emil    Seidel 
Eliz.    H.    Thomas 
C.    D.    Thompson 
A.    Carlson 


P.  J.  Paulsen 
J.  Suaja 

sf      The  report  was  then  adopted  as  a  whole. 
RESOLUTIONS. 

The  Committee  on  Resolutions,  through 
the  Chairman,  Del.  Spargo,  reported  as 
follows: 

DEL.  SPARGO:  Comrade  Chairman  and 
comrades,  conforming  to  the  usual  practice 
at  our  conventions,  the  Resolutions  Com- 
mittee will  report  its  resolutions  in 
batches.  The  first  resolution  that  I  shall 
read  is  a  resolution  dealing  with  the  in- 
dictment, imprisonment  and  trial,  or  pend- 
ing trial,  of  Joseph  Ettor  and  Arthur 
Giovannetti,  at  Lawrence,  Mass.  I  will 
!  read  and  move  its  adoption: 

Whereas,  Joseph  J.  Ettor  and  Arthur 
Giovanetti,  representatives  of  the  textile 
workers  of  Lawrence,  Mass.,  are  charged 
with  being  accessories  before  the  fact,  to 
the  murder  of  Anna  LaPezzi,  an  Italian 
woman  striker,  which  occurred  during  an 
assault  made  on  a  peaceful  body  of  strik- 
ers on  January  29th,  by  armed  police  and 
thugs  of  the  Woolen  Trust;  and 

Whereas,  The  testimony  of  a  score  of 
eye  witnesses  before  the  examining  mag- 
istrate showed  conclusively  that  Anna  La- 
Pezzi was  shot  by  a  policeman,  who  was 
identified  by  eye  witnesses  at  the  prelimi- 
nary hearing;  and 

Whereas,  The  prosecution  admits  that 
neither  Ettor  nor  Giovanetti  were  present 
at  the  scene  of  the  provoked  riot,  but 
claim  that  they  by  their  speeches,  incited, 
counseled  and  commanded  violence  and 
rioting,  and  as  a  result,  a  homicide  took 
place,  thus  seeking  to  establish  a  prece- 
dent which  is  vicious  and  infamous;  and 

Whereas,  Ettor  and  Giovanetti  loyally 
fought  the  Woolen  Trust,  bringing  a  sub- 
stantial increase  in  wages  to  over  a  quar- 
ter of  a  million  of  textile  workers,  thereby 
causing  a  loss  of  revenue  of  $15,000,000  per 
year  to  the  mill  owners  of  New  England; 
therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  By  the  Socialist  party  in 
National  Convention  assembled,  that  the 
indictment  and  trial  of  Ettor  and  Giovan-  ' 
etti  is  an  outrageous  and  inhuman  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  Woolen  Trust  plutocracy 
and  their  hirelings  in  retaliation  for  the 
successful  revolt  of  the  mill  slaves  of  New 
England,  to  destroy  the  right  to  strike  and 
the  right  of  free  speech  and  assembly  of 
wage  earners  and  to  establish  a  precedent, 
base  in  its  conception,  vicious  in  its  en- 
forcement, and  detrimental  to  the  entire 
working  class  of  America,  and  destructive 
to  fundamental  civil  rights,  and  further 

Resolved,  That  the  National  Executive 
Committee  be  instructed  to  appropriate  im- 
mediately $500  for  the  defense  of  Ettor 
and  Giovanetti  and  that  we  call  upon  the 
locals  of  the  Socialist  party  to  form  de- 
fense funds  for  this  purpose  to  be  for- 
warded through  the  National  Headquar- 
ters. 

The  resolution  was  adopted. 

DEL.  SPARGO:    The  next  deals  with 


CONDITIONS  ON  PACIFIC  COAS'lN      - 

Whereas,  The  railways  and  the  var 
commercial     associations     of     the     Pac. 
coast,    by    false    advertisements,    have    h* 
duced  workingmen   to  come  west,   thereby   . 
creating  a  large  army  of  the  unemployed;   * 
be  it 

Resolved,  That  we  request  that  the 
greatest  publicity  be  given  to  this  matter 
through  the  Socialist  press  and  party  or- 
ganizations, as  a  warning  to  the  workers 
of  the  Eastern  and  Central  States  to  stay 
away  from  the  Pacific  coast,  since  labor 
conditions  there  are  intolerable. 

I  move  its  adoption.     (Carried.) 

On  motion,  the  resolution  was  adopted. 

DELi  SPARGO:  The  next  resolution 
deals  with  the  policy  of  Socialist  municipal 
administration  to  their  employees. 

MUNICIPAL  ADMINISTRATION  AND 
MUNICIPAL  EMPLOYEES. 

Whereas,  The  party  has  during  the  past 
year  secured  control  of  a  number  of  cities, 
thus  becoming"  the  employer  of  many 
workers; 

Whereas,  The  party  realizes  that  intel- 
ligent administration  of  government  in- 
volves the  organization  of  the  workers  in 
all  departments; 

Whereas,  The  object  of  the  Socialist 
party  is  to  secure  for  all  workers  not  only 
the  full  product  of  their  labor  but  a  voice 
in  determining  their  conditions  of  work, 
therefore  ]be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  party  adopt  as  a 
policy  to  be  observed  by  its  representa- 
tives in  office  the  organization  of  workers 
in  all  departments  under  Socialist  control 
so  that  each  department  may  obtain  an 
organized  expression  of  the  workers' 
point  of  view  on  administrative  methods 
and  conditions  of  work. 

I  move  its  adoption.      (Carried.) 

The  resolution  was  adopted. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  We  come  now  to  an  old 
friend,  a  perennial,  dealings  with  pro- 
paganda among  the  armed  forces  of  the 
nation. 

PROPAGANDA   IN   THE   ARMY  AND 
NAVY. 

Whereas,  In  the  class  struggle  the  mili- 
tary is  often  the  first  and  always  the  last 
resort  of  the  ruling  class;  and 

Whereas,  The  army,  the  navy,  the  militia 
and  the  police  offer  a  fertile  field  for  the 
dissemination    of   Socialist    teachings;    and 

Whereas,  the  growth  of  Socialist 
thought  among  the  armed  defenders  of 
capitalism  tends  to  reduce  the  power  of 
the  ruling  class  to  rule  and  outrage  the 
working  class,  and  thus  to  end  the  op- 
pression and  violence  that  labor  suffers, 

Be  it  Resolved,  That  the  N.  E.  Commit- 
tee be  instructed  to  secure  the  services  of 
such  a  comrade  or  comrades  as  have  made 
a  special  study  of  war  and  militarism,  and 
that  such  comrade  or  comrades  prepare 
special  appropriate  leaflets  to  distribute 
among  soldiers,  sailors,  militia  and  police. 

Resolved,  That  the  N.  E.  Committee  pub- 
lish such  leaflets  and  pamphlets  and  offer 
for  sale  through  the  usual  channels,  and 
that  in  addition  an  organized  effort  be 
made  for  the  distribution  of  such  leaflets 
among  all  the  armed  defenders  of  capital- 
ist-class rule  and  among  all  military  or- 
ganizations and  all  government  homes  for 
disabled  soldiers  and  sailors. 

I  move  its  adoption. 

t«D«h  CASS™7   <N-  *■>:     Iai  oppose 

to    this    resolution    recommended    by    the 

♦i^mirflee  being  adopted  by   the  conven- 

S?£\MT*he  point  Jk  make  is  this>  tha*  w© 
should  for  some  time  support  the  workers 


7fiiy 
o/ 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


/  che  industrial  field.  We  should  not 
/  port  the  forces  in  the  army  or  any 
/■•^ler  direction  of  that  kind.  If  we  have 
ft  .ny  special  literature,  let  us  keep  putting 
it  in  the  shop,  factory,  mine  and  store;  let 
us  reach  the  men  who  are  engaged  in. 
real  constructive  industry,  and  not  waste 
it  in  this  special  and  unpromising  terri- 
tory. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  The  Chicago 
Daily  Socialist  this  morning  says  that 
the  Massachusetts  Legislature  has  passed 
a  law  making  it  illegal  to  talk  anti-mili- 
tarism in  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  with 
a  punishment  of  six  months  in  jail  and 
$500  fine.  If  that  is  not  answer  enough 
to  this  argument  here,  I  do  not  care  to 
say  anything  more.     (Applause.) 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Cal.):  Recently  in 
speaking  with  a  sailor  on  one  of  the  bat- 
tleships, he  told  me  that  there  were 
seventy-four  socialists  upon  that  one  bat- 
tleship and  that  they  had  a  circulating 
library  there,  and  that  literature  was  be- 
ing circulated  there  and  on  other  ships. 
The  point  is  this,  that  when  their  term  of 
enlistment  expires,  as  it  does  almost 
every  day,  those  who  are  in  the  army  or 
in  the  navy  retire  again  into  private  life, 
and  they  come  into  the  industrial  field, 
and  it  is  well  that  we  should  have  those 
men  educated  so  that  when  they  do  re- 
turn to  the  industrial  field  they  will  enlist 
under  the  Socialist  banner.     (Applause.) 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  am  in 
favor  of  our  propaganda  reaching  not  only 
the  sailor  but  the  soldier.  I  have  lived  in 
a  navy  yard  town  on  the  Pacific  coast  by 
the  name  of  Brennerton.  You  may  know 
about  Brennerton  because  our  comrades 
there  captured  two  of  the  positions  on  the 
council  board,  and  they  were  going  to  be 
deprived  of  their  citizenship  because  of 
their  political  activity  in  the  navy  yard. 
We  have  had  applications  for  membership 
in  that  local  from  the  sailors,  and  we  try 
as  far  as  we  can  to  organize  the  boys 
and  have  them  organize  a  local  upon  their 
battleships.  At  one  navy  yard  there  is 
an  organization  of  100  members  of  the 
Socialist  party.  There  is  no  ground  so 
ripe  for  Socialism  as  upon  the  battleships 
I  have  been  upon  them  almost  every  Sun- 
day afternoon,  talking  in  my  small  way, 
and  I  have  found  the  field  ripe.  Down  in 
Vancouver,  Washington,  I  have  sold  more 
literature  to  the  army  boys  than  I  have 
to  the  citizens  of  Vancouver.  Therefore, 
I  am  willing  that  we  should  throw  thi3 
back  in  the  teeth  of  the  Legislature  of 
Massachusetts.  Yes,  we  will  organize  the 
boys,  and  we  will  get  the  guns  of  the  en- 
emy, and  I  would  rather  stand  back  of  the 
gun   than   in    front   of   it.     (Applause.) 

DEL.  REID  (R.  I.):  I  rise  to  speak 
upon  this  resolution.  The  Socialist  move- 
ment needs  this  propaganda.  In  our  state 
I  recall,  not  very  many  weeks  ago,  some- 
thing of  the  arguments  made  on  a  bill 
in  the  Rhode  Island  Legislature,  appro- 
priating $95,000  for  an  armory  and  for 
an  armed  guard  for  Rhode  Island.  In  an- 
swer to  the  objections  to  the  bill  a  mem- 
ber read  a  tirade  against  Socialism  last- 
ing one  hour  and  a  half.  The  point  I 
want  to  make  is  this,  that  he  brought, 
those  points  conclusively  out.  He  said, 
"Gentlemen,  I  appeal  to  you  to  support 
unanimously  this  proposition,  which  is  for 
the  defense  of  this  glorious  country. 
There  is  an  important  factor  that  we 
wiust  consider.  We  need  a  national  guard; 
we  need  a  national  militia.  We  need  it 
to  suppress  that  organized  band  of  trai- 
tors, Dr.  Reid,  Bill  Haywood.  John  M. 
Work" — and  he  enumerated  a  lot  more 
•of   conspirators — "and    to    save   the    coun- 


try." The  capitalists  are  on  their  jot 
They  know  what  they  need.  It  is  simpl 
force  that  they  need,  and  they  will  us 
it.  I  appeal  to  you  to  pass  unanimousl 
this  resolution,  and  show  the  capitalis 
class  that  the  Socialist  party  are  also  on  t< 
their    job.      (Applause.) 

The  previous  question  was  then  orderei 
and  the  resolution  was  adopted: 

DEL.  SPARGO:  That  is  all  for  thi. 
time,    comrades. 

FOREIGN    SPEAKING    ORGANIZATIONS' 
Del.    Goaziou,    Chairman,    presented    th- 
following    report    of    the     Committee    or 
Foreign  Speaking  Organizations.* 

Del.  Goaziou,  on  behalf  of  the  Com 
mittee,  moved  the  adoption  of  the  report! 
Seconded. 

DEL.  RUTHENBERG  (Ohio):  I  wan',' 
to  speak  in  opposition  to  that  part  of  the 
report  which  permits  foreign  language 
organizations  to  purchase  their  due 
stamps  through  their  national  translator's 
office.  In  the  past  we  have  had  in  the 
city  of  Cleveland  about  twenty  different 
foreign  language  organizations.  We  find! 
that  those  organizations  which  purchase 
their  due  stamps  through  their  National 
Translator's  office  never  come  near  our 
central  organization,  are  not  in  touch 
with  the  central  organization,  and  take  no 
part  whatsoever  in  the  business  of  the 
local.  Now,  if  these  branches  as  provided 
in  that  report  are  to  be  part  of  the  local 
organization  and  are  to  vote  for  refer- 
endums  in  that  organization,  they  must 
be  kept  in  touch  with  the  local  organiza- 
tion, and  the  only  way  to  keep  them  in 
touch  with  that  organization  is  to  make 
them  buy  their  due  stamps  through  the 
local  secretary.  We  find,  and  it  has  been 
told  to  me  by  men  who  are  in  touch  with 
the  foreign  organizations,  that  they  are 
now  circulating  in  this  country  literature 
for  the  separation  of  the  church  and  state. 
They  are  circulating  literature  against 
feudalistic  organizations  in  society,  and 
all  this  is  due  to  the  fact  that  we  permit 
them  to  separate  themselves  from  our 
own  organization  and  do  not  require  them, 
through  contact  with  the  organized  party 
in  this  country,  to  keep  in  touch  with  the 
organizations  and  institutions  of  our  own 
country.  I  believe  that  we  must  force 
them  in  some  way  to  come  in  touch  with 
the  locals  in  our  counties  or  cities  and  the 
way  to  do  that  is  to  oblige  them  to  buy 
their  due  stamps  from  the  county  organi- 
zation. We  can  make  the  same  provision 
as  we  do  in  Cleveland,  that  they  purchase 
the  due  stamps  at  a  less  rate  than  the 
English  branches,  in  order  to  give  them 
more  funds  for  their  own  propaganda,  but, 
I  believe  they  should  buy  through  the 
local  secretary.  In  the  state  of  Ohio  the 
state  organization  takes  this  position; 
That  no  foreign  organization  can  be  a 
part  of  the  socialist  party  of  Ohio  unless 
they  purchase  their  due  stamps  through 
the  locals  of  the  Socialist  party  of  Ohio. 
Otherwise  they  cannot  vote  on  state  or 
national  referendums  or  on  local  refer- 
endums,  or  for  state  officers,  and  I  believe 
that  that  position  should  be  taken  by  the 
party  in  the  nation  at  large.  (Applause.) 
And  if  the  Chairman  will  permit,  I  move 
as  an  amendment  to  Section  4,  that  such 
organizations  shall  purchase  their  due 
stamps  at  12 %c  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
local  organization  in  the  county  or  city. 
DEL.  SOLOMON  of  New  York:  I  want 
to  substantiate  the  remarks  made  by  the 
comrade  from   Ohio.     It  makes  no  differ- 


*See    Appendix   O    for   Foreign    Speaking 
Organization  Reports. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


ce  what  resolutions  may  be  adopted  by 

is  Convention,  if  you  make  no  provision 

lereby    these    foreign     branches    should 

me  into  closer  connection  with  the  local 

d  state  organizations,  you  will  have  ex- 

tly  the  same  situation  that  you  are  con- 

onted   with   today.     At  the   last  congress 

rtain"  resolutions  were  adopted,  and  the 

mrades    thought    they     had    solved    the 

oblem    of    the    foreign-speaking    organi- 

tions.      They    increased    the    number    of 

tional    translators   at    the    headquarters. 

ganizations    have    been    formed    in    the 

ferent    states,    entirely    independent    of 

i  local  ayd  state  organizations;  no  con- 

ction     wf  atever     with     them.       In     fact, 

ire     is     cne     in     the     city     of    Portland, 

liated    v 'th    the    national    organization, 

ying  dues   to  the  national   organization, 

ich  was  all  the  time  under  the  impres- 

n  that   they  were   part  of   the  Socialist 

bor    Party!      They    were    affiliated    with 

national  organization  and  did  not  even 

ow  the  name   of  that   organization. 

\.nd    this    is    exactly    the    condition    you 

going   to   bring   about   by   maintaining 

be    independent    organizations,     having 

^connection     whatever    with    the    state 

f    local    organizations.      It    is    all    very 

11     to    put     in    a     provision     that     these 

eign-speaking  branches  shall  be  an  in- 

>endent   part   of   the   national    organiza- 

n,    but   the    only   way    to    make    them   a 

t  of  the  organization  is  to  bring  them 

o   connection   with    the   local    and    state 

-anizations.       Of    course,     the     difficulty 

es   that   the   state   and   local   organiza- 

is  have  rules  of  their  own,  and   it  will 

necessary  to  provide  rules  under  which 

h    can    work    without    interfering    with 

h    other,    according    to    our    interpreta- 

of   state    autonomy.      If   you   want    to 

ke  it  possible  for  the  foreign-speaking 

nches  to  maintain  their  activity  as  or- 

izations,  if  you  want  them  to  get  into 

work    of     the     Party     in     the    United 

tes,  and   to  cease   from  lines   of  propa- 

da    which    have    no    bearing    upon    the 

ation   in  this  country,  you  must  bring 

•n  into  closer  connection  with  the  local 

;he  state  organizations.     Let  them  pur- 

their    stamps    from    the    local    and 

organizations — we  are  willing  to  give 

at  cost — and  take  an  active  part  in 

**k  of  that  state. 

°ANKIN   of   the   Jewish   Agitation 

want  to  say,  in  the  first  place, 

Tuage  groups  do  not  come  in 

s  as  those  mentioned  by  the 

the    committee.      "We    repre- 

chat  is  not  affiliated  with  the 

.ce   but    is   nevertheless   a   lan- 

■    ,up.     My  proposition  that  I  sub- 

'o  that  Committee  embodied  all  of 

.lient  features   of   the   report,   except 

the    due    stamps    shall    be    purchased 

ct  from   the  local   or  state  committees 

reduced    price.      The   recommendation 

I    made    provided    that    due    stamps 

lid  be  purchased  at  10  cents  instead  of 

The    amendment    made    by    Delegate 

er  that   these   branches   be    enabled    to 

hase   their   due   stamps   at  -12  V2    cents, 

Id    not    give    them    sufficient    funds    to 

y    on     their     propaganda    among     the 

ign    workingmen.      We    have    to    make 

>er   provision   for  thisToecause   in   this 

itry  today,   it  seems  to   me,   that  more 

half    of    the    proletariat    is    foreign 

king-.     A  great  majority  of  the  people] 

<ing    in     the     steel    mills    and    in    the  I 

is  are  foreign   speaking,   and   we  must 

3    these    branches    sufficient    funds    to 

f    on    their    agitation    amongst    them. 

he    same    time   I    entirely    agree    with 

gate   Solomon  that  it  should  hot  be  a 

•atist   movement.     It  is   high   time    to 


*» 


'•^out 
s   th. 
give    up    the    separatist    movemetv  t 
come  together  in  our  work.  oJ 

DEL.    BARNES:      I    would    like    to  the 
from    Comrade    Solomon    how    he    prop«.to 
to  overcome  the  difficulty  of  communicae 
ing    with    the    foreign-speaking    organiza- 
tions? 

DEL.  LE  SUEUR:  It  takes  a  little  time 
to  explain  this  question.  I  want  you  to 
understand  that  it  is  impossible  to  get  a 
proposition  that  will  be  entirely  satisfac- 
tory to  every  one,  but  I  want  this  delega- 
tion to  understand  that  this  problem  that 
is  confronting  you  now  is  just  as  import- 
ant as  any  other  proposition  that  will 
come  before  we  close  this  Convention. 

There  are  two  sides  to  the  question. 
There  is  one  side  that  you  will  all  agree 
with,  and  I  think  you  will  agree  with 
both  sides — and  that  is  that  it  is  of  the 
utmost  importance  for  the  Socialists  that 
the  foreign-speaking  people  shall  be  or- 
ganized. That  is  an  important  part. 
Again,  it  is  also  just  as  important  that 
the  organizations  of  foreign-speaking 
people  may  be  brought  into  contact  with 
the  American  movement.  The  foreign- 
speaking  socialist,  coming  to  this  country 
from  Europe,  comes  here  with  European 
notions.  He  has  made  his  propaganda 
under  entirely  different  conditions  from 
what  he  finds  here.  One  of-  our  most  im- 
portant duties  is  to  bring  the  foreign 
socialist,  or  non-socialist,  into  touch  with 
the  English-speaking  branches,  and  I 
agree  with  Delegate  Solomon  when  he 
says  so;  but  you  cannot  get  a  man  who 
does  not  either  read  or  speak  English  to 
write  a  communication  to  the  secretary  of 
the  local  who  speaks  only  English.  I 
have  been  in  correspondence  with  the 
Socialist  Party  since  it  has  been  formed, 
and  I  have  organized  French  locals  in 
most  of  the  States,  and  the  secretaries  of 
those  states  who  are  here  will  agree  with 
me,  and  they  all  failed  to  maintain  their 
existence  for  the  single  and  sole  reason 
that  it  was  hard  to  get  a  secretary  that 
could  translate  a  communication  from 
the  state  or  national  office,  or  get  a  secre- 
tary that  could  write  to  the  state  or 
national  office.  This  is  a  difficulty  that  we 
must  overcome.  Now,  if  you  have  20  or 
25,  or  50  branches  in  you»r  State,  and 
these  have  to  communicate  with  the 
county  or  local  to  get  their  due  stamps, 
you  must  get  25  men  that  are  able  to  un- 
derstand and  able  to  write  the  English 
language,  while,  if  they  communicate  with 
their  translator,  they  can  do  business  even 
if  they  don't  speak  English.  In  some  of 
the  local  organizations  you  might  find  a 
man  who  can  speak  but  who  cannot  write 
it,  who  can  come  to  your  local  meeting 
and  take  part  in  its  business  and  as  a 
delegate  to  the  branch,  but  he  could  not 
take  his  pen  and  write  a  letter  to  order 
due  stamps.  We  know  all  these  difficul- 
ties because  we  have  come  in  contact  with 
them.  It  is  not  a  theory,  it  is  a  fact.  The 
French  have  no  foreign-speaking  organi- 
zation and  I  am  not  speaking  for  myself. 
It  is  not  necessary  for  me;  but  I  vwould 
like  to  see  the  French  of  this  country,  as 
well  as  the  other  nationalities,  have  a 
chance  to  organize  with  the  American 
Socialist  movement,  and  when  they  are 
organized,  have  the  facilities  for  co-oper- 
ating with  you  to  build  up  a  strong 
Socialist  movement  of  all  nationalities  in 
this  country. 

Now,  then,  in  regard  to  making  a  cer- 
tain amount  for  dues,  you  cannot  do  it, 
because  the  amounts  vary  in  the  different 
states.  You  cannot  say  10  or  12  or  14 
cents;  but  if  you  simply  say  that  we  pay 
one-half  that  will  apply  in  all  states. 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


port    ♦  as  Comrade  Solomon  has  said,  this 
>taer  df-ntion    must    work    according    to    the 
-ny  s^s     of     State     autonomy.        We     cannot 
it  in  fee    anything    down    the    throats    of    the 
us  socialists,  but  I  believe  that  all   socialists 
re  will  abide  by  any  proposition  that  will  be 
clearly  for  the  advantage  of  the  Socialist 
Party.     And   that  is   Why  we  are  saying — - 
if  you  don't  do  something  to  facilitate  the 
work   of   organizing  and   maintaining   our 
organizations  among  the  foreign-speaking 
people,    somebody    else   will,   and    will    get 
them  away  from   you.     We   must  have   as 
strong    organization    of  "all    nationalities, 
yof  all  languages,   so  that  we  may  be  pre- 
f  pared  to  take  the  immigrant  in  hand  when 
/   he  comes  to  this  country.     A  large  number 
/    of  French  people   who  were  active   in   the 
/     Socialist   movement    in    France — and    it   is 
/     the    same    with    people   of   other   national- 
C     ities — after  '  they    have    come    to    America 
\  have  simply  not  been  able  to  get  in  touch 
l  with    any    branch,    and   have    dropped    out 
J  entirely   from   Socialist   activities   or   have 
f   become  active  in  some  other  channels  that 
1    are     opposed     to     the     principles     of     the 
/    Socialist   Party.      We   want    to    get    all    of 
\    these   people  into  our  movement;   and   we 
V,ask  you  Comrades  of  this  Convention,  not 
to  stick  at  technicalities,  not  to  stick  at  a 
question  of  a  few  dollars — this  will  bring 
you   a   great   many   more   dollars.      Accept 
the     proposition     of    the     Committee,     the 
best  we  have  been  able  to  get  for  you.     It 
is  not  perfect  but  none   of  you  could   get 
one   that   would    be    satisfactory   to   all    of 
this   Committee,    one    that   would    be    per- 
fect. 

DEL.  CAROLINE  LOWE  of  Illinois:  I 
feel  that  I  am  competent  to  speak  on  this 
question.  Last  year  I  served  on  the  con- 
stitution committee,  and  when  the  foreign- 
speaking  comrades  came  before  us  with 
their  proposition  we  were  not  clear  upon 
the  point.  Since  then  I  have  tried  to  make 
it  my  business  to  investigate  the  matter. 
I  had  opportunity  to  do  so,  because  at 
one  time  our  meeting  pjace  was  in  the 
same  building  with  those  of  the  foreign 
comrades.  It  was  an  utter  impossibility 
for  us  to  induce  the  foreign  comrades  to 
join  our  organization  for  the  simple  rea- 
son that  we  could  not  understand  one 
word  we  were  saying.  It  was  just  as  im- 
portant that  I  should  understand  what 
they  were  saying  and  I  could  not  do  it. 
It  would  be  impossible.  It  would  be  im- 
possible for  me  to  attend  their  meetings 
and  take  an  interest  in  the  proceedings. 
And  if  they  are  to  join  the  Socialist  Party 
and  to  work  intelligently  with  us,  they 
must  do  it  along  the  lines  upon  which 
they  can  reach  their  people.  They  cannot 
reach  their  people  through  English-speak- 
ing organizations.  The  foreign-speaking 
men  will  not  come  into  our  organizations. 
We  had  exactly  the  same  experience 
-when  I  was  living  in  Kansas  City.  Out 
from  Girard,  Kansas,  ■  there  are  several 
mining  villages,  in  which  the  miners  are 
nearly  all  of  foreign  birth.  They  cannot 
come  into  the  English-speaking  branches, 
because  they  do  not  understand  our  lan- 
guage. But  we  can  organize  them  into 
foreign-speaking  locals  and  do  great 
good. 

The  same  thing  is  true  in  connection 
with  the  Women's  Department.  The  very 
fact  that  we  have  translator  secretaries 
is  a  great  help  to  us  in  reaching  the 
women  of  foreign  nationalities.  In  their 
own  country,  as  well  as  here,  the  Finnish 
comrades  are  splendidly  organized,  and  it 
is  a  very  simple  matter  for  us  to  reach 
the  Finnish  women  with  our  message,  be- 


cause  we   have   a   Finnish    translator   tv 
translates  our  message. 

I  speak  for  the  adoption  of  the  reso 
tion.  I  am  confident  that  the  best  rest 
can  come  from  it.  We  need  them  in  < 
organization;  and  as  fast  as  they  are  e< 
cated  to  the  point  where  they  can  come 
they  will  come  in.  Just  as  they  do  in  < 
meeting-place  in  Chicago,  they  will  co 
in  as  soon  as  they  can  work  intelligen 
with  us.  As  scon  as  they  can  underst* 
the  English  language  they  will  come 
very  eagerly. 

DEL.  LATIMER  of  Minnesota:  Th 
are  two  sides  to  this  question.  Most 
the  comrades  that  have  been  talking 
favor  of  this  question,  represent 
foreign-speaking  organizations  as  agr 
ing  with  them  absolutely  as  to  their 
ganization.  I  do  not  think  it  would 
wise  to  establish  a  Jewish  translator  s 
retary,  because  the  Jewish  comrades  < 
understand  English.  We  have  a  trans 
tor  secretary  that  we  do  not  need,  i 
that  is  the  Scandinavian  translator  sec 
tary.  Up  in  Minnesota  where  about  ev 
other  man  is  a  Scandinavian,  they  ca 
up  there  with  their  organizer, — came  i 
the  English-speaking  locals,  and  aim 
destroyed  several  locals.  I  don't  beli 
we  need  a  separate  translator  secret 
for  the  German  branches.  But,  on 
other  hand,  we  have  in  Minnesota,  aim 
3,000  Finnish  comrades.  Those  comra 
cannot  write  down  to  the  State  office 
English,  and  if  you  take  and  compel  th 
comrades  to  communicate  with  the  St 
office,  pay  their  dues  to  it,  do  all  ti 
business  with  the  State  office  and  fc 
them  into  the  organization,  what  are  1 
going  to  do?  You  are  going  to  dest 
that  splendid  Finnish  organization  in 
State  of  Minnesota.  They  are  not  org 
ized  in  Finnish-speaking  organizati 
because  they  desire  to  remain  sepai 
and  apart  from  us.  They  are  compelled 
because  they  do  not  understand  the  1 
guage.  These  comrades  want  to  le 
English;  but  you  can't  get  anywhere, 
saying  "If  you  don't  do  it  you  cannot  bj 
the  Socialist  Party."  I  say,  thereO 
that  you  should  go  a  little  slow  in  s 
ing — "If  you  want  to  become  Social 
you  have  got  to  become  English-speak 
socialists,  allied  with  the  English-spqi 
ing  socialists  and  paying  dues  directly 
the  State  organizations."  Why,  we  wq 
have  to  hire  a  translator  secretary 
every  state  where  there  are  many  of  tfe 
foreign-speaking  comrades,  because, 
know  that  hardly  a  day  passes  by  th* 
do  not  get  a  letter  in  some  South  SlavJ 
tongue  or  Finnish,  which  I  have* 
get  some  comrade  to  translate.  TJ 
write  in  and  ask  if  they  can  writ^ 
their  own  language.  I  think  we  will 
much  better  if  we  just  hold  out  the  J 
hand  to  them,  and  tell  them,  to  work  ah 
in  their  own  organizations  and  come?" 
gether  in  such  things  as  would  inteJ 
us  all. 

DEL.  MERRICK  of  Pennsylvania!} 
move  to  change  the  amendment  tffl 
cents,    where   it   says   12%. 

DEL.    NOVAK    from    the    Bohemian  | 
ganization:      Most   of  us,   like  myself 
have    been    in    America    only    ten 
know  that  the  State  and  the  Churcl 
arated  long  ago,   in  America;   so  W( 
have  to  do  it.     What  the  foreign-spt 
organizations  are  doing,   on  this  que 
is    that     they     are     fighting     back 
churches   that   are   fighting   socialism, 
we   have    a   right    to    do    it    and    it    is 
duty  to  do  it  and  we  will  do  it.     We  n» 
stick    our   noses    in    the    English-speM 
organizations  where   they  have  preacl 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


r  ministers.  We  never  ask  them.  We 
lever  want  to  tell  them  "You  have  to 
hrow  them  out."  That  is  none  of  our 
>usiness,  because  it  don't  hurt  us  in  our 
•  ranches.  It  is  business  of  theirs.  If  the 
oi  >reacher  is  all  right  it  is  none  of  our 
4  msiness. 

DEL.  MERRICK:  A  point  of  order; 
here  is  an  amendment  before  the  house. 
Che  delegate  is  not  so  speaking  to  the 
tmendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  is  not 
veil  taken.  The  delegate  must  have  some 
atitude. 

DEL.    NOVAK     (Resuming):      So    much 
'or    the    Church    question.      I    don't    know 
vhere  Pankin  got  the  idea  that  the  dele- 
t  ?ates    of    the    foreign-speaking    organiza- 
t<  .ions  do  not  agree.     It  is  only  the  State  of 
'lew   York    chat   does   not  agree.      As   long, 
ts      the      foreign-speaking      organizations 
sijigree,   by  their   delegates,   it  don't  matter 
c  f  hr   doesn't  agree.      He  don't  know  any- 
thi-    ,-  about  selling  stamps.     I  don't  think 
:ht      we    have    to    take    into    consideration 
thf    opinion   of  comrades  who  are  not  ex- 
pe  ienced  along  this  line.     So  I  think  the 
best  we  can  do  is  to  compel  the  others  to 
ijgo    to   conventions   and   congresses    of   the 
Socialist  Party,  and  not  to  allow  one  sec- 
retary to  go  against  the  whole  convention 
or    the    whole    congress    of    the    Socialist 
Party. 

DEL.  AALTONEN  of  Michigan:  I  hap- 
pen to  be  a  member  of  a  foreign-speaking 
organization,  viz.,  the  Finnish.  In  1910  at 
the  congress  at  Chicago,  provision  was 
made  for  the  organization  of  these 
foreign-speaking  federations  within  the 
American  Socialist  Party.  At  that  time 
there  was  only  one  or  two  comparatively 
small  organizations  affiliated  with  the 
American  Socialist  Party.  Now  we  have 
six  or  seven,  and  five  or  six  more  that  are 
ready  to  come  in.  Our  Finnish  organiza- 
tion has  probably  made  more  progress 
than  all  the  rest  of  the  organizations  to- 
gether, since  its  organization.  In  1910 
our  membership  numbered  about  6,000. 
Now  we  number  12,000;  and  last  year  the 
217  Finnish  locals  in  the  American  Social- 


ist   Party    have    transacted    about 
worth   of   business.      This   shows   th. 
plan  laid  down  last  Congress  is  nrA 
tical.      This   shows   that   it   does   no' 
the    foreign   workingmen    in    Americ  the 
touch   with    the   Socialist   movement,    to 
cannot  compel  him  to  do  anything.     If  e 
could    compel    the    Finlanders    to    do    an 
thing,  then  the  Russians  would  have  bee. 
able  to  compel  us  to  do  something  which 
they  have  been  trying  to  do  for  hundreds 
of  years.     There  is  nothing  that  can  com- 
pel people   who    know   their   rights,    to    do 
anything. 

All  these  foreign-speaking  comrades 
have  joined  in  this  plan  read  by  our  secre- 
tary on  the  platform.  All  of  us  have 
agreed  with  him.  The  view  we  have 
taken  in  this  matter  is  not  to  give  these 
foreign-speaking  branches  any  distinct 
national  organization.  That  is  the  only 
proposition. 

The  proposition  is  to  organize  them,  be- 
cause I  am  one  of  those  who  believe  in  or- 
ganization and  nothing  else.  Organization 
is  the  only  thing  that  will  emancipate  the 
laboring  class.  According  to  the  last 
census  there  are  about  18,000,000  foreign- 
born  people  in  America.  What  are  you 
going  to  do  with  them? 

There  have  been  comrades  on  the  floor 
of  this  Convention  who  have  said  that  in 
some  localities,  viz.,  in  New  York  and  in 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  as  I  understood,  the 
foreign  comrades  in  those  localities  have 
absolutely  nothing  to  do  with  the  local 
organizations.  This  is  no  fault  of  theirs. 
It  is  the  fault  of  the  American  socialists, 
because  they  don't  do  anything  in  order 
to  get  in  touch  with  them.  There  is  not  a 
single  Finnish  organization  in  the  en- 
tire country  that  is  not  affiliated  with  the 
local  and  county  organizations,  that  have 
been  requested  to  do  so;  but  in  many  ca-ses 
the  American  comrades  seem  to  have  the 
idea  that  these  comrades  are  a  different 
sort  of  people,  having  nothing  to  do  with 
the    American    people. 

The  convention  then  took  a  recess  until 
2:30   p.  m. 


^ 


AFTERNOON   SESSION. 


The  convention  was  called  to  order  at 
2:30  p.  m.  by  Chairman  Carey. 

DEL.  AALTONEN  (Mich.):  Comrade 
George  Sirola,  Vice  President  of  the  Fin- 
nish Parliament,  from  Helkinski,  Finland, 
Is  with  us  this  afternoon.  He  is  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Socialist  party  of  Finland  and 
I  wish  to  move  that  the  floor  be  granted  to 
him  for  five  minutes  to  address  this  body. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  are  no  ob- 
jections we  will  suspend  the  regular  or- 
der. I  appoint  Comrades  Aaltonen  of 
Michigan  and  Fenner  of  Massachusetts  to 
escort  Comrade  Sirola  to  the  platform. 

Comrade  Sirola  on  ascending  the  plat- 
form was  greeted  with  rousing  cheers  by 
the    convention. 

COMRADE  SIROLA:  Comrade  Chairman 
and  Comrades: 

I  bring  to  you  fraternal  greetings  from 
the  struggling  proletariat  of  a.  small  na- 
tion and  wish  to  bring  to  your  attention  a 
question  which  is  very  important  for  that 
nation  and  which  has  been  recommended 
to  the  attention  of  the  revolutionary  pro- 
letariat in  all  lands  by  the  last  Interna- 
tional Congress  in  Copenhagen.  I  wish  to 
state  that  the  gist  of  that  question — the 
Finnish  question — is  for  us  by  no  means 
the  maintenance  of  the  old  constitutional 
rights,  and  the  State  Autonomy  of  Fin- 
land, which  rights  tyrannical  Czarizm  has 
endeavored   to  steal   from  us,   but   it   is  a 


fight  for  the  maintenance  of  those  new 
Democratic  rights  which  the  Finnish  pro- 
letariat succeeded  in  winning  through  the 
general  strike  during  the  days  of  the 
Russian  revolution. 

These  rights  which  are  so  essential  for 
the  proletariat  in  its  class  struggle  are 
now  in  danger.  It  is  clear  that  the  Czar, 
the  Qrand  Duke  of  Finland,  has  the  aid 
of  the  exploiting  class  of  Finland  in  his 
efforts  to  suppress  the  workers.  The  ex- 
ploiting class  there,  as  everywhere,  have 
forgotten  all  the  beautiful  phrases  about 
liberty,  patriotism,  constitutionality  and 
legality,  which  were  so  often  on  their  lips 
before  the  proletariat  began  to  gather  un- 
der  the   red   banner. 

Though  the  Socialists  of  Finland  are 
proud  of  having  been  able,  first,  to  secure 
universal  suffrage  for  all  men  and  women, 
and  second,  to  gather  over  330,000  votes 
for  socialism  during  the  last  four  years, 
giving  us  87  representatives  in  the  Fin- 
nish Parliament  out  of  a  total  of  two 
hundred,  twelve  of  these  socialist  repre- 
sentatives being  women;  yet  Uje  prole- 
tariat of  Finland  well  understand  that 
their  fight  is  only  a  part  of  the  inter- 
national struggle  of  the  working  class, 
and  that  the  final  emancipation  of  the 
Finnish  workers  can  be  achieved  only 
through  the  efforts  of  the  united  prole- 
tariat in  all  lands. 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


.sent  when  the  liberties  of  our  na- 
e  being  threatened  more  than  ever 
,  the  eyes  of  the  comrades  in  Finland 
the  first  place  set  upon  a  new  rising 
3  Russian  proletariat;  and  in  the 
jtaer  ri(j  piace>  we  look  upon  the  working 
'nv  ps  in  the  great  industries  of  Capital- 
*r  lr  n,  apprehending  that  their  awakening 
us7nto  a  conscious  class  struggle  is  a  prime 
r'  condition  for  securing  democracy  and  lib- 
erty of  the  Nation. 

Since  coming  to  your  country,  to  this 
mighty  land  of  industrialism,  and  having 
opportunity  to  travel  considerably  and  in- 
vestigate the  life  and  doings  of  the  people, 
I  am  convinced  that  here,  if  anywhere,  the 
class  struggle  must  be  fought  without  re- 
gard to  race  or  nationality.  I  am  glad  to 
say  that  I  have  found  the  workers  from 
our  little  land,  whom  Capitalism  has  driv- 
en here  in  search  of  a  labor  market  and 
for  a  time  to  sell  their  labor  power  for  a 
small  consideration,  have  now  in  great 
numbers  learned  to  speak  the  interna- 
tional language  of  the  working  class  in 
strikes,  demonstrations,  and  at  the  ballot 
box,  together  with  the  American  working 
men.  I  am  glad  also  to  see  that  they  are 
endeavoring  to  bring  themselves  closer 
and  closer  to  the  American  working  class 
and  with  that  end  in  view  have  started  a 
college  for  Finnish  Socialists,  which,  they 
are  busy  moulding  into  a  real  Socialist 
College  for  the  use  of  American  workers. 
My  dear  Comrades!  Returning  to  the 
Finnish  question  I  would  like  tc  say  fur- 
ther that  I  would  like  to  direct  your  at- 
tention to  the  proletariat  in  that  corner  of 
the  world,  and  I  am  convinced  that  you 
will  grant  your  moral  support  and  sym- 
pathy with  the  struggle  of  our  Comrades 
there,  especially  at  this  time  when  the 
struggle  is  approaching  its  climax.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  FOREIGN- 
SPEAKING    ORGANIZATIONS. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  before 
the  house  is  the  report  of  the  Committee 
on  International  Relations  to  which  two 
amendments  have  been  offered.  I  under- 
stand that  there  is  some  desire  that  copies 
of  these  reports  of  committees  be  general- 
ly distributed  or  at  least  that  they  should 
reach  every  delegate. 

DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):  I  thin*  it  is  due 
to  the  delegates  of  this  convention  that 
every  report  shall  be  printed  in  order  that 
we  may  know  exactly  what  we  are  voting 
on.  I  move  therefore  that  we  discontinue 
the  discussion  of  the  report  at  this  time 
and  ask  to  have  it  immediately  printed. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  I  move  to 
table  that  motion. 

The  motion   to  table  was  lost. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  now  is 
upon  the  postpopement  of  consideration 
until  such  time  as  the  report  is  printed. 

DEL.  STREBEL  (N.  Y.):  I  wish  to  in- 
quire if  this  action  is  deferred  whether 
any  other  committee  is  ready  to  report. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  is  unable 
to  reply  to  that  question.  Are  you  ready 
for  the  question  of  postponing  action  on 
the  report? 

The  motion  of  Delegate  Goebel  was  then 
declared  lost. 

DEL.  MAHONEY  (Mass.):  I  move  the 
previous  question. 

The  motion  for  the  previous  question 
was  seconded  and  carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  now 
comes  upon  the  report  of  the  committee 
and  the  pending  amendment.  One  on  one 
side  and  one  on  the  other  are  entitled  to 
five  minutes  each.     The  Chair   in  view  of 


the  number  desiring  to  speak,  will  g 
the  floor  to  members  of  delegations  tl 
have  not  spoken  upon  the  question.  De 
gate  Spargo  of  Vermont. 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  Has  i 
Delegate  Spargo  spoken  on  this  questio 
That  is  a  point  of  information. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Under  parliamenta 
rules  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  point 
information.  While  every  one  of  the  del 
gates  may  need  information  the  Chs 
will  not  recognize  it.  Delegate  Spargo  h 
the   floor. 

DEL.  SPARGO  (Vt.):  I  ask  the  del 
gates  to  vote  in  favor  of  the  adoption 
the  report  of  the  committee.  I  ask  that 
view  of  the  experience  that  we  have  h; 
on  the  National  Executive  Committee  dul 
ing  all  the  years  that  I  have  been  on  th; 
committee.  It  has  been  one  of  the  grea 
est  possible  difficulties  to  know  how 
organize  efficiently  our  foreign-speakir 
proletariat  in  a  country  where  the  prol< 
tariat  is  becoming  overwhelmingly  foreig 
speaking.  I  say  to  you  that  the  idea  thi 
it  can  be  handled  by  distinct  committee 
is  not  borne  out  by  the  experience  of  01 
committee.  It  is  not  borne  out  by  the  e> 
perience  of  the  party  in  any  State  in  th; 
union.  We  want  to  enable  our  Finnis 
comrades,  our  Swedish  comrades,  ov 
Jewish  comrades  to  maintain  and  carr 
on  the  splendid  organizations  that  the 
have  formed  under  this  method. 

A  DELEGATE:  You  have  no  foreigner 
in  Vermont.     What  do  you  know  about  it 

DEL.  SPARGO:  It  is  not  true  that  w 
have  no  foreigners  in  the  State  of  Ver 
mont.  We  depend  very  largely  in  th 
State  of  Vermont  for  our  movement  upoi 
the  foreigner  in  the  industrial  centers 
and  so  far  as  we  are  concerned  the  indus 
trial  life  of  Vermont  is  very  largely  main> 
tained  by  a  foreign-speaking  proletariat 
I  believe  that  the  arrangement  propose! 
by  the  committee  is  the  very  best  arrange^ 
ment  that  we  can  possibly  have.  On  th< 
other  hand  I  believe  that  the  amendment! 
proposed  are  fatal  to  any  effective  organi? 
zation  of  our  foreign-speaking  comrade* 
in  this  country.  It  is  said  by  way  of  ob- 
jection to  the  report,  and  in  support  of  th< 
amendment  that  is  offered,  that  foreigi 
speaking  comrades  who  have  learned  tc 
speak  English  draw  out  of  the  English- 
speaking  locals  and  go  into  the  foreign* 
speaking  locals.  That  is  not  an  objection 
It  is  a  big  advantage.  That  is  what  w« 
want  to  do.  What  can  we  ask  better  thai 
when  a  comrade  coming  from  Italy  01 
some  other  country  has  been  in  the  coun- 
try Ipng  enough  to  learn  the  languages 
and  in  the  movement  long  enough  to  un- 
derstand our  party,  where  can  we  use  hinj 
better,  in  our  English  speaking  branches 
or  in  the  branches  among  the  people  from 
his  own  country,  who  must  go  through  th<- 
same  evolution  and  who  need  his  help; 
his  guidance  and  his  experience,  if  we  arc- 
ever  to  have  an  effective  organization  ol 
those  people?  Vote  down  the  amendment? 
and  adopt  the  report  of  the  committee  as 
it  stands. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  It  is  unfor- 
tunate for  delegates  to  speak  on  a  subject 
that  they  know  nothing  about.  This  is 
not  a  question  of  abolishing  the  foreign 
organizations.  That  is  point  number  one. 
Nobody  wants  to  abolish  them,  and  there- 
fore, that  need  not  be  discussed.  The 
foreign  organizations  will  remain,  wheth- 
er you  vote  for  the  original  motion  or  for 
the  amendment.  There  is  no  question  here 
of  abolishing  the  translator  secretaries. 
They  will  remain  as  they  are,  whether 
you  vote  for  the  original  motion  or  adopt 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


amendment,  so  that  all  that  eloquence 
wasted.     What  is  desired  here  is  that 
language    branches   should    remain   as 
are,  having  the  translator  secretaries 
hey    have    them,    but    that    instead    of 
ng    their    due    stamps    from    the    na- 
il office  through  the  translators,   they 
thrm    from    the    locals    and    branches 
sta-^e  officers,  and  that  is  all  that  is  to 
iscissed.    Now,  it  is  said  here  that  the 
is'    organization  is  the  most  success- 
or,   and    that    therefore,    they    must 
itain    the     status    quo.      The    Finnish 
nization  is  the  most  successful  of  all 
i  foreign    organizations.      The    bulk    of 
nembers  pay  dues  to  the  state  organi- 
>n  and   not    co    the   national    executive 
nittee.     There  is  only  one  Finnish  or- 
zation  in   the   state   of  New   York   be- 
ing   to    the    Socialist    party    that   pays 
to    th      national    organization.      The 
pay  d'    ;S  to  the  different  locals  or  to 
tate      rganization.     Here   is  an   illus- 
on    an  .    an   answer    to    all    the    argu- 
s  agamst  the  amendment.     The  most 
ssful     organization     is     paying     dues 
as  the  amendment  contemplates,  and 
the    comrades    representing    the   Fin- 
organizations  are  against  the  amend- 

1  do  not  understand.  There  is  evi- 
y  some  misunderstanding.  The  Fin- 
organizations    would    benefit    by    the 

jtion  of  the  amendment,  because  now 
are  paying  double  dues.     This  araend- 

contemplates   giving   them    a   remit- 

of  dues  which  they  have  been  pay- 
and  therefore,  the  Finnish  organiza- 
should  certainly  support  the  amend- 
As  it  is  now  they  have  to  pay  15c 
and  then  pay  again  to  the  local  or- 
:ation.      Under    the    present    arrange- 

what  do  we  find?  Agitators  go  into 
Deals  and  pull  them  out  of  the  party, 
lave  that  in  the  state  of  New  York. 
•  a  branch,  many  an  organization  has 
pulled  out  of  the  Socialist  party  in 
way.  Now,  this  amendment  will  re- 
iin    their    maintaining    their    separate 

organizations,  but  they  will  be  an 
ral  part  of  the  Socialist  party, 
e  the  members  speaking  the  foreign 
tages  belong  to  the  English  speaking 
lizations,  it  is  true  they  cannot  cor- 
|nd  or  talk  to  each  other,  but  we  see 

this  difficulty  is  overcome  in  the 
of  the  Finnish  organizations,  which 
ble  to  carry  on  their  correspondence. 

fore,  we  should  vote  for  the  amend- 

question  was  put  on  the  amendment 
e  amendment,  that  stamps  shall  be 
ased  from  the  locals,  and  the  prop- 
n  was  defeated, 
amendment  was  also  lost, 
original  motion  to  adopt  the  report 
le  committee  was  then  put  and 
d. 

motion  of  Del.  Russell  of  New  York, 
iport  of  the  platform  committee  was 
a  special  order  for  an  evening  ses- 
tonight  (Thursday),  beginning  at 
o'clock. 

DIVISION  OF  TIME. 
u.  WHEELER  (Pa.):  I  move  that  in 
ses  where  committees  make  majority 
linority  repprts  the  same  amount  of 
)e  given  to  each  report.  This  is  not 
led  in  the  rule.     I  move  its  adoption. 

2  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  will  re- 
a  motion  that  does  not  violate  the 
The  rules  say  that  the  Chairman  is 
d    to    twenty    minutes;    that    is    the 

lan   of  the  committee. 

SPARGO:  A  point  of  order.  At 
me  of  the  adoption  of  that  rule,  I 
nd  requested  from  the  chairman  of 
janvention  a  ruling  upon  that  point, 


and  the  convention  was  assured  that  the 
same  amount  of  time  would  be  given  to 
the  chairman  of  the  minority  and  the 
chairman  of  the  majority,  and  that  was 
the  understanding  when  we  adopted  that 
rule. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  not  a  point 
of  order,  but  if  the  Secretary  has  that 
upon  the  records,  it  will  stand. 

THE   SECRETARY:      That  is  so. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Secretary  con- 
firms that,  and  it  stands  that  the  spokes- 
men directly  for  the  majority  and  minority 
will  both  be  given  the  time  stated  in  the 
rules.  That  stands  as  the  rule  of  this 
body. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  CO-OPER- 
ATIVES. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  committee 
is  the  Committee  on  Co-operatives.  Are 
they  ready  to  report? 

DEL.  GAYLORD:     Yes. 

DEL.  LINDGREN  (N.  Y.) :  I  have  a 
minority  report. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     On  what? 

DEL.  LINDGREN:  On  this  co-operative 
movement. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Very  well.  Under 
the  rule  the  minority  may  be  heard. 

DEL.  LINDGREN:  But  the  report  is  not 
in  print.  Is  it  necessary  to  have  it  in 
print? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Not  at  all,  if  they 
take  your  word  for  it;  if  they  do  not  or- 
der it  printed,  they  will  take  it  for 
granted.  It  is  a  question  of  ordering  the 
printing.  Delegate  Gaylord,  for  the  Com- 
mittee on  Co-operative  Commonwealth. 
DEL.  GAYLORD,   Chairman,   reporting  for 

the   Committee: 

The  Chairman  suggests  that  this  is  the 
Committee  on  Co-operative  Common- 
wealth. Lest  there  be  a  misunderstanding 
on  this  subject,  as  there  has  been,  I  beg 
to  call  the  attention  of  the  delegates  to 
the  fact  that  the  Committee  is  not  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose,  but  to  consider 
the  facts  relating  <to  the  co-operative 
movement  and  to  make  recommendations. 
Do  I  understand,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the 
chairman  reporting  for  the  committee  has 
five  minutes  before  the  vote  is  taken,  to 
close   the  debate? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     I  so  understand  it. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  If  that  is  the  under- 
standing, very  well.  The  report  is  very 
brief,  and  since  it  is  nothing  but  a  plain 
statement  of  facts,  I  will  with  your  per- 
mission read  it  before  any  argument  is 
made. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Co-oper- 
atives was  then  read.* 

(Vice-Chairman  M.  W.  Simons  in  the 
Chair.) 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  This  report  is  signed 
by  all  the  members  of  the  Committee  ex- 
cept one.  This  member  told  me  frankly 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Committee's  work 
that  he  was  opposed  to  the  co-operative 
movement  in  any  sense  and  to  having  it 
recognized,  but  would  not  object  to  its 
being  investigated,  and  would  report  fur- 
ther in  his  own  behalf. 

Now,  the  statements,  which  are  here  in 
this  report  formulated,  coincide  with  other 
recorded  statements  of  the  International 
Socialist  movement.  Delegates  wishing  to 
verify  this  statement  of  mine  can  secure, 
at  the  literature  stand  in  the  lobby  here, 
copies  of  the  report  of  the  Socialist  party 
delegation  and  proceedings  of  the  Interna- 
tional Socialist  -Congress  at  Copenhagen 
in  1910.  I  think  they  will  charge  you  a 
nickel  for  it;  they  charged  me  that  much. 

*The  report  is  printed  in  full,  Appendix 
E, — Editor. 


/  7<-m 


AT   TC 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


On  page  15  of  this  document  is  given  in 
full  the  resolution  on  co-operation,  with 
something  of  the  discussion,  and  there  is 
the  statement  that  the  resolution  was 
adopted,  the  American  delegates  voting 
in  its  favor. 

There  has  been  a  development  in  the  at- 
titude of  the  Socialist  movement  with  ref- 
erence to  the  co-operatives  in  other  coun- 
tries. It  is  well  known  that  in  the  earlier 
days  Lassalle  proposed  co-operative  so- 
cieties which  should  be  founded  by  the  aid 
of  capital  to  be  furnished  by  the  state. 
This  was  ridiculed,  on  the  other  hand,  by 
others.  If  I  do  not  give  this  history  ac- 
curately, there  are  those  here  who  are 
able  to  do  it.  I  give  it  as  best  I  may  from 
such  study  as  I  have  been  able  io  make. 

Others  in  the  Socialist  movement  in 
Germany  ridiculed  this  idea,  saying, 
"What  state  will  give  aid  to  a  working 
class  movement  of  co-operatives  unless  it 
be  a  Socialist  state?  And  then  you  won't 
need  co-operatives."  And  so  for  the  time 
being  that  whole  question  was  brushed 
aside  and  the  political  agitation  concen- 
trated very  largely  the  attention  of  the 
workers  of  that  nation  and  that  move- 
ment. 

Gradually,  however,  there  came  in  the 
insistence  upon  the  possibility  of  gaining 
for  the  workers  some  benefit  through  the 
co-operative  movement,  in  the  industrial 
co-operatives,  and  in  the  consuming  so- 
cieties, as  they  call  what  we  know  as  dis- 
tributive  co-operatives. 

Opposed  to  this  was  the  argument  based 
upon  what  has  been  called  the  iron  law 
of  wages,  namely,  that  it  was  impossible 
by  the  workers  to  benefit  by  any  reduc- 
tion in  the  cost  of  their  living,  through 
the  supposed  success  of  the  co-operatives, 
the  argument  being — and  Engels  made 
this  argument  at  one  time — 'that  if,  in 
any  given  community  the  cost  of  living  is 
reduced  by  twenty  per  cent.,  the  only 
result  will  be  that  the  capitalist  class  will 
then  reduce  wages  by  a  similar  amount, 
and  then  the  workers  will  not  be  any 
better  off. 

In  the  face  of  this  argument,  in  the  face 
of  the  strong  prejudice,  in  the  face  of  the 
well  known  handicap  to  any  such  co- 
operative effort  in  any  kind  of  a  working 
class  community,  the  co-operative  move- 
ment nevertheless  began,  prospered,  grew 
and  thrived  in  Germany,  until  today  it 
takes  hold  of  unfavorable  industries,  or- 
ganizes them  with  capital  owned  by  the 
workers,  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of  im- 
proving industrial  conditions,  and  makes 
good.  They  do  it;  that  is  all;  they  do  it. 
Maybe  they  cannot;  maybe  it  is  not  ortho- 
dox; perhaps  it  is  contrary  to  Mai*x  or 
Engels  and  does  not  jibe  with  the  classical 
literature.     But  they  do  it;  it  is  a  fact. 

Your  Committee  does  not  ask  nor  rec- 
ommend that  the  Socialist  party  of  Amer- 
ica here  today  shall  endorse  the  co-opera- 
tive movement.  The  co-operative  move- 
ment does  not  care  whether  you  endorse  it 
or  not,  any  more  than  the  labor  union 
cares.  That  is  the  fact.  If  you  oppose  it 
you  will  concentrate  the  energy  of  those 
who  favor  it.  If  you  recommend  it  you 
will  here  and  there  temporarily  increase 
activities  which  may  for  the  time  being, 
because  ill  advised  and  hasty,  lead  to  tem- 
porary failures.  "We  ask  you  neither  to 
endorse  nor  to  condemn.  We  ask  you 
simply  to  look  it  over.  There  it  is.  Go 
and  find  out  what  it  is,  before  anything 
further  is  said.     But,   it  is  there. 

We  do  not  claim  adventages  in  our  re- 
port. Frankly,  I  am  convinced  personally. 
But  the  report  simply  says  that  those  who 
are     most    closely    connected     with    this 


movement  claim  benefits  of  three  sj 
kinds,  and  these  are  mentioned  in  th 
port.  I  trust  that  the  comrades 
notice  carefully  the  language  of  th 
port.  Don't  think  we  are  saying  i 
thing  which  we  are  not  saying,  and 
think  we  are  trying  to  get  you  1 
something  which  we  do  not  ask  you 

The  benefits  claimed  relate,  first,  t 
furnishing  of  an  improved  quality  of 
and  other  supplies.  Second,  the  £ 
increase  of  economic  resources,  ir 
control  of  the  purchasing  power  of 
who  co-operate  and  "in  building  U] 
serve  funds;  these  things  are  cla 
And  then,  third,  the  training  of  the  "\ 
ers  in  the  capacity  of  administering 
own  economic  affairs. 

These  are  ithe  claims.  Persona 
think  their  claims  are  justified.  I  d 
ask  you,  representing  the  Socialist 
of  America,  to  say  so,  and  I  do  not  u 
stand  that  the  adoption  of  this  r 
justifies  or  fortifies  or  endorses  this  < 
All  it  does  is  to  appoint  a  committ 
go  out  and  investigate  the  facts  an 
port  from  time  to  time  the  facts  con 
ing  the  co-operative  movement. 

We  ask  you  to  do  this,  your  Comr 
do,  in  view  of  the  failures,  this,  no 
warning  which  is  sounded  in  this  r< 
Co-operatives  fail.  Well,  all  kinc 
business  fail  anyhow.  Even  the  1 
are  busted  sometimes  and  swalowe 
by  each  other,  and  if  some  co-opei 
stores  and  other  enterprises  should 
it  is  of  course  to  be  expected.  Let  ui 
out  why  they  fail  in  a  majority  of  < 
and  find  out  the  conditions  which 
favorable  to  their  failure,  and  find  01 
conditions  under  which  they  succeed 
if  the  investigation  shall  prove  wh 
claimed  by  some,  that  the  America! 
is  unfavorable  for  this  sort  of  effo: 
the  part  of  the  working  class,  let  I 
find  and  report  in  due  season.  So  f 
I  am  concerned,  my  mind  is  open  t 
facts  on  that  matter,  and  I  am  not 
pared  today  personally  to  make  any 
tive  statement  as  to  a  final  convicti< 
am  open  to  facts. 

Meanwhile,  the  statement  that  thi 
no  successful  co-operative  moveme: 
the  United  States  is  not  borne  ox 
facts  presented  to  your  Committee.  I 
rade  Vlag  and  Comrade  Kaplan,  oni 
ing  in  New  York  City  and  the 
Duluth,  both  of  them  having  had  01 
erable  experience  in  the  handling 
promoting  of  these  stores,  and  bo 
them  conducting  a  wide  corresnon 
with  other  persons  now  engaged  in} 
lines  of  business,  reported  to  ui 
facts  as  they  have  found.  In  Wi» 
alone,  says  Mr.  Kaplan,  there  are  urn 
of  100  branches  of  the  American  m 
of  Equity.  Mr.  Vlag,  who  has  hadB 
sive  correspondence  with  those  ci 
on  co-operative  enterprises,  sayfl 
are  upwards  of  100  societies  orgp 
and  carried  on  in  connection  witlT 
organizations  under  the  name 
Workmen's  Union  in  Wisconsin. 
Ian  says  there  are  upwards  of 
operatives  in  the  four  states  of  Wi 
Michigan,    Illinois   and   Minnesota. 

Putting  together  these  two,  it  1< 
though  there  were  about  200  enf 
within  the  knowledge  of  these  c< 
A  minimum  statement  as  to  the  ar 
business  that  these  stores  do  is 
neighborhood  of  $2,500  a  month, 
together  this  total,  it  looks  as 
we  were  justified  in  saying  that  tl 
somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of) 
000  worth  of  business  done  by  tl 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


3i*ises  in  a  year.     That  is  conservative, 
p<  link  you  will  admit. 

ll  omrade  Vlag  reports  that  in  the  east- 
part   of  the  country   there  are   in   the 
U^hborhood   of   500   Italian   local   organi- 
8  ions    carrying    on     co-operative    enter- 
,  ses    of   various    sizes,    and    all    of    them 
t  cessful,    some    of   them    exceedingly    so. 
t    reports    others    carried    on    by    other 
ionalities,  Bohemian,  Finnish  and  other 
ionalitL:s.     There  are  also  other  farm- 
'    co-operative    organizations    scattered 
oughor  t  the  country.     Your  "Committee 
not   *  ave  at   hand   any   definite   infor- 
tion    excepting   common    knowledge,    as 
say  in  the  report,  concerning  co-oper- 
/es   in   other  parts  of  the  country,   and 
epting    that    one    member    of    our   com- 
tee  reported  that  there  exists   in  Seat- 
for  instance,  a  wholesale  co-operative 
plying   goods    to   about    fifty   co-opera- 
i   stores   on   the   western   coast,   mainly 
Washington 

hus  we  ar  •  in  fairly  close  touch  with 

se    differe    c    wings    of    this    movement. 

lerstand  ;  .   once   that  there  is  no  cen- 

l     organiz    tion,     but     that     there     is     a 

lespread    organization     throughout    the 

ion,   in  practically  every  state.     I,   my- 

!,  can  bear  witness,  having  traveled  in 

9t   of  the  states   and  run   across   it.     In 

southwest    they    are    numerous.      An- 

er  member  of  our  Committee,   Comrade 

nbie,   is  in  personal  contact  with   them 

Oklahoma,    and    so    we    know    they   are 

Ire.       We    know    they    are    prosperous. 

know    they    have    been    in    existence 

■lewhere  upwards  of  twenty  years,  hav- 

lasted  over  from  the  old  Grange  days. 

o  we  cannot  deny  the  existence  of  the 

operative     movement     in      the     United 

!tes,  though  it  is  not  unified. 

ow,   if  in^other  countries   the   workers 

e   found    it   possible    to    secure    owner- 

3    by    groups    of   workers    of    industrial 

commercial  capital,  and  to  administer 

use  this  capital  for  their  own  benefits, 

if    the    workers    have    thus    increased 

ir  economic   resources,   have   thus   been 

s  to  fight  their  industrial   battles,   and 

e  thus  been  able  to  finance  their  poli- 

battles,   that  is  a  matter   of  great  in- 

st  to   us. 

i  addition  to  that,  Kautsky  and  other 
ters  in  the  Socialist  party  movement, 
Gonzale  of  Belgium,  have  pointed  out 
fact  of  the  educational  effect  upon  the 
•kers  concerned  in  the  management  of 
se  co-operative  enterprises.  Gonzale 
ecially  points  out  the  necessity  for 
training,  the  discipline,  the  develop- 
lt  of  the  capacity  of  self  control  on  the 
t  of  the  workers  to  enable  them  to  ad- 
ister  the  business  of  society.  And  the 
y  way  to  learn  to  do  is  to  do.  I  know 
no  other  way  in  which  I  learned  to  do 
lgs  but  by  doing  them.  Some  comrades 
test  that  I  talk  too  much.  That  is  be- 
se  I  have  talked  a  good  deal  and 
rned  how  to  talk.  I  did  not  learn  to 
c  by  keeping  quiet. 

ow,  your  Committee  is  not  prejudiced 
;his  matter  one  way  or  another;  and  in 
ing  I  wish  simply  to  say  this:  The 
nomic  conditions  in  the  United  States 
such  as  are  made  possible,  and  some 
ees  seem  to  bring  forth  this  economic 
cement.  #  It  does  not  wait  for  us  to 
it.  It  is  not  our  business  as  a  party 
undertake  the  organizing  of  the  co- 
ratives  any  more  than  it  is  our  busi- 
s  to  undertake  the  organizing  of  labor 
ons  of  any  kind.  But  as  individual 
'Kers,  if  we  find  that  under  given  eon- 
3ns  in  different  communities  we  can 
ent  ourselves  as  workers  and  can  ben- 


efit the  working  class  by  proceeding  in 
this  direction,  we  shall  do  it,  whether  the 
Socialist  party  approves  or  not.  But  it  is 
a  proper  function  of  the  Socialist  party  to 
discover  the  facts  concerning  this  move- 
ment, its  possibilities,  its  history,  and  to 
make  such  recommendations  and  state- 
ments of  fact  as  may  prevent  the  com- 
rades from  making  costly  experiments, 
which  are  unnecessary  when  experience  is 
available. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chairman  rules 
that  in  order  to  bring  this  matter  before 
the  house  the  minority  report  will  be 
heard  before  we  proceed  to  discuss.  Is 
the  report  for  the  minority  ready? 

DEL.  GOAZIOU:  I  was  going  to  make 
a  motion  to  accept  the  report.  I  move  to 
accept  the  report. 

MINORITY   REPORT. 

DEL.  LINDGREN  (N.  Y.):  In  bringing 
this  minority  report  before  you,  I  want  to 
say  at  the  start  that  I  have  no  intention 
at  all  of  belittling  the  co-operative  move- 
ment or  anything  that  can  be  found  of 
benefit  to  the  working  class  as  such.  My 
reason  for  making  the  minority  report  is 
that  in  the  majority  report  it  practically 
contains  an  endorsement  of  the  co-oper- 
ative movement,  and  I  do  not  th^nk  that 
we,  as  a  convention  here,  should  endorse 
anything  that  we  do  not  know  something 
about. 

Now,  I  want  to  point  out  something  to 
Comrade  Gaylord.  He  says  this  is  not  an 
endorsement.  I  will  read  the  first  section 
of  his  report:  "Just  as  the  labor  unions 
fight  for  industrial  self  control  for  the 
working  class,  the  socialist  party  for  polit- 
ical self  control,  and  the  labor  and  So- 
cialist class  for  intellectual  self  control 
for  the  workers,  so  the  co-operative  move- 
ment fights  for  an  increasing  degree  of 
economic  self-control  for  the  workers 
through  the  ownership  and  use  of  indus- 
trial and  commercial  capital  by  organ- 
ized groups  of  the  workers." 

Now,  we  all  know  that  labor  unions  do 
benefit  the  working  class  in  their  fight  for 
immediate  demands.  We  also  know  that 
the  press  and  the  Socialist  party  means 
to  assist  the  workers.  But,  as  yet,  there 
have  been  no  facts  laid  before  us  that  the 
co-operative  movement  as  such  will  bene- 
fit the  workers  in  America.  1  contend 
that  the  conditions  in  this  country,  as  far 
as  the  co-operative  movement  is  con- 
cerned, are  not  the  same  as  they  are  in 
Europe;  and  even  though  it  may  have 
been  recognized  by  the  International  Con- 
gress at  Copenhagen,  we  want  to  take  in- 
to consideration  that  the  International 
Congress  also  endorsed  the  immigration 
question  and  endorsed  the  race  question 
which  when  they  endorsed  them,  they  did 
not  know  the  conditions  that  existed  in 
America. 

The  Socialist  party  today  at  this  con- 
vention, if  a  vote  was  taken  here,  would 
stand  divided  on  those  two  questions,  and 
the  co-operative  movement  as  such  is  in 
the  same  position.  We  do  not  Know  any- 
thing about  it.  Now  I  want  to  read  this 
report  to  you. 

(Del.  Lindgren  then  read  the  minority 
report,  as  follows:) 

MINORITY     REPORT      COMMITTEE      ON 
CO-OPERATIVES. 

At  the  present  stage  and  strength  of  the 
Socialist  Party,  I  am  opposed  to  it  en- 
gaging in  or  endorsing  any  form  of  co- 
operative business  for  the  following  rea- 
sons: 


7riry 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


f 


rlst. 
J^hose 
made 
away 


That  it  has  been  the  experience  in 
sections  where  efforts  have  been 
along  co-operative  lines,  to  draw 
from  the  party  active  members  for- 
merly rendering  invaluable  services  to  its 
propaganda  work,  and  thus  disrupting  the 
party  organization  in  such  localities. 

2nd.  That  in  such  localities  the  funds 
used  in  establishing  co-operatives,  invari- 
ably diminished  the  financial  assistance 
rendered  to  the  party  organization,  for 
propaganda  and  agitation  and  that  in 
this  country,  at  this  time,  there  are  but 
a  few,  io.  any,  sections  where  the  Social- 
ists are  sufficiently  strong  in  numbers 
to  make  such  proposition  feasible  without 
jeopardizing  the  party's  activity  and 
growth. 

-3rd.  That  in  such  sections  which  have 
come  under  my  personal  knowledge  and 
observation,  this  movement  has  been  dis- 
ruptive, and  party  members  who  had  ad- 
vanced money  lost  in  most  cases  all  they 
put  in.  Other  reasons  could  be  advanced, 
but  I  think  the  two  first  are  sufficient  to 
cause  this  convention,  to  recognize  the 
proposed  step  of  going  into  or  endors- 
ing, especially,  business  co-operative  prop- 
ositions as  dangerous  to  the  growth  and 
progress  of  the  party. 

The  impatience  of  some  comrades  and 
their  enthusiasm  to  push  the  Socialist 
Party  ahead,  should  not  be  allowed  to 
stampede  this  convention,  or  for  it  to  ig- 
nore the  knowledge  gained  by  experience 
of  the  past. 

I  therefore  recommend  that  a  commit- 
tee of  five  (5)  be  elected  by  this  conven- 
tion to  investigate  the  relation  between 
the  co-onerativc  movement  and  that  of 
the  Socialist  Party,  not  alone  in  its  rela- 
tion to  the  working  class  as  consumers, 
but  also  as  producers,  this  committee  to 
report  at  the  next  National  Congress  of 
the  Socialist  Party. 

Fraternally  submitted, 

E.  LINDGREN. 
DEL.  LINDGREN:  I  want  to  say  that 
in  making  these  statements  I  speak  from 
personal  experience.  In  Brooklyn  we  had 
three  co-operative  stores  which  failed 
within  one  year.  There  was  probably  lost 
during  that  time  anywhere  from  three  to 
five  thousand  dollars  on  those  three 
stores.  In  those  sections  of  Brooklyn 
where  these  stores  existed  the  party  or- 
ganization was,  you  might  say,  disor- 
ganized. The  active  members  in  the  party 
organization  who  took  up  the  co-oper- 
ative work,  when  these  stores  failed  they 
staid  away  from  the  party  organization. 
It  reouired  us  practically  a  year  and  a 
half  to  build  up  the  organization  again  in 
those  sections  of  Brooklyn  where  the 
stores  had  existed.  That  has  not  alone 
been  the  experience  of  Brooklyn,  but  it 
has  been  the  experience  of  several  sec- 
tions on  Long  Island  and  in  some  parts  of 
New  Jersey,  in  which,  I  believe,  the  dele- 
gates will  bear  me  out.  where  co-oper- 
ative  stores   have   existed. 

Another  reason,  which  I  believe  is  prob- 
ably the  strongest  reason  for  not  endors- 
ing it.  or  for  not  taking  it  up  until  we 
investigate  the  proposition.  is  that 
brnusrht  out  when  Comrade  Kaplan  was 
before  the  Committee.  He  stated  at  the 
Committee  meeting  that  the  prices  of 
commodities  had  gone  down.  I  asked  him 
if  it  was  not  a  fact  that  in  Duluth,  at  the 
time  when  the  prices  went  down,  wasres 
also  went  down  for  the  workers,  which  he 
admitted;  showing  tha.t  the  co-operative 
movement,  is  no  benefit  for  the  workers, 
and  that  we  as  such  should  not  take  it  up. 
If  it  is  simply  for  a  reduction  in  waeres 
why    should    we    bother    with     it?      Why 


should  we  waste   our  time  with  it? 
sonally  I  do  not  see  anything  in  it. 


merely  a  policy  of  Capitalism  of  s* 
sort  which  we  as  Socialists  should  not 
into.  I  move  the  adoption  of  the  Mino 
Report. 

(Motion   seconded.) 

DEL.    KAPLAN    (Minn.):      I    would    3 
to    move    an    amendment    to    the    Majo: 
Report,    unless    Comrade    Gaylord    will 
willing   to    incorporate    it.      In    the    fou 
paragraph    the   Committee    say:      "Foil 
ing   the   path   of  other   national   organ 
tions    of   the   Socialist   party,   the   Socia 
party  of  America  must  recognize  the 
of    the    existence    on    the   American    coi' 
nent    of   a    successful    co-operative    mo 
ment."     If   he   would   strike   out  the   w 
"Successful,"   leaving  the   rest   stand   as 
is,   in   that   section,   I   would   not   insist 
the  motion.      (Amendment  seconded.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  is  a  mot 
to  amend. 

DEL.  KAPLAN:  Will  Comrade  Gaylc 
or  rather  majority,  accept  that  ame: 
ment? 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  I  can  see  what  n 
be  possibly  construed  there.  If  t; 
means  finally  successful,  absolutely  s 
cessful,  I  could  not  stand  for  it,  of  coui 
But,  Comrade  Kaplan  furnished  the  b 
evidence  for  the  use  of  that  wor^1  hims 
DEL.  KAPLAN:  Not  unless  it  is  u 
fied. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  There  are  individi 
co-operative  stores  which  are  success 
and  have  been  so  for  years,  and  th( 
are  many  of  these. 

DEL.  KAPLAN:  There  are  ma 
private  corporations  that  are  also  si 
cessful. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  That  is  not  in  1 
co-operative  movement. 

DEL.  KAPLAN:  Well,  I  ask  whett 
you  will  accept  that? 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  Perhaps  you  bet 
let  the   convention   pass  on   that. 

DEL.  KAPLAN:  I  would  say,  speaki 
to  the  amendment,  that  I  hold  to  this  po 
tion:  Fundamentally,  it  is  a  movem« 
under  the  Capitalistic  state.  If  you  c 
organize  the  producing  powers  of  t 
working  class,  the  producing  powers 
the  farmers  of  the  country,  and  un 
them  as  producer  and  consumer  in  t 
distributive  field,  and  get  the  trade  uni 
movement  into  it,  and  if  then  you  uni 
the  working  class — and  by  working  cla 
I  mean  the  farmers  and  the  city  work* 
— you  have  the  means  and  the  possibi 
ty,  even  within  the  capitalistic  state, 
developing  an  institution  that  will  be 
far  greater  factor  than  the  organiz 
trade  union  movement  of  this  counti 
But,  as  I  say,  it  all  depends  upon  t 
possibility  of  unifying.  Without  the  c 
operative  movement  you  cannot  have  c 
operation. 

I  never  made  the  statement  as  the  coi 
rade  of  the  minority  report  has  tried 
infer,  that  wages  in  Duluth  had  go: 
down,  but  I  did  say,  in  reply  to  his  que 
tion,  that  it  did  not  tend  to  an  immedia 
reduction  of  wages  \in  Duluth  and  els 
where.  To  the  question  whether 
tended  to  a  reduction  of  wages,  I  a 
swered,  yes,  and  I  still  answer  yes.  Bi 
remember,  you  can  reduce  the  cost  of  li 
iner  for  a  year  or  two  years  right  awa 
and  it  is  going  to  take  some  time  befo 
wasres  are  going  to  go  down  in  That  cor 
munity  or  in  the  state  or  in  the  natio 
and  until  that  time  comes,  in  the  meai 
time  you  have  an  opportunity  of  develo; 

DEL.  TUCK  (Cal.):  A  point  of  ordc 
The  motion  before  the  house  is  to  ado; 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


95 


3  Minority  Report.  The  amendment  of- 
•ed  is  an  amendment  to  the  Majority- 
port,  and  therefore  his  motion  is  out  of 
ier. 

CHE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  rules  that 
tarade  Kaplan  is  in  order.  He  has  one 
nute  more. 

>EL.  KAPLAN:     As  I  say,  I  am  in  favor 
the  Majority   Report  with   this  amend- 
nt.     To  /ne   it  does   not  imply   that  the 
onal  Sc  jialist  party  shall  go  on  record 
favor     of    endorsing    the    co-operative 
vemen'      The  sole  point  is  this:     Do  we 
sider    it    important    enough    to    elect    a 
amittee    for    the    purpose    of    studying 
this  question,   getting  all  the  informa- 
i   and    securing    all    the    facts    possible 
m  every  source  available,  and  present- 
them  to  the  next  national  convention 
he  Socialist  party?    That  is  what  I  un- 
stand    to    be    the    whole   proposition. 
EL.   FURMA^J    (N.   Y.):     I  am  opposed 
appointing        committee    to    spend    two 
rs    on    the      ubject,    and    then    come    in 
all    comn    ttees,    generally    speaking, 
t  have    bee.,    spending   two    years,    and 
e    no    report.      Let    every    one    of    you 
ce  yourself  a  special  delegate  to  come 
e  two  or  three  years  from  now  know- 
something    about    the    questions    that 

4  come   before   the   convention,    so   that 
can  vote   intelligently,   without   being 

'  things  by  people  who  have  been  on 
committee  and  who  do  not  know  any- 
g  about  what  they  have  been  ap- 
lu.ted  to  investigate.  We  have  had  this 
Vg  in  Brooklyn,  and  it  has  been  a  pretty 
toe,  and  it  has  been  stepped  on  by 
y  nook  and  crook  that  wants  to  come 
md  utilize  this  proposition  to  impose 
self  upon  the  Socialists  with  co-oper- 
e  stores  and  such  things  as  that.  We 
e  worked  and  did  not  get  any  pay  for 
We  put  our  money  in  and  did  not  get 
ut  again.  We  have  had  all  kinds  of 
ups,  and  the  result  has  been  that  in 
e  sections  the  party  has  been  disor- 
zed. 

^legate  Cumbie  here  raised  a  point  of 
>rder   which   the  Chair  ruled   not   well 


EL.  FURMAN:     I  think  I  am  speaking 

ty  well  to  the  point,  when  I  am  talK- 

about  a   committee   of   five   to   be   ap- 

ted,     which     was    suggested    by    botn 

mittees   in   both    reports.     It   does   not 

e  any  difference  whether  you  appoint 

mmittee   or  whether  you  do  not;   you 

't   get  any  report;   it  won't   be  up   till 

come  here,  and  they  won't  know  any- 

g   about    the    subject,    those    delegates 

ing  here  two  years  from  now  or  four 

s  from   now.     As  I   say,   we  have  had 

rience    in    Brooklyn,    on    Long    Island 

in  many  sections,  and  in  all  those  dis- 

s    where    the    co-operative    movement 

tried  the   Socialist  agitation   was  en- 

e  y  dropped   in   some   instances  and   the 

nization  utterly  disbanded,  and  it  was 

ar   and  a  half  in   one  place  before   it 

restored.      They    had    to    go    to    work 

reorganize     all        over     again,      just 

ugh    the    attempt    to    start    something 

ig  the  Socialists  in  this  country  so  as 

:eep    step    with    Europe.    You    cannot 

e  any  comparison  between  the  condi- 

■.    in    this    country   and    those    in    Ger- 

y.     Here  we  have  a  great  big  country 

a  few  Socialists  together.     You  can- 

l(j  start  a  co-operative  store  unless  it  be 

iguage  store,   where  the  patrons  that 

\i  ,    the    co-operative    will    remain    with 

other  and  go  to  the  store  on  account 

e  language  spoken.     But  to  generally 

te    the    starting    of   business    for    the 

of    uplifting,    as    Comrade    Gaylord 

and  helping  the  Socialist  Party,  it  is 


a  rope  of  sand,  a  mill  stone  around  the 
neck  of  that  section  where  you  undertake 
it. 

DEL.  PREVEY  (Ohio):  We  have  had 
some  experience  in  our  local  in  the  way  of 
forming  a  co-operative  store,  and  we  have 
thrown  away  nearly  half  of  our  member- 
ship in  the  course  of  five  months.  I  be- 
lieve we  may  possibly  in  a  year  get  a 
dividend  of  ten  cents.  The  co-operative 
movement  has  no  business  in  the  Socialist 
movement.  If  individuals  wish  to  start 
co-operative  stores,  let  them  do  it  as  in- 
dividuals, but  not  as  organizations.  To 
my  mind  it  is  like  trying  to  perfect  a  lit- 
tle heaven  inside  of  an  eternal  hell.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

DEL.  ROSETTE  (Md.):  I  move  to  amend 
the  Majority  Report  by  inserting,  immed- 
iately after  the  first  line  on  the  last  page, 
the  following:  "The  Committee  shall  make 
a  special  effort  to  ascertain  what  bearing 
the  degree  of  industrial  development  and 
organization  in  any  particular  locality 
has  upon  the  operation  of  co-operatives 
in  that  locality." 

A  point  of  order  was  made  that  the 
Majority  Report  was  not  before  the  house 
for  consideration. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  believe  the  point 
of  order  is  well  taken,  and  that  the 
Chair  probably  ruled  wrong  in  the  case 
of  Comrade  Kaplan.  Let  us  dispose  of  the 
Minority  Report.  I  will  hear  the  comrade 
from  New  York. 

DEL.  BURCKLE  (N.  Y.):  I  would  like 
to  go  on  record  as  opposed  to  the  Majority 
Report,  for  the  simple  reason  that  I  am 
absolutely  convinced  that  if  we  are  going 
to  endorse  the  Majority  Report  it  only 
means  that  we  are  going  to  absorb  a 
great  amount  of  energy.  I  am,  on  the 
other  hand,  also  absolutely  convinced  that 
if  we  are  going  to  concentrate  our  entire 
energy  on  the  political  field  with  all  these 
questions,  which  are  nothing  else  but 
mere  branches  of  the  immediate  demands 
for  the  solution  of  the  evils  in  society, 
we  will  be  absolutely  wasting  our  energy 
over  these  demands,  whatever  they  may 
be.  Therefore>  I  say,  comrades,  I  am  con- 
vinced that  we  have  no  right  to  destroy, 
indirectly  or  directly,  our  activity  by 
separating  and  organizing  various  organi- 
zations. I  would  be  in  favor  of  endorsing 
the  Minority  Report.  At  the  same  time  I 
would  like  to  call  your  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  minority  as  well  as  the  ma- 
jority demands  the  election  of  a  commit- 
tee of  five  to  report  to  you  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  next  convention. 

The  previous  question  was  then  or- 
dered. 

DEL.  LONDON  (N.  Y.):  A  point  of  in- 
quiry. We  have  a  majority  report  before 
us  and  the  original  motion.  The  minority 
report  is  in  the  nature  of  an  amendment 
to  the  majority  report.  The  amendment 
offered  to  the  minority  report  is  an 
amendment  to  the  amendment.  Thus  we 
have  six  or  seven  diffent  propositions  be- 
fore us,  and  we  will  not  know  how  to  vote 
as  delegates.  I  ask  for  a  ruling.  I  ask 
the  Chair  to  rule  that  the  majority  report 
is  the  original  motion  and  the  minority 
report  is  an  amendment  to  the  majority 
report,  and  that  the  amendment  to  the 
minority  report  is  an  amendment  to  the 
amendment.  In  this  way  you  will  have 
the  entire  question  before  the  convention. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  shall  rule  as  I 
started  to  rule  in  the  beginning,  that  the 
majority  report  is  before  the  house,  that 
the  minority  report  is  an  amendment,  and 
that  we  now  have  an  amendment  to  an 
amendment. 


77 

796 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


DEL.  GAYLORD:  A  matter  of  personal 
privilege — 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  Let  me  ask  Comrade 
Gaylord  a  question,  so  that  he  may,  if  he 
will,  answer  at  the  same  time. 

DEL.   GAYLORD:     Very   well. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  Will  he  accept  the 
substitution  for  the  word  "capital"  in  the 
first  paragraph,  of  the  words  "the  means 
of  production  and  distribution?" 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  In  place  of  "indus- 
trial and  commercial   capital?" 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:     Yes. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  If  the  comrades  will 
wait  a  moment,  I  think  Comrade  Slobodin 
and  I  can  have  our  little  scrape  out  and 
tell  you  what  it  is  about.  His  question 
is  this:  Whether  or  not  the  majority  will 
consent  to  strike  out  the  words  "indus- 
trial  and   commercial    capital." 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  Only  the  word  "cap- 
ital." 

DEL.  GAYLORD:     Only  the  word  "cap- 
ital?" 
•  DEL.  SLOBODIN:     Yes. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  That  would  confuse  it. 
Insert  in  place  of  "capital,"  his  suggestion 
is,  the  words  "means  of  production  and 
distribution,"  and  see  what  you  would 
have  then.  You  would  have  then  "use 
of  industrial  and  commercial  means  of 
production  and  distribution."  But  that  is 
tautology.  I  do  not  accept  it  in  that 
form.  Now,  with  reference  to  that,  I  am 
perfectly  willing  to  have  as  much  more 
discussion  as  may  be  brought  about,  but 
following  out  the  ruling  of  the  Chair.  If 
the  Minority  Report  is  disposed  of  I  shall 
endeavor  to  correct  the  omission  by 
moving  at  once  the  adoption  of  the  ma- 
jority report.  That  would  leave  room 
then  directly  for  amendments  to  the  ma- 
jority report  if  that  is  to  be  adopted.  I 
saw.  when  I  sat  down,  that  I  had  omitted 
to  move  the  adoption  of  this  report.  When 
the  Chairman  entertained  the  motion  on 
the  Minority  Report  I  was  willing  to  let 
the  matter  move  in  that  way,  seeing  that 
the  process  would  bring  in  the  course  of 
time"  the  majority  report  before  us  if  the 
minority  report  was  disposed  of  by  rejec- 
tion. 

(Del.  Carey  resumed  the  Chair.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  is  informed 
that  the  previous  question  has  been  or- 
dered and  that  one  on  each  side  has  spok- 
en. The  next  business  before  the  house  is 
action  on  the  matter  before  the  house. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.):  I  want 
five  minutes  against  the  proposition.  I 
am  in  touch  with  a  co-operative  move- 
ment, and  a  successful  movement  as  far 
as  business  goes.  But,  the  workers  who 
started  that  co-operative  movement  are 
not  a  bit  better  off  today.  It  does  a  busi- 
ness of  $5,000,000  a  year,  with  its  agents 
in  New  York  @ity  and  its  agents  in  dif- 
ferent countries  of  the  world.  The  work- 
ers today  are  not  a  bit  better  off,  and  had 
they  not  dispersed  their  energies  in  such 
fool  things  as  a  co-operative  movement . 
they  might  be  a  little  bit  better  off  than 
they  are  today.  (Applause.)  I  speak  of 
the  co-operative  movement  of  Scotland, 
non-Socialists,  but  Socialists  are  connect- 
and  I  am  familiar  with  it,  my  father  hav- 
ing been  one  of  those  who  started  that 
thing-.  Now,  then,  I  am  absolutely  op- 
posed to  the  Socialist  party  going  on  rec- 
ord as  being  interested  in  this  thing — 
absolutely  opposed  to  it.  (Applause.)  I 
did  not  come  into  this  movement  to  start 
any  benefit  society  of  any  description.  I 
come  'lato  this  movement  in  the  hope  that 
some  uay  I  or  my  child  might  be  free 
from  wage  slavery.  (Applause.)  Now, 
that  is  the  only  thing  I  am  interested  in. 


If  you  are  interested  in  this  thing,  thi 
let  us  get  to  work  and  abolish  the  sy 
tem  and  we  will  attend  to  all  the  oth 
things  afterwards.  The  vital  thing  is 
wipe  out  this  thing,  and  we  will  co 
sider  all  the,  other  things  afterwarc 
Vote  down  all  of  the  propositions.  I  a 
familiar  with  the  co-operative  movemei 
I  do  not  speak  in  ignorance.  I  knc 
what  I  am  talking  about.  We  have  p 
in    too   much    time   now    on    this    thing. 

DEL.  GOAZIOU  (Pa.):  I  take  it  f 
granted  that  I  am  at  this  stage  speakii 
in  favor  of  the  committee  being  appoin 
ed.  If  this  proposition  of  the  majori 
was  to  have  the  Socialist  party  go  in 
the  co-operative  movement  I  would 
opposed  to  it.  The  proposition,  as  I  u 
derstand  it,  is  to  have  a  committee  to  i 
vestigate  the  co-operative  movement  ai 
see  if  there  is  anything  in  it  that  w 
be  favorable  to  the  working  class.  No 
some  of  the  comrades  here  have  sho\ 
you  that  the  co-operative  movements 
their  localities  have  been  a  source 
danger,  that  they  have  been  failures,  a: 
so  on.  We  have  started  in  many  locai 
ties  local  branches  of  the  Socialist  par 
which  have  failed,  and  still  we  try 
start  again  and  try  to  do  better.  I  ha 
been  connected  with  a  co-operative  sto 
for  about  ten  years,  but  that  has  n 
detracted,  as  some  comrade  has  sa: 
from  my  activity  in  the  Socialist  mov 
ment.  We  have  one  of  the  most  su 
cessful  co-operative  stores  in  the  cou 
try,  doing  a  business  of  over  $1,000 
week  simply  in  groceries.  The  manag 
of  that  co-operative  is  -one  of  our  ma 
active  Socialists  in  Charleroi.  It  has  n 
detracted  from  his  activity  as  a  memb< 
We  do  not  come  to  the  Socialist  mov 
meht;  the  majority  of  our  members  a 
ed  with  it.  And  here  is  what  we  ha 
done:  Our  co-operative  movement  h 
paid  higher  wages  to  the  employes,  ai 
by  doing  so  has  forced  higher  wages 
some  of  the  other  stores  in  town.  "V 
have  always  been  the  first  in  town 
sign  the  agreement  with  the  Clerl 
Union.  We  have  tried  to  raise  the  stan 
ard  of  wages  in  the  town,  showing  a  d 
operative  store  well  managed  to  be 
help  to  the  people  who  have  a  litl 
money    to    devote    to    Socialism.     NowM 

?o  not  draw  any  large  amount  of  mon 
rom  the  co-operative,  but  I  do  not  pi 
any  more  for  my  groceries  in  the  c 
operative  store  than  I  would  elsewhej 
and  every  two  or  three  months  I  recel 
a  dividend,  if  you  like,  of  two  or  thr 
dollars,  which  I  can  devote  to  the  9 
cialist  movement  where  otherwise  tl 
two  or  three  dollars  would  have  gone* 
some  petty  bourgeois  or  some  capital] 
concern  in  Charleroi,  which  would  j 
used  against  Socialism  because  they  a 
all  opposed  to  it.  I  would  not  deal  wl 
the  enemy.  At  present  we  are  simj 
helping  to  enrich  our  enemies,  andj 
the  working  class  can  learn  to  co-op! 
ate  and  do  away  with  the  middle  mi 
and  keep  for  themselves  whatever  111 
there  is  to  be  gained,  while  fightfl 
against  the  capitalist  system,  by  causi 
the  downfall  of  the  middle  man,  let  $ 
stand  by  the  movement.  (Applause.)  0 
That  some  co-operatives  have  failedf 
no  argument.  When  our  co-oper£ 
movement  started,  the  first  year  we 
$1,000  behind.  But  we  learned.  Coi 
Gaylord  has  well  said  that  it  is  in 
things  that  you  learn.  But  let  me  I 
to  you  that  this  is  not  a  proposition  I 
the  Socialist  party  to  go  into  the  J 
operative  movement.  It  is  a  propositi 
to    have    the    co-operative    movement  J 


ilrrt 
■rati 

>mra 
doll 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


vestigated  and  to  give  us  some  more 
knowledge  on  that  movement.  I  hope 
this  convention  will  adopt  this  proposi- 
tion of  the  majority  and  elect  a  commit- 
tee that  will  learn  as  much  as  they  pos- 
sibly can  about  the  co-operative  move- 
ment, and  from  time  to  time  give  us  more 
light,  more  knowledge  on  the  subject,  so 
that  if  some  comrades  some  place  start 
a  co-operative  movement  we  shall  not 
have  as  many  failures  as  some  of  the 
comrades  have  talked  about.  If  these 
comrades  in  Brooklyn  or  elsewhere  had 
had  the  help  of  suggestions  from  a  com- 
mittee of  this  kin£  and  had  started  their 
co-operative  stor'-.o  with  more  knowledge, 
maybe  they  would  not  have  failed. 
The  trouble  with  a  good  many  failures 
Is  a  lack  of  knowledge.  I  am  in  favor 
of  getting  more  light  on  the  subject.  It 
will  be  of  benefit  to  the  workers.  It  is 
«iot  going  to  hurt  you.  And  this  propo- 
sition does  not  endorse  the  co-operative 
movement.  The  co-operative  movement  is 
here,  and  we  want  to  know  all  about  it. 
Vote  for  the  report  of  this  majority,  and 
have  a  committee  elec  3d  to  give  us  more 
light  on  this  subject  (Applause.) 
.  THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  previous  ques- 
tion having  been  or  ^ered,  the  Chair,  ow- 
ing to  the  fact  that  you  adopted  rules  of 
order  that  are  not  clear  to  anybody  but 
the  Chair  (laughter),  will  rule  that  when 
the  previous  question  is  ordered  on  an 
original  motion  plus  an  amendment  and 
an  amendment  to  the  amendment,  it  only 
applies  to  one  part  or  to  the  whole  ac- 
cording as  is  stated.  The  Chair  rules 
that  the  previous  question  applies  to  the 
amendment,  which  was  the  Minority  Re- 
port and  the  amendment  to  the  Minority 
Report.  The  Chair  rules  that*  the  ques- 
tion is  therefore  immediately  upon  the 
amendment   to    the   Minority    Report. 

The  Chairman  put  the  question  on  the 
amendment  to  the  Minority  Report,  but 
did   not  announce   the   result. 

DEL.    SLOBODIN:     There    is   no   amend- 
\  ment    to    the    Minority    Report. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Secretary  will 
state   the   entire  matter   be'fore  the   house. 

THE  SECRETARY:  The  ruling  of  the 
acting  Chairman  was  that  the  submission 
of  the  majority  report  made  that  the 
original   motion.      Isn't   that   right? 

THE   CHAIRMAN:     Correct. 

THE  SECRETARY:  That  the  submis- 
sion of  the  Minority  Report  made  that  an 
amendment  to  the  original  motion,  and 
that  the  amendment  offered  by  Kaplan 
of  Minnesota,  to  strike  out  one  word, 
the  word  "successful,"  from  the  fourth 
paragraph  of  the  Majority  Report  was 
an  amendment  to  the  amendment.  So 
that  under  that  ruling  the  amendment  to 
the  amendment  is  the  motion  of  Comrade 
Kaplan    of    Minnesota.  ' 

DEL.  FURMAN:  How  can  a  comrade 
make  a  motion  to  correct  something  in 
the  Majority  Report  before  a  motion  to 
receive   that   report? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  you  ask  me  why 
comrades  do  anything,  I  never  can  ex- 
plain. 

DEL.   FURMAN:     That  is  all  I   ask. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Very  well.  The  rule 
is  plain  to  the  Chair.  The  question  comes 
upon  the  amendment  to  the  amendment 
as  stated  by  the  Secretary.  This  is  upon 
the  amendment  to  the  amendment,  which 
was   the  Minority  Report. 

The  question  was  put  upon  the  amend- 
ment  to   the   amendment,   and   was   lost. 

The  question  was  then  put  upon  the 
adoption  of  the  Minority  Heport,  and  the 
motion  was  defeated. 


THE  CHAIRMAN:     The  question   recui" 
upon    the    original    motion    to    adopt    the      m 
Majority    Report. 

DEL.  AMERINGER    (Okla.):     I   want   tolLI 
talk   in    favor   of   the   Majority   Report.     I   £ 
want   to  say   that  the   co-operative  move-    N 
ment  is  as  much,  a  part  of  the  great  move-     \ 
ment  for  the  emancipation  of  the  working       V 
class   as   the   trade   union   movement   or  as  | 

the  Socialist  political  movement.  The 
sooner  the  working  people  of  this  coun- 
try understand  that,  the  better  it  will  be. 
The  co-operative  movement  should  be  in- 
vestigated by  every  -Socialist,  not  only 
by  a  committee.  In  the  old  country  the 
co-operative  movement  is  the  strong  arm 
of  the  working  class.  It  is  not  a  matter 
of  starting  a  few  little  stores  here  and 
there,  not  a  matter  of  getting  a  few 
things  a  few  cents  cheaper.  No,  but  the 
co-operative  movement  is  a  Step  in  the 
transformation  of  society  itself,  a  trans- 
formation enabling  the  working  class  to 
own  and  manage  their  own  business.  That 
is  the  effect  of  the  co-operative  move- 
ment. The'  party  in  every  country  in 
Europe  has  taken  a  stand  on  that  move- 
ment. Over  in  Germany,  Ferdinand  Las- 
salle  was  temporarily  opposed  to  it. 
Frederick  Engels  was  opposed  to  it.  You 
say  nothing  will  help  except  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  capitalist  system.  Well,  the 
German  movement  met  in  Congress  and 
sanctioned  the  co-operative  movement. 
Here  are  the  facts  staring  you  in  the  face. 
In  1899  the  co-operative  movement  started 
a  society  in  Hamburg.  Nearly  every  party 
in  that  city  was  opposed  to  the  move- 
ment, and  yet  they  started  in  spite  of 
the  opposition  of  a  great  many  members 
of  the  party.  The  result  was  that'  after 
starting  one  little  store  with  a  capital 
of  $4,500,  ihe  Socialists  of  Hamburg  have 
started  76  stores  in  that  city  and  36 
butcher  shops.  The  largest  slaughter 
house  in  Hamburg  is  run  by  the  co-opera- 
tives. The  largest  bakery  is  run  by  the 
co-operatives.  The  English  co-operatives 
have  gone  into  business,  not  to  sell  gro- 
ceries alone,  but  the  English  co-opera- 
tives today  are  owning  their  own  fac- 
tories, and  there  is  one  factory  belong- 
ing to  the  working  class  of  England 
which  sells  6,000  pairs  of  shoes  every 
day.  That  is  a  serious  question.  It  is 
not  a  little  thing.  Now,  when  our  com- 
rades say  that  it  will  take  the  activity 
of  comrades  away  from  the  political  move- 
ment. Why,  bless  3'our  little  hearts,  that 
is  like  saying  you  can  only  drink  wine 
because  you  cannot  eat  while  you  drink. 
Whether  you  work  in  the  co-operative 
movement  or  whether  you  work  in  the 
trade  union  movement,  or  whether  you 
work  in  the  Socialist  movement,  you  are 
working  for  Socialism.  (Applause.)  Now, 
here  are  some  facts.  In  every  fight  that 
we  have  had  in  England,  Germany,  Bel- 
gium, Sweden  and  Norway,  where  we  have 
a  strong  co-operative  movement — in  every 
fight  it  was  the  co-operative  movement 
with  its  commissary  department,  with  its 
bread  and  butter  and  salt  and  cheese, 
that  supported  the  strikers.  (Applause.) 
While  the  political  Socialists,  in  case  of 
a  strike  of  the  working  class,  passed 
resolutions  and  offered  their  moral  sup- 
port, the  other  fellow  furnished  the  strik- 
ers with  food.  There  was  a  question  up 
of  the  abolition  of  child  labor  in  fac- 
tories. The  co-operative  societies  of  Ger- 
many, Belgium  and  England,  because  they 
were  the  largest  buyers  in  the  field,  came 
together  and  won.  Back  of  the  family  of 
the  worker  are  the  infantry  of  this  labor 
union  movement.  Back  of  the  labor  move- 
ment   stands    the    commissary    department 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION, 


701 


'artillery    of    this    co-operative    move- 

ent.      I   am   in    favor   of   this   report,    be- 

„use  the  co-operative  movement  is  as 
itial  a  part  of  the  great  movement 
or  the  emancipation  of  the  working  class 
jls  the  trade  union  or  labor  union,  as  the 
political  movement  itself.  It  is  proper 
that  you  study  that  thing  and  not  pass 
over  it  with  a  few  idle  phrases,  with  a 
few  mild  words.  I  want  you"  to  adopt 
this  report.  I  want  you  Socialists  to  read 
Socialism.  I  want  you  to  understand  what 
this  movement  really  amounts  to.  There- 
fore  I   am   in   favor   of  this   report. 

Del.  Hillquit  moved  the  previous  ques- 
tion. 

Del.  Alexander  (Tex.)  raised  a  point  of 
order  against  the  recognition  of  Del. 
Hillquit's  motion  after  the  Chair  had 
stated 'What   the  motion   was  going  to  be. 

THE  CHAIRMAN;  That  is  not  a  point 
of  order.  The  Chair  desires  to  state  that 
in  the  particular  rule  in  Robert"  on  the 
previous  question  his  statement  that  there 
may  be  a  possibility  of  a  cuting  off  of 
debate  on  the  amendment  and  yet  open- 
ing it  up  on  the  main  question,  his  state- 
ment lacked  correctness  in  this  particu- 
lar: That  without  specifically  stating 
when  the  motion  for  the  previous  ques- 
tion is  made  and  carried,  it  applied  to  the 
entire  subject.  In  this  case  the  Chair 
said  that  it  applied,  in  the  absence  of 
stating  the  entire  subject,  only  to  the 
pending  amendments.  The  Chair  was  in 
error.  Delegate  Hillquit  of  New  York 
borrowed  my  book  and  read  it  over  again, 
and  he  is  quite  right  and  I  was  wrong. 
I  am  the  only  Chairman  that  ever  admit- 
ted himself  to  be  wrong.  Now,  in  order 
to  in  a  way  console  myself  for  my  error, 
I  insisted  that  another  exposition  of  So- 
cialism should  be  made,  after  which  one 
on  either  side  will  have  an  opportunity 
to  Speak. 

The  previous  question  was  then  or- 
dered. 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  You  have 
heard  Comrade  Ameringer  of  Oklahoma 
tell  us  in  beautiful  language  of  the  won- 
derful success  of  the  co-operatives  in  the 
different  countries  of  the  world.  In  Scot- 
land, in  Edinburgh,  co-operative  stores  do 
millions  and  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of 
business  every  year.  They  raise  their 
own  wheat,  their  own  potatoes,  their  own 
commodities  and  yet  I  want  to  tell  you 
that  the* working  class  of  Edinburgh  suf- 
fer just  as  much  from  capitalistic  despot- 
ism as  do  the  workers  in  the  United 
States  where  co-operation  is  not  a  suc- 
cess. Wherever  under  the  capitalists'  re- 
gime the  working  class  are  able  to  pur- 
chase commodities  cheaper,  it  inevitably 
follows  that  their  wages  drop.  That  is 
a  fact.  Let  us  devote  our  efforts  to  work- 
ing on  the  political  field.  See  where  we 
stand  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  We 
had  that  lesson  there.  Around  Wilkes- 
Barre  we  have  a  good  Socialist  movement 
years  ago,  but  due  to  the  co-operatives 
organizing  there  the  Socialist  party  went 
to  smash.  They  all  went  into  that  and 
were  going  to  get  Socialism  right  away. 
Oh,  it  is  a  beautiful  dream.  It  is  a  beau- 
tiful Utopia.  We  are  going  to  organize 
stores  and  factories  and  mills  and  do  this 
thing.  It  is  almost  as  Utopian  as  the 
I.  W.  W„  and  I  think  the  comrades  who 
advocate  it  ought  to  go  into  that  organi- 
zation. 

DEL.  SMITH  (Utah):  What  I  have  to 
say  won't  take  long.  This  report  does 
not  bind  the  Socialist  party  to  the  co-op- 
erative principles.  The  report  simply 
asks  that  a  committee  appointed  by  the 
convention    to    study    this    subject,    which 


will  give  us  the  data,  tell  us  why  the 
Scottish  co-operatives  are  effective,  what 
are  their  good  points  and  what  are  their 
bad  points,  to  study  the  co-operatives  in 
this  country  and  where  they  are  a  fail- 
ure give  us  the  cause  of  their  failure. 
It  is  simply  for  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  to  thoroughly  study  the  ques- 
tion and  report,  and  therefore  I  am  in 
favor  of  the  adoption  of  the -conamittee's 
recommendation. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  It  has  been 
suggested  that  a  definition  of  the  work 
of  the  committee  be  added  in  these  words, 
"The  committee  to  make  a  special  effort 
to  ascertain  what  effect  industrial  devel- 
opment and  organization  in  any  particu- 
lar locality  has  upon  the  operation  of  the 
co-operative  in  that  locality."  If  there  be 
no  objection  I  will  add  this  as  part  of 
the   majority   report. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No  objection  is 
heard  and  it  will  be  so  ordered.*  The 
question  now  comes  upon  the  adoption  of 
the    majority    report. 

The  motion  to  adopt  the  majority  re- 
port of  the  committee  on  co-operatives 
was  then  carried,  and  the  report  adopted. 

COMMITTEE  ON  LABOR  ORGANIZA- 
TIONS AND  THEIR  RELATION 
TO  THE  PARTY. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  business 
i3  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Labor 
Organizations  and  their  relation  to  the 
Socialist  party,  which  was  made  a  special 
order.  Delegate  Harriman  will  report  for 
the    committee. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  Before  making  any 
statement  for  the  committee  on  this  sub- 
ject I  will  ask  that  the  Secretary  read 
the   report. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  White  of 
Massachusetts,  secretary  of  the  commit- 
tee,  will  read  the  report.** 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  I  move  the 
adoption   of   the  report. 

The  motion  was  seconded  from  all  parts 
of   the    hall. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN  (Cal.):  I  have  twen- 
ty, minutes  to  speak  on  this  proposition. 

(Cries    of    "Question.") 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  You  have 
insisted  that  one  on  each  side  has  the 
right  to  talk.  I  hope  you  will  carry  it 
out  in   this   case. 

DEL.    HARRIMAN:     This    is   unanimous. 

A  DELEGATE:  It  won't  be  unanimous 
If  you  speak.       There  will  be   opposition. 

(Cries    of    "Question.") 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  will  be  no 
business  done  until  the  convention  is  in 
order.  I  was  about  to  put  a  motion  and 
a  member  of  this  convention  rose  beside 
me.  I  could  not  fail  to  see  him.  If  I 
had  you  would  have  yelled  "steara  roller." 
Now  if  anybody  else  wants  to  talk  they 
will   get   the   floor.     He   has   five   minutes. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  I  speak  as  Chair- 
man   of   the   committee.    • 

DEL.  AMERINGER  (Okla.):  No,  you 
dont'.     I   am    Chairman    of  The   committee. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  Let  me  explain  my 
position.  Comrade  Ameringer  asked  me 
to  make  a  statement  before  this  conven- 
tion. When  he  a&ked  me  to  make  that 
statement  I  presumed  I  was  speaking  as 
Chairman,    but   I   misunderstood    him. 


•For  convenience,  the  passage  referred 
to  has  been  inserted  in  the  report,  Ap- 
pendix  E. — [Editor.] 

**The  report  is  printed  in  full  as  Appen- 
dix  F.— [Editor.] 


AFTERNOON   SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


A  DELEGATE:  A  point  of  order.  A 
Ihairman  cannot  delegate  his  time  to  an- 
ther member  of  the  committee. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  have  ruled  that 
nybody  else  can  talk.  Don't  bother  the 
onvention  by  telling  the  Chairman  what 
3  so  palpable,  even  to  a  delegate  from. 
)hio. 
(Cries  of  "Question.") 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  No  business  will  be 
ransacted  until  every  delegate  has  taken 
is  seat  and  the  Chair  has  stated  the 
arliamentary  status  of  the  matter  before 
he  house.  The  situation  is  this;  A  com- 
nittee  reports  unanimously.  A  motion  is 
nade  to  adopt.  The  Chair  presented  the 
notion.  In  the  absence  of  a  motion  for 
he  previous  question  or  to  lay  upon  the 
able  the  Chair  recognizes  a  member  of 
he  convention  to  speak  upon  the  motion. 
Chat  member  is  Comrade  Harriman.  What 
nore  do  you  want? 

DEL.  HARRIMAN  (Cal.):  I  will  take 
>nly  five  minutes  of  your  time,  and  it  is 
he  first  five  minutes  that  I  have  asked 
he   courtesy   of   this   convention   for. 

There  is  a  difference  between  us  in  this 
jonvention.  This  very  demonstration  is 
:he  evidence  of  it.  We  had  many  a  long 
md  weary  hour  working  over  this  reso- 
ution.  Six  of  us  reported  and  the  other 
;hree  finally  said  they  believed  that  they 
would  sign  it  because  it  came  as  near  to 
;heir  views  as  any  resolution  that  could 
3e  got  through  this  convention.  Now  the 
ivhole  situation  is  this,  in  a  nutshell,  so 
chat  we  may  see  the  reason  for  our  dif- 
ferences, there  are  in  America  two  great 
Movements,  the  economic  movement  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  Socialist  party  of 
the  United  States  on  the  other  hand.  They 
have  fought  separately  for  a  quarter  of 
a,  century  or  more.  The  political  party 
has  succeeded  in  drawing  into  its  ranks 
125,000  or  more  only.  The  labor  movement 
has  a  much  greater  number  in  its  organ- 
ized men.  After  a  quarter  of  a  century 
of  fighting  separately,  after  having  failed 
through  all  this  time  to  come  together, 
for  whatever  reason — I  won't  discuss  that 
now — there  are  some  within  the  ranks  o\ 
the  political  party  that  are  losin  ?  hope 
in  the  efficacy  of  political  action.  I  hear 
a  cheer — I  knew  that  was  true.  _^*i  the 
other  hand,  the  labor  movement  having 
conducted  its  fight  on  the  line  of  strikes 
and  boycotts  alone,  for  that  quarter  of  a 
century,  there  are  men  there  who,  having 
come  up  against  the  trusts,  have  lost  hope 
in  the  efficacy  of  the  strike  and  the  boy- 
cott. Thus  standing  separately,  and  hav- 
ing lost  hope,  they  tend  toward  direct  ac- 
tion or  syndicalism.  Whenever  a  nation 
loses  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  a  prob- 
lem, that  moment  all  the  elements  of  war 
are  present.  Whenever  a  class  or  a  por- 
tion of  a  class  loses  hope  in  its  policies, 
loses  confidence  in  its  policy,  all  the  ele- 
ments of  war  are  there  and  the  idea  of  di- 
rect action  grows  and  a  change  takes 
place. 

Now  between  these  two  great  move- 
ments comes  a  movement,  a  tendency  to- 
ward direct  action,  individual,  direct  ac- 
tion, a  tendency  towards  syndicalism; 
and  this  thing  that  we  have  in  America 
today  is  the  germ  of  a  syndicalist  move- 
ment. And  the  longer  you  remain  apart, 
the    stronger    will    grow    your    syndicalist 

We  have  here  shown  that  there  Is  a 
tendency  within  the  labor  movement  to 
combine  the  trades  into  federations  and 
industrial  unions,  that  the  growth  is  go- 
ing on  there,  and  if  the  Socialist  party 
of  America  comes  up  close  to  these  men, 
makes    their    war    our    war,    makes    their 


struggle — not  for  a  theory,  but  for  breaY. 
— makes  that  our  struggle,  makes  one 
common  fight  with  both  these  powers, 
that  moment  you   will  i  power  in 

the  American  movement  that  will  make 
unnecessary  the  independent  syndicalist 
movement,  and  develop  one  solid,  working 
class  party,  involving  both  the  political 
and  the  economic  organizations  in  one 
solid  phalanx.  That  is  the  proposition. 
(Loud    cheering.) 

Now  look  at  our  resolutions,  and  read 
them  carefully.  For,  comrades,  what  we 
want  here  is  to  understand  each  other. 
We  want  to  know  each  other.  Remem- 
ber, you  who  have  a  tendency  towards 
syndicalism  are  just  as  honest  and  square 
in  your  fight  as  are  those  who  have  a, 
tendency  toward  exclusive  political  action; 
who  have  a  tendency  to  go  too  far  in  that 
direction  or  think  that  all  depends  on 
that. 

Listen!  You  might  wipe  out  political  ac- 
tion; but  you  can  never  wipe  out  the 
struggle  for  bread.  Yet  the  moment  you 
wipe  out  political  action  you  come  square- 
ly up  against  the  army  and  navy,  as  did 
our  syndicalist  movement  in  England,  and 
they  turned-  back  to  Parliament  and  asked 
for  a  law  for  a  minimum  wage  and  mini- 
mum hours.  That  fact  will  germinate  in 
the  syndicalist  movement  in  England  the 
idea  of  the  necessity  of  political  action  in 
that    movement. 

Now  the  question  is,  men  and  women, 
comrades,  shall  we  separate  these  two 
great  powers?  (Shouts  of  "No!")  Shall 
we  do  anything  to  keep  them  apart? 
(Shouts  of  "No.")  Shall  we  organize  dual 
unions,  to  fight  the  political  organization, 
or  to  fight  the  economic  organization?  I 
say,  no!  We  are  comrades  together.  Let 
us  do  everything  within  our  power,  let 
every  member,  as  do  the  Germans,  quot- 
ing from  our  friend  and  fraternal  dele- 
gate, if  not  in  words  yet  in  spirit,  let  us 
every  one  of  us  belong  to  the  labor  or- 
ganization, not  only  belong  to  it,  but  fight 
in  it. 

The  economic  fight,  this  is  the  thing 
"that  catches  the  conscience  of  the  king." 
It  is  power  that  your  class  must  develop. 
You  cannot  develop  power  by  division; 
you   cannot   develop   power   by   separation. 

We  may  have  our  theories,  but  your 
economic  organization  grows  out  of  the 
facts,  and  out  of  the  struggle  and  the 
moment  the  Socialist  party  says  to  the 
economic  organizations  we  don't  care 
where  you  are  working,  what  your  pro- 
gram for  the  struggle  for  life,  or  what 
you  are  going  to  do  in  your  struggle 
against,  capitalism,  this  we  will  do  with 
you    in    one    united    fight. 

You  don't  scatter  literature  when  a  man 
is  starving;  you  throw  a  beefsteak  in 
his  mouth.  After  you  have  done  that  he 
will  read  all  the  literature  you  .will  put 
before    him. 

Now  the  Socialist  party,  as  I  conceive 
it,  has  but  one  purpose,  and  that  is  to  ap- 
ply its  philosophy;  not  to  theorize  about 
it,  but  to  apply  it.  If  our  theory,  if  our 
philosophy  has  not  arisen  out  of  the 
struggles  of  the  working  class,  and  does 
not  enable  us  to  conduct  the  economic 
fight  for  that  class,  then  our  theories  and 
our  philosophy  will  not  avail  us  much. 

If  the  material  concept  is  true,  if  the 
conception  that  men  live  by  bread,  and 
that  their  ideals  are  dependent  on  the 
bread  is  true,  then  let  us  apply  our  phi- 
losophy to  every  struggle,  for  every  strug- 
gle of  the  working  class  against  the  capi- 
talist class  is  right,  from  the  standpoint 
of    the    working    class. 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


i:L.    HICKEY     (Tex.):     Comrades,    the 
.impossible  has   happened.     I  have  been  in 
"the  labor  movement  for  twenty  years  with 
r1  Job  Harriman.    For  nineteen  years,  eleven 
F  months,  three  weeks  and  six  days  we  have 
\    fought;    and    for    the    first    time    in    these 
twenty  years   we  shook  hands  within   the 
last  two  hours.     I  believe,  comrades,  that 
this    is    a    remarkable    illustration    of    the 
growing  solidarity   of  the  Socialist  move- 
ment.    I   have   been   writing,    I   have   been 
reading  labor  resolutions  to  Socialist  Na- 
tional   Conventions    since   Wing   and    Mat- 
chett   ran   in    1892,   and   I   wish   to   say,   as 
one   of   the   committee   that   has   struggled 
away   into   the   small   hours   of   the   morn- 
ing   for    two    nights,    and    then    for    three 
days— I    want    to    say,     that    this    is    the 
broadest    and    widest,    most    statesmanlike 
and  farthest  reaching  resolution   on  labor 
unions   that  has   ever  been   taken  up   in  a 
Socialist    National    Convention.       It    is    a 
magnificent  demonstration  of  our  intellec- 
tual growth  and  understanding  of  one  an- 
other.    The   chasm    has    been    bridged   and 
we   are   now,   I  believe,   for  the  first  time, 
going    to    see    all    this    convention    shake 
hands    upon    this    broad,     wide    sweeping 
motion,    just    as    the    nine    men    represent 
discordant     element     came     together     and 
shook    hands    within    the    past   two    years. 
I   believe    that   it    is    a   happy    omen;    it   is 
a  sign  of  the  times.     It  is  a  sign  that  the 
day    is   not   far    distant    when    from    Port- 
land, Maine,  to  San  Diego,  from  Michigan 
to    Florida,     the    entire    labor    movement, 
economic  and  political,  will  stand  together 
unified  as  a   one,   and   then   we   will   bury 
capitalism. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD:  I  came  to  this  con- 
vention as  a  delegate  at  large  from  Ohio, 
instructed  to  stand  for  the  incorporation 
in  our  Declaration  of  Principles  here,  of 
industrial  unionism,  and  we  have  incor- 
porated that  in  this  report  of  this  com- 
mittee. I  am  satisfied  with  it  and  I  can 
return  to  my  comrades  in  Ohio  and  tell 
them,  "I  have  done  your  bidding,  ana 
we  will  all  rest  satisfied.  This  problem 
has  been  a  complex  problem,  complex  for 
all  of  us.  Let  us  now  simply  vote  on  this 
report,  and  get  right  down  to  brass  tacks 
on  the  business  of  the  convention. 
Cries    of    "Haywood." 

COMRADE  HAYWOOD:     I  feel  that  this 
motion     should     pass,     that     this     report 
v.    should  be  unanimously  adopted,  and  when 
tl  it    is    adopted    I    feel    that    then    I    can    go 
fe  to  the  working  class,  to  the  eight  million 
is  women   and    children,    to   the   four   million 
St  black     men,     to     the    disfranchised     white 
cemen,    to    the    white    man    who    is    disfran- 
giichised    by    industrial    depression,    the    men 
chwho    have    no    votes,    and    I    can    carry    to 
fothem    the    message    of    Socialism.     I    can 
a  urge    them,    and    do    it    from    the    Socialist 
in  platform,  to  organize  the  only  power  that 
st'is    left    to    them,    their    industrial    power. 
h£That  is  what  you  have  placed  at  my  dis- 
B  position,    or    will,    when    you    adopt    this 
y  motion.     To  my  mind  this  is  the  greatest 
'    step    that    has    ever    been    taken    by    the 
Socialist     party     of    America.       It     unites 
Lawrence,  Massachusetts,  with  San  Diego, 
California.     It  unites  the  striking  lumber 
workers    of   Washington    with    the    timber, 
wolves  of  Florida.     It  unites  every  worker 
who    works    with    either    brain    or    muscle 
on  the   American  continent  today.     I  have 
pleaded  with  my  comrades  as  best  I  could 
for    the   recognition    of    the    fact   that    So- 
cialism  was  an   economic   movement -that 
we    wanted    to    recognize    that    the    work- 
ers   should    be    organized   at    the    machine 
so    that    thev    could    carry    on    production 
after   capitalism   has   been    overthrown      I 
have    likewise    urged    that    every    worker 


that  has  a  ballot  should  use  that  ballc 
to  advance  his  economic  interest.  In  Law 
rence,  Massachusetts,  while  only  nftee 
per  cent  of  the  workers  had  a  vote  befor 
the  strike,  since  the  strike  we  have  take 
into  the  Socialist  party  as  many  as  on 
hundred  members  at  a  meeting.  So 
Tom  Hickey  has  shaken  hands  with  Jo 
Harriman  for  the  first  time  in  twent: 
years,  I  feel  that  I  can  shake  hands  witl 
every  delegate  in  this  convention  and  sa: 
that    we    are    a    united    working    class. 

DEL.  AMERINGER:  I  am  really  th 
only  logical  man  qualified  to  talk  on  tha 
resolution.  I  have  been  the  Chairman  o 
one  committee  and  have  inspired  the  ideas 
of  the  minority  on  the  other;  and  I  founc 
that  when  the  Ameringer  of  today  met  th( 
Ameringer  of  seven  years  ago,  he  didn 
look   so   bad  after  all. 

Now,    friends,    the    only    reason    why    1 
wanted  the  platform — .and  I  did  before  we 
agreed,    really   ask   Comrade   Harriman   tc 
speak  for  what  we  then  thought  was  the 
majority    report.     The    reason    why    I    did 
not    avail    myself    of    the    opportunity    to 
address   you   for   twenty   minutes   was   be- 
cause   I    thought    Harriman    could    talk    a 
little    plainer    English    than    I    can.      Not 
that  Comrade  Harriman  has  got  any  better 
ideas    than    I    have — only    I    am    hampered 
by    the    mechanical     difficulty    of     getting 
these    ideas    out    of    this    German    noodle. 
When  I  asked  for  the   floor  here  I   had  a 
speech  prepared,  and  I  am  sorry  that  the 
opportunity  has  gone.     What  I  wanted  tO| 
say  to  you  is,  that  if  Tom  Hickey  and  Tom! 
Clifford   and  Tom  Lewis  are   satisfied,   the 
rest  of  us  ought  not  to  kick,   and  having 
said    this    I    am    perfectly    willing    to    go 
way   down    and    sit   back.      (Laughter.) 

Now,  friends,  we  have  come  together 
on  this  proposition.  That  is  out  of  the 
way.  I  hope  that  from  now  on  we  shall 
have  a  united  working  class,  on  both 
fields.  I  hope  that  the  working  class  of 
this  country  will  not  forget  in  the  daily 
struggle,  its  great  goal,  its  great  ideal. 
One  of  the  missions  of  the  Socialist  move- 
ment is  to  hold  out  to  the  working  class, 
struggling  daily  in  shop  and  mine,  the 
ultimate  goal,  the  Co-operative  of  Com- 
monwealth. 

You  see,  friends,  these  two  branches  of 
the  movement,  the  political  and  the  eco- 
nomic branches  of  the  labor  movement, 
are  just  like  body  and  soul.  Where  you 
have  a  body  without  a  soul,  you  got  a 
corpse,  and  where  you  have  a  soul  with- 
out a  body,  you  got  a  spook.  (Laughter.) 
Well,  comrades,  the  Socialist  political  or- 
ganization, that  is  the  soul.  The  laboi 
movement,  that  is  the  body.  We  have 
had  a  labor  movement  that  didn't  have 
very  much  life  in  it  and  we  have  had  a 
Socialist  political  movement  that  was  ven 
much  of  a  spook.  (Laughter.)  Now 
friends,  as  we  have  both  together,  I  ex- 
pect something  that  is  very  much  aliv< 
in    the    future. 

The  previous  question  was  called  for 
Del.  Reynolds  of  Terre  Haute  moved  tha 
Del.  Garrison  of  Indiana,  the  only  col 
ored  delegate  to  the  convention,  be  givei 
the  floor.  The  Chair  ruled  that  inasmucl 
as  it  is  one  of  the  cardinal  principles  o 
the  party  that  no  distinction  of  race  o 
color  are  recognized,  no  exception  shoul 
be  made  in  favor  of  Del.  Garrison. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     I  will  state  the  rul< 
and    then     recognize    the    delegate     on 
question    of    personal    privilege,    or    what 
ever  he   may   have   to   present 


The   rule 


ndonted  bv  this  convention  are,  TTTat  afte 
theprevl?us  question  has  been  order* 
one  speaker  for  each  side  of  tje  questm 
shall    have    five    minutes.     That    time    hs 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


10^ 


sen  exhausted,  although  they  all  spoke 
r  the  same  side.  Under  the  rules,  sub- 
ct  to  the  possibility  of  an  appeal,  the 
lair  will  not  recognize  any  delegate  to 
ake  any  speech  except  by  unanimous 
•nsent. 

Del.  Reynolds  asked  that  the  unani- 
ous  consent  of  the  convention  be  given 
the  suggestion  of  hearing  from  Del. 
irrison.  Two  delegates  objected. 
THE  CHAIR:  There  are  two  delegates 
at  specifically  object.  The  Chair  is  com- 
lled  to  put  the  motion  in  accordance 
tth    the    rules    adopted. 

The  vote  comes  upon  the  adoption  of 
e  report  of  the  Committee  on  Labor  Or- 
nizations. 

The  motion  was  put  and  carried  unani- 
jusly. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  committee 
order  is  the  Committee  on  Internaional 
lations.  The  Chairman  is  ready  to  re- 
rt.  But  under  the  rules,  resolutions  are 
be  read  at  five  o'clock.  No  other  busi- 
ss    is    in    order. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  The  rules  also  provide 
it  resolutions  shall  not  be  received  after 
ednesday  at  five  o'clock. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  convention  will 
haps  be  able  to  vote  unanimously  to 
tain  my  decision  if  they  hear  the  rules 
id. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  We  adopted  a  rule  that 
resolutions  should  be  received,  after 
sdnesday  at  five  o'clock. 
7HE  CHAIRMAN:  This  is  another  of 
>se  conflicts  in  the  rules.  There  is  a 
e  that  at  five  o'clock  on  each  day  the 
airman  shall  suspend  the  business  be- 
e  the  convention  and  accept  and  dis- 
;e  of  resolutions  offered.  Del.  Spargo 
orms  me  that  under  another  rule  no 
olutions  are  to  be  received  after  five 
ock   Wednesday. 

t  DELEGATE:  I  interpret  that  rule  as 
aning  that  at  five  o'clock  you  call  for 
h  resolutions  as  the  Resolutions  Com- 
tee  may  be  ready  to  report. 
HE  CHAIRMAN:  In  the  absence  of 
printed  rule  to  which  the  delegate 
Is  the  attention  of  the  Chair,  if  the 
retary  has  it  in  his  records  we  can 
30se  of  the  point  of  order.  The  Secre- 
y  declares  that  it  was  not  adopted.  I 
h  that  the  delegate  who  raised  the 
it  would  assist  in  informing  the  Chair 
to  these  contradictory  rules.  In  the 
ence  of  such  evidence  the  Chair  rules 
t  at  five  o'clock  on  each  day  business 
suspended  and  resolutions  are  read. 
EL.  SPARGO:  I  move  you  that  it  Is 
;  sense  of  this  convention  tha*t  the  rule 
adopted,  closing  the  receipt  of  resolu- 
s  on  Wednesday  at  five  o'clock, 
he   motion    was   put  and    declared   car- 

?ORT    OF    COMMITTEE    ON    INTER- 
NATIONAL   RELATIONS. 
el.    Barnes,    Chairman,     presented    the 
owing  report  of  the  committee: 

OMMENDATIONS      OF      COMMITTEE 
)N    INTERNATIONAL    RELATIONS, 
tie    Committee    on    International    Rela- 
s     recommends      that      the      following 

lutions  be  adopted: 

hereas,  The  working  class  of  Mexico 
aaking  now  a  brave  and  determined 
t    against    the    barbarous    tyranny    of 

ruling   class    of   that   country;    and 

hereas,  The  Mexican  rulers  are  now 
:ing  the  aid  of  the  government  of  the 

ed    States    to    maintain    their    position 

■he   backs   of   the   workers;   and 
hereas,     The     interference     of     foreign 
ers   has  always   be^n    for   the   purpose 
epriving  the  workers  of  the  economic 


r. 


li 


fruits   of  their   successful   revolution. 

Resolved,  That  the  government  of  the 
United  States  shall  not  interfere  in  any 
way — either  military  or  politically — with 
the  efforts  of  the-  working  class  of  Mex- 
ico and  other  Latin-speaking  countries  in 
their  efforts  to  free  itself  from  the  op- 
pression of  the  despotism  now  ruling 
these  nations.  And,  further,  that  the  So- 
cialist party  maintain  the  right  of  the 
working  class  of  any  country  to  carry 
on  its  struggle  for  complete  emancipa- 
tion from  wage-slavery  under  any  form 
of   civil   government. 

We  recommend  that  fraternal  delegates 
from  other  countries  be  invited  to  attend 
our  National  Congresses,  and  that  as  far 
as  possible  we  send  fraternal  delegates  to 
foreign  congresses,  especially  to  those 
countries  that  are  represented  by  sections 
affiliated    with   the   party   in    this    country. 

Further,  it  is  recommended  that  when 
such  fraternal  delegates  respond  to  invi- 
tation and  a  speaking  tour  be  arranged 
for  them,  that  as  far  as  possible  they  be 
under  the  directions  of  the  Socialist  party; 
and 

Also  that  a  request  be  made  through 
such  fraternal  delegates  that  when  speak- 
ers from  their  country  contemplate  com- 
ing to  this  country  they  will  get  into 
communication  with  the  Socialist  party. 

And  that  Socialist  speakers  going  abroad 
should  have  their  speaking  tour  managed 
by  the  Socialist  party  of  the  country  they 
visit. 

This  committee  recommends  that  the 
following  subjects  be  submitted  to  the 
International  Bureau  to  be  made  a  part 
of  the  Agenda  of  the  next  International 
Congress. 

1 — High    Cost    of   Living. 

2 — International  Labor  Legislation. 

3 — Trusts. 

Whereas,  The  International  expansion 
of  capitalism  threatens  the  nations  with 
war,  and  adds  to  the  crushing  burden  of 
militarism,  now  resting  upon  the  work- 
ers, therefore,  in  accord  with  the  position 
of  the  International  Socialist  Congress  at 
Stuttgart,  we  urge  the  continuous  press- 
ing of  the  following  measures: 

(a)  The  constant  reiteration  of  the  de- 
mand that  International  arbitration  be 
made  compulsory  in  all  international  dis- 
putes. 

(b)  Persistent  and  repeated  proposals  in 
the  direction  of  ultimate  complete  disarm- 
ament; and,  above  all,  as  a  first  step,  the 
conclusion  of  a  general  treaty  limiting 
naval  armaments  and  abrogating  the  right 
of  privateering. 

(c)  The  demand  for  the  abolition  of 
secret  diplomacy  and  the  publication  of 
all  existing  and  future  agreements  be- 
tween   the   governments. 

(d)  The-  guaranty  of  the  independence 
of  all  nations  and  their  protection  from 
military  attaches  and  violent  suppression. 

In  case  of  war  being  imminent,  the 
working  classes  and  their  parliamentary 
representatives  in  the  countries  concerned 
shall  be  bound,  with  the  assistance  of 
the  International  Socialist  Bureau,  to  do 
all  they  can  to  prevent  the  breaking  out 
of  the  war,  using  for  that  purpose  the 
means  which  appear  to  them  the  most 
efficacious  and  which  must  naturally  vary 
according  to  the  acuteness  of  the  strug- 
gle of  classes,  and  to  the  general  political 
conditions. 

J.   MAHLON  BARNES, 
MAY    WOOD    SIMONS. 
A.     SOLOMON, 
JOHN  OHSOL, 
L.    F.    HAEMER, 
Committee  on   Foreign   Nations. 


0   102 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Del.  Burkle  of  New  York  moved  to 
amend  the  paragraph  reacting-:  "And  fur- 
ther that  the  Socialist  party  maintain  the 
right  of  the  working  class  of  any  coun- 
try to  carry  on  its  struggle  for  complete 
emancipation  from  wage,  slavery  under 
any  form  of  civil  government,"  by  strik- 
ing out  the  word  "civil"  in  the  last  line, 
making  it  read  "under  any  form  of  gov- 
ernment." 

Del.  Wells  of  Washington  moved  to 
amend  by  striking  out  the  reference  to  the 
high  cost  of  living,  inasmuch  as  the  So- 
cialist party  is  concerned  primarily  with 
the    overthrow    of    capitalism. 

Neither  amendment  being  seconded,  the 
original  motion  was  put  to  adopt  the  re- 
port of  the  committee  as  read,  and  de- 
clared   carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Tonight  at  eight 
o'clock  we  hold  a  session  of  this  conven- 
tion in  this  hall,  when  the  platform  will 
be  considered.  Please  so  inform  the  dele- 
gates who  went  out  to  congratulate  them- 
selves on  our  unanimity. 
-  Larsen,  a  regular  delegate  from  Illi- 
nois,   having   arrived,    the    Illinois    delega- 


tion has  had  him  seated  in  -place  of  C 
roll,  alternate.  It  has  also  elected  Ado 
Germer  to  replace  Winnie  Branstef 
who  has  asked  to  be  relieved. 

The  Oklahoma  delegation  has  deci< 
to  seat  M.  F.  Barker,  a  regularly  elec 
alternate,  in  place  of  Pfeifer,  Barker  h, 
ing    been    previously    absent. 

If  there  is  no  objection,  the  delega 
will   be   seated.     Everybody   seated. 

THE  SECRETARY:     A  correction  of 
minutes  has  been  handed  in.     The  mot 
yesterday    morning,    regarding    the    se 
ing  of  a  telegram  immediately  to  the  g 
ernor    of   California,    was   made,    I   am 
formed,     by    Bessemer    of    Ohio,     and 
by  Sadler  of  Washington,   as  I  have  it 
the    minutes.     I    believe    Sadler    voted 
it,   however. 

Another     correction.        The     motion 
adopt  the  third  clause  of  the  report  of 
Committee     on     Farmers'     Program     i 
made  by  Merrill  of  New  York  and  not 
Duffy   of   New   York,   as   I   have    it   in 
minutes. 

The  convention  then  adjourned  to 
p.  m.   of  the  same  day. 


EVENING  SESSION. 


The  Chairman  called  the  convention  to 
order  at   8   p.   m. 

THE    CHAIRMAN:       Under    special    as- 
signment the  report  of  the  Platform  Com- 
mittee  will   now   be   read. 
REPORT     OF     PLATFORM     COMMITTEE. 

Chairman  C.  E.  Russell  read  the  report 
for  the  committee,  and  prefaced  with  the 
following   remarks: 

-  CHAIRMAN  JUJSSELL:  It  gives  the 
Platform  Committee  of  this  convention 
very  great  satisfaction  to  say  to  you  that 
your  committee  reports  unanimously.  We 
take  it  as  another  indication  of  that  spirit 
of  Socialist  unity  that  has  been  such  a 
beautiful  and  attractive  feature  of  this 
convention,  and  without  any  more  pre- 
liminaries, I  will  read  to  you,  with  your 
permission,    this    report.* 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  awaits  a 
motion. 

DEL.  HENRY  (Ind.):  I  move  its  adop- 
tion   as    read. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  call  your  at- 
tention to  the  fact  that  the  editors  have 
omitted  one  strong  paragraph  at  the  top 
of  page  2.  Comrade  Ghent  must  have  the 
paragraph  somewhere.  It  is  the  first  sen- 
tence in  Comrade  Duncan's  impeachment 
of  the  courts,  and  it  ought  to  be  added. 
It  was  in   the   original   draft. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont):  There  is  just 
one  sentence  omitted.  The  whole  para- 
graph   should    reach 

"In  addition  to  this  legislative  juggling 
and  this  executive  connivance,  the  courts 
of  America  have  sanctioned  and  strength- 
ened the  hold  of  this  plutocracy  as  the 
Dred  Scott  and  other  decisions  strength- 
ened the  slave-power  before  the  civil 
"war.  They  have  been  used  as  instruments 
for  the  suppression  of  the  working  class 
and  for  the  suppression  of  free  speech 
and    free    assembly." 

DEL.  BERGER:  There  is  another  mis- 
take there.  In  the  sixth  line  from  the 
beginning  it  should  read  "hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars"  instead  of  "millions 
of   dollars." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The 'motion  before 
the  house  is  the  adoption  of  the  report 
of   the   committee    as   read. 

DEL.  BARTH  (Wash.):  I  want  to  move 
an  amendment  that  we  adopt  down  to 
the  Working  Program,  and  that  the  rest 
of  the   matter  be   taken   up   seriatim. 

Seconded. 


DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  wish  to  offer 
amendment  to  the  political  demands,  p1 
4,  10th  clause.  The  amendment  is  to  j 
clause.  Under  Political  Demands,  dems 
10,   which   reads: 

"The  abolition  of  the  present  rest! 
tions  upon  the  amendment  of  the  cori 
tution,  so  that  that  instrument  mays 
made  amendable  by  a  majority  of. 
voters  in  a  majority  of  the  States.'' 
move  to  amend  the  last  part  of  it  so  1 
it  shall  read  "by  a  majority  of  the  vol 
in  the  country."  A  majority  of  the  j 
ers  in  a  majority  of  the  States  may  h 
pen  to  be  about  10  or  15  per  cent  ofj 
voters  of  the  country,  as  against  80. 
85  per  cent.  We  want  majority  ama 
ments    and    not    minority    amendments! 

Del.  Russell,  for  the-  committee,  3 
cepted  the  amendment  offered  by  ] 
Hillquit. 

DEL.  LE  SUEUR  (N.  D.):  I  wish> 
offer  as  a  substitute  for  Section  5  oti 
Industrial  Demands,  the  following:  j 
the  co-operative  organization  of  thej 
dustries  in  the  federal  penitentiaries,! 
the  benefit  of  the  convicts  and  theirs 
pendents." 

DEL.  BARNES  (Pa.):  We  have  a  nj 
ber  of  amendments  here,  each  sepal 
and  distinct:  do  you  hold,  Mr.  ChairM 
that  we  must  pass  upon  them  one  a4 
time? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  holds  si 
ply  that  at  no  time  will  he  permit  nH 
than  two  amendments  at  one  time  bee 
the  body.  The  motion  before  the  hi 
is  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  cq 
mittee.  The  amendment  by  the  deleg 
from  Washington  was  that  it  applv  ■ 
ply  to  the  preamble,  and  that  the  Wdj 
ing  Program  be  considered  seriatim! 
suggest  that  the  motion  be  made-1 
unanimous  consent  to  take  the  am« 
ments    up    seriatim. 

On  motion  of  Del.  Barnes  it  was  vol 
to    take   up    the   amendments    seriatimS 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  delegate  ffi 
Washington  moves  that  that  part  ofjj 
platform,  up  to  where  the  words  "W« 
ing  Program"  occur,  be  adopted.  Are'j 
ready   for    the   question    on    that? 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  This  wilEJ 
to   the   referendum   of   the   party   meml 

♦The  platform  as  adopted  is  printed 
full   as    Appendix  G,    pages  — . — Editors 


L    m 


EVENING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


j  ship,  and  when  approved  by  them  stands 
3  rather  as  a  declaration  of  the  party.  We 
i  are  acting,  so  to  speak,  as  their  clerk.  I 
suggest  it  might  possibly  be  more  accu- 
rate to  prepare  it  in  a  form  so  that  it 
will  read:-  "The  Socialist  party  declare, 
etc."  Also,  to  separate  it  from  every  pre- 
ceding and  following  declaration,  some 
date  should  be  placed  at  some  point  on  it. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Does  the  delegate 
offer  it  as  a  motion? 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  I  offer  it  as  a  mo- 
tion. 

•  DEL.  BARNES:  I  will  state  that  it  has 
always  been  the  practice  of  the  National 
office  when  platforms  were  printed  to 
state,  either  at  the  top  or  bottom,  that 
it  was  adopted  in  convention,  on  such  and 
such  a  date,  and  endorsed  by  referendum 
vote  of  the  party  on  such  and  such  a 
date.      I   take   it   this   will    be   repeated. 

DEL.  PERRIN  (Ark.):  In  the  last 
paragraph  on  the  first  page,  it  should 
not  be  limited  to  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic   executives. 

DEL.  RUSSELL:  There  has  been  in 
this  country  for  a  great  many  years  no 
other  executive  than  Republican  or  Dem- 
ocratic. Consequently  we  could  not  use 
any  other  phrase.  There  are  no  legis- 
lative representatives  of  other  parties  ex- 
cept the  Republican  and  Democratic,  ex- 
cept those  that  come  from  the  Socialist 
party,  and  we  would  not  like  to  restrict 
those.  This  restriction  is  carefully  based 
and  accurate.  ,You  cannot  include  any 
other  representatives,  because  these  are 
the    only    executives   we   have   had. 

DEL.  PERRIN:  We  have  had  Popu- 
lists,   we    have    had   non-partisans 

DEL.  RUSSELL:  Well,  a  non-partisan 
party  is  not  a  party. 

DEL.  MAXWELL  (111.):  I  move  to 
amend  the  fifth  paragraph  on  the  first 
page  by  inserting  the  word  "rent"  after 
the  word  "extortionate,"  so  that  it  reads 
"The  farmers  in  every  State  are  plun- 
dered by  the  increasing  prices  exacted  for 
tools  and  machinery  and  by  extortionate 
rent,    freight   rates   and    storage   charges." 

DEL.  RUSSELL:  The  committee  accepts 
the    amendment. 

DEL.  RICHARDSON  (Cal.)  :  All  that  is 
needed  now  is  to  place,  at  the  beginning 
of  it:  "The  Socialist  Party  of  the  United 
States  declares,"  and  at  the  end  "Adopted 
at  Indianapolis,"  such  and  such  a  date. 
.  A  DELEGATE:  I  would  like  to  inquire 
if  they  made  the  change  that  was  re- 
quested by  a  delegate  from  Oklahoma; 
I  think  Delegate  Russell  said  that  it  was 
accepted.  If  it  was,  I  want  to  move  that 
it  be  changed  back  like  it  was  at  first: 
'The  people  are  forced  to  work.  It  looks 
like  they  chose  to  work  for  a  living.  No 
one  works  for  a  living  unless  they  are 
forced    to   do   it." 

DEL.  RUSSELL:  All  right.  Any  way 
they  want  it. 

DEL.  MARGARET  PREVEY  (Ohio): 
You  had  an  able  committee  and  they 
have  given  the  matter  careful  attention. 
If  we   attempt  now  to  change   the  report, 

word  here  and  a  word  there,  the  plat- 
form would  be  a  ridiculous  document 
when  we  get  through.  If  we  change  ^ 
word  in  one  particular  paragraph  it  will 
probably  be  necessary  to  change  other 
paragraphs  in  order  to  harmonize  with 
that  particular  one.  I  am  sure  you  will 
agree  with  me  that  it  has  been  given 
careful  attention  by  the  very  able  com- 
nittee  whom  you  have  elected  for  the 
purpose,  and  I  believe  it  will  be  well 
to  leave  it  in  the  form  in  which  they 
ave  reported  it  to  the  convention.  I 
believe    it    is    a    document    that    we    can 


be  proud  of  and  that  we  will  be  prouc 
to  hand  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,: 
and  ask  them  to  vote  for  it.  Do  not 
spoil   it,   comrades. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont.):  I  simply  want 
to  continue  in  the  same  vein  in  which 
Comrade  Prevey  has  just  spoken.  This 
platform  that  has  been  brought  to  you 
reminds  me  of  the  Pentateuch.  There 
are  four  or  five  different  versions  of  the 
five  books  of  Moses,  and  it  takes  a  skilled 
scholar  to  go  through  and  separate  and 
find  out  who  wrote  what.  That  is  what 
has  happened  to  this  platform.  All 
through  there  has  been  the  work  of  a 
skillful  redactor,  combining  all  these  four 
or  five  different  ideas  and  statements  of 
the  same  principles.  It  is  a  very  fine 
piece  of  carpentry  on  the  part  of  the  re- 
dactor. Only  those  on  the  committee  will 
be  able  to  go  on  and  say,  "I  put  that 
in,"  or,  "I  put  that  in."  It  is  put  to- 
gether well.  If  you  attempt  this  process 
of  putting  in  a  word  here  and  another 
word  there,  the  next  thing  you  know  you 
will  have  spoiled  the  continuity  of  the 
whole  thing.  So  I  hope  if  it  is  possible 
you  will  let  the  thing  stand  as  it  is, 
because  if  we  will  have  to  put  this  thing 
together  again  there  is  no  knowing  where 
we    will    get    off    at. 

The  previous  question  was  called,  and 
the  report  of  the  Platform  Committee 
adopted    unanimously    as    read. 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Pa.):  I  think  that 
after  the  labors  of  the  last  few  days, 
with  all  the  diversity  of  opinion  which 
we  have  had  here,  and  considering  that 
we  have  adopted  just  previous  to  this 
another  great  document,  and  are  now 
considering  what  is  in  my  estimation  the 
greatest  contribution  to  the  Socialist  lit- 
erature since  the  Communist  Manifesto. 
It  has  been  said  heretofore  that  the 
American  Socialist  movement  has  not  con- 
tributed anything  to  the  Socialist  liter- 
ature of  the  world.  It  can  no  longer 
be  said.  This  convention  has  done  a 
marvelous  thing;  it  has  leaped  twenty 
years;  it  has  harmonized  interests  and 
opinions  which  any  man  here  would  have 
said  four  hours  ago  could  not  have*  been 
harmonized.  I  say,  I  had  no  hope  that 
it  could  b*e  done.  I  believed  those  opin- 
ions were  irreconcilable,  but  within  a 
few  hours  things  have  developed  so  that 
there  would  seem  to  be  no  place  to  dif- 
fer. The  convention  rose  to  the  occa- 
sion and  we  delegates  here  can  be  proud 
that  we  were  members  of  this  convention 
and  were  able  to  bury  all  differences 
and  rise  to  this  mighty  occasion,  and 
carry  the  American  Socialist  movement 
•over  the  most  dangerous  period  in  its 
existence.  We  are  now  passing  through 
an  occasion  that  was  most  critical,  and 
its  outcome  must  terrify  the  capitalist 
class  of  the  nation.  I  hope  we  may  adopt 
this  platform  unanimously;  -  I  am  sure 
there   is   no   serious   defect   in    it. 

The  question  then  came  upon  the  adop- 
tion of  the  preamble,  which  was  carried 
unanimously. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  are  now  to  con- 
sider the  following  paragraphs  of  the 
working  programme,  seriatim.  The  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  will  read  the  first 
paragraph. 

DEL.  KOOP  (111.):  To  facilitate  mat- 
ters I  move  you  that  in  reading  these 
paragraphs,  if  there  are  no  objections, 
the   Chairman    will    declare    them   adopted. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  "intended 
so  to  do. 

Chairman  Russell  read  Paragraphs  1,  2, 
3  and  4,  to  which  no  objection  was  raised, 


7firv 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


■  And      they      were      respectively      declared 
f  adopted. 

I       Paragraph    5    was    then    read,    to    which 
/    an    objection    was    raised. 

DEL.  ALLEN  (Fla.):  I  would  like  to 
call  attention  to  the  fact  that  this  last 
word  "exploitation"  carries  with  it  the 
meaning  of  land  that  is  used  for  farm- 
ing purposes  today,  simply  because  you 
cannot  run  a  farm  at  the  present  time 
without  exploitation.  We  have  a  Plat- 
form here  for  the  present  time,  not  for 
the  future  commonwealth;  a  working 
platform  that  we  stand  on,  for  present 
use.  We  believe  in  taking  over  all  land 
that  is  held  out  of  use;  but  if  you  put 
in  this  word  "for  exploitation,"  you  also 
stand  for  taking  over  now,  all  farms 
before  we  are  ready  to  take  the  man- 
agement   of    them    co-operatively. 

DEL.  HILQUIT:  I  move  that  the  Sec- 
tion be  amended  by  striking  out  the  word 
"exploitation"  mentioned  by  Comrade 
Allen,  and  substituting  therefor  the  word 
"profit."  .  There  is  apparently  an  am- 
biguous expression  here,  which  may  be 
understood    in    two    different    senses. 

DEL.  RUSSELL:  The  amendment  is  ac- 
cepted   by    the    Committee. 

DEL.  ALLEN:  A  person  cannot  work 
a  farm  without  extorting  profit  from 
laborers.  We  don't  believe  in  exploita- 
tion in  farming  any  more  than  we  do 
in  manufacturing.  Under  the  present  sys- 
tem we  have  to  develop  industries  to  their 
highest  stage,  which  means  higher  ex- 
ploitation, until  it  has  reached  the  stage 
where  we  are  ready  to  take  over  the 
whole    thing. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  Then  the  amendment 
is  withdrawn,  with  the  consent  of  the 
Committee,    which    accepted    it. 

DEL.  MERRICK:  I  object  to  the  unani- 
mous   withdrawal    of    the    amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  comes 
upon  the  amendment  as  offered.  The 
original  motion  is  the  adoption  of  Para- 
graph 5.  The  amendment  to  the  motion 
is  to  strike  out  the  word  "exploitation," 
and  insert  the  word  'profit."  Those  in 
favor — 

DEL.  RUSSELL:  The  Committee  ac- 
cepts   the    amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Committee  has 
accepted  the  amendment,  and  therefore 
the    Chair   declares   it    is    stricken    out. 

A  DELEGATE:  I  object.  Put  the  ques- 
tion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  will  put 
the  motion  again.  Motion  to  strike  out 
the  word  "exploitation"  wias  put,  and 
declared    defeated. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  recurs 
upon  the  original  motion  to  adopt  Para- 
graph  5   as  read. 

Motion  put  and  declared  carried,  and 
Paragraph   5   adopted. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Next  is  Paragraph 
6. 

DEL.  BARTH:  I  wish  to  have  some 
information  from  the  Committee  as  to 
why  this  was  placed  in  the  Platform. 

DEL.  BERGER:  This  is  going  to  be 
one  of  the  great  questions  before  the 
country,  probably  next  year,  and  we 
must  take  a  stand  on  this  question.  That 
is    why    we    put    it    in. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (New  York):  I  move 
to  strike  out  the  word  "democratic"  be- 
fore   the    word    "management." 

DEL.  BARTH:  I  move  to  strike  out 
Section    6. 

DEL.  BEARDSLEY  (Conn.):  The  peo- 
ple should  own  the  banking  system.  Let's 
have    this    plajik    in    here. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  is 
upon    striking    out    the    entire    section. 


Motion   put,   and  declared  defeated. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  is  upon 
striking   out   the    word    "democratic." 

Motion  put,  and  declared  lost,  and  Sec- 
tion   6    adopted. 

Motion  made  by  Del.  Patterson  of  Ohio 
to  reconsider  the  motion  to  take  up  the 
Working  Program  seriatim,  was  put  and? 
declared    lost. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  will  resume  the 
consideration  of  the  Program.  The  next 
paragraph     is    headed    Unemployment. 

DEL.  ROSETTE  (Md.):  I  move  to  amend 
by  inserting  after  the  words  "The  ex- 
tension of  all  useful  public  works,"  the 
words  "especially  those  for  the  produc- 
tion of  the  immediate  necessaries  of  life.' 
My  reason  for  this  is  that  the  extension 
of  useful  public  works,  such  as  for  in- 
stance, although  it  will  give  employ- 
ment to  the  unemployed  will  not  relieve 
'the  cost  of  living.  It  will  make  the  cost 
of  living  higher;  but  if  people  are  em- 
ployed on  producing  the  necessaries  of 
life  it  will  immediately  cheapen  the  cost 
of  living. 

THIj]  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment  is 
to  insert  in  tfiTs  Unemployment  clause,  the 
words  "especially  those  for  the  produc- 
tion of  the  immediate  necessaries  of  life," 
so  that  it  will  read:  "The  immediate  gov- 
ernment relief  of  the  unemployed  by  the 
extension  of  all  useful  public  works,  espe- 
cially those  neccessary  for  the  produc- 
tion of  the  immediate  necessaries  of  life." 

DEL.  BENTALL  (111.):  This  amend-, 
ment  is  without  .the  shadow  of  a  doubt 
a  very  necessary  amendment.  You  can 
employ  thousands  of  workers  in  making 
roads,  in  reclaiming  bad  lands,  in  a  num- 
ber of  what  we  term  today  public  works,, 
but  as  has  been  said  already  by  the  com-i 
rade  who  offered  the  amendment,  this' 
will  not  produce  anything  in  the  way 
of  necessaries  of  life.  All  these  people 
live  on  less  food  when  they  do  not  work, 
than  when  they  work,  and  the  working' 
men  who  do  produce  the  necessaries  of' 
life  will  have  to  produce  that  extra 
amount  of  food  for  the  fellows  who  are 
going  to  use  it  while  they  work.  It  "is 
good  sense.  As  a  Convention  we  must 
see  to  it  that  we  do  not  simply  put  peo- 
ple to  work  as  we  do  down  in  Chicago, 
starting  them  to  shovel  snow — that  does 
not  give  us  any  great  relief;  but  if  we- 
put  this  into  the  platform,  that  we  must, 
produce  the  necessaries  of  life,  it  will, 
give  us  an  incentive  to  formulate  such: 
plans  as  will  make  it  possible  to  produce 
these  necessaries  of  life,  and  I  therefore 
strongly    favor    this    amendment. 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (Ohio):  I  want  to  re-' 
call  to  your  attention  the  remarks  of  Com-: 
rade  Prevey  as  to  taking  snap  shot  amend-1 
ments  at  the  report  of  the  committee.  You^ 
have  already  adopted  certain  clauses  stat-; 
ing  the  condition  of  the  working  class" 
and  declaring  that  their  condition  re- 
mains the  same.  Now  the  comrade  pro--; 
poses  to  amend  this  demand  to  say  that \ 
if  you  put  these  fellows  to  producing ; 
something  in  the  way  of  food  stuff  his- 
conditions  will  be  changed.  That  is  a 
complete  contradiction  of  what  you  have'- 
already  adopted.  You  will  be  better  off 
if  you  work  in  a  butcher  shop  than  if 
you  work  in  a  factory  according  to  that 
argument.  Your  wages  in  the  butcher; 
shop  will  give  you  more,  even  though; 
you  get  the  same  amount  of  money  for 
your  services  in  the  factory.  If  you  don'tj 
want  to  get  your  platform  and  your  de- 
mands in  a  contradictory  -  position  you 
would  better  adopt  them  as  they  stand, 
for  the  reason  that  they  have  been  given 
careful     consideration      after      considering: 


EVENING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


106 


the   different   elements   represented   in 

convention.     They  have  been  weighed 

considered  from  every  angle  and  cer- 

ly    have    been    given    more    considera- 

than  we  could  give  them  at  a  glance, 
n   opposed   to   the   amendment.      I   will 

er  to  refer  it  back   to   the  committee 

further   consideration. 
EL.    BERLYN     (111.):      I    am    opposed 

he  amendment.  Some  people  are  not 
;rving.      As    long    as    the    wage    sys- 

obtains  we  may  mitigate  some  of  its 
8.  It  is  true  that  because  we  pro- 
3  more  food,  more  of  the  necessities 
ife,  that  does  not  necessarily  make  it 
sible  for  the  wage  worker  to  live  more 
fortably.  Look  what  we  have  before 
We    have    the    cold    storage    system, 

preservative  system,  we  are  able  to 
jerve  more  of  the  food  stuffs  that  are 
iuced,   but   in   spite   of  that   the  condi- 

of  the  workers  is  worse.  The  things 
;  ought  to  cheapen  necessaries  really 
:es  them  dearer.  -The  contradictions 
the  capitalist  system  become  clearer 
?y  day.  So  long  as  the  wage  system 
lins  it  is  our  duty  so  far  as  we  may 
ible,  to  mitigate  the  situation  by  giv- 

work  to  the  unemployed.  But  if  you 
ik  that  by  raising  more  potatoes  and 
:ing  them  cheaper  you  are  going  to 
nge  things,   don't  forget  the  other  fel- 

stili    controls    the    rent,    still    controls 

clothes,  the  capitalist  class  still  con- 
s.  The  plank  as  originally  reported 
ht  to  be  adopted  without  amendment. 
el.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):  I  can  see  the 
culty  that  my  friend  from  Ohio  labors 
er.  He  thinks  there  is  a  contradic- 
in  the  matter  already  passed  upon 
the  matter  now  sought  to  be 
mded.      That    part    that    regardless    of 

amount    we    produce    there    is    no    re- 

for  the  worker,  that  has  to  do  with 
Jitions  as  they  are.  And  right  above 
re  we  demand  the  collective  owner- 
that  would  change  it  and  make 
irade  Rosett's  amendment  all  right, 
:his  demand  here  was  for  collective 
ership.  There  is  nothing  involved  of 
ective  ownership  in  this  part.  That 
to  do  with  non-employment  right 
.  The  contention  of  Comrade  Berlyn 
ight.  If  you  take  and  run  a  plant, 
flucing  something  to  eat,  while  the 
Italist  owns  the  plant,  it  would  eer- 
ily mean  that  the  capitalist  would*  own 

product  after  you  get  through  pro- 
ing   it.      This  is  a  demand   under   pres- 

conditions  to  do  all  we  can  to  find 
•k  for  the  unemployed;  and  they  would 

be  unemployed  if  they  were  engaged 
aufacturing  things  to  eat.  vVe  want 
give  them  employment  so  that  they 
'  eat   and   consume    what    is    produced. 

more  you  examine  this  the  stronger 
;ets.  The  purpose  is  to  do  the  best 
can  while  capitalism  lasts,  and  if  you 

this  other  thing  in  we  are  mixing 
lie  ownership  with  capitalistic  own- 
nip,  which  is  a  positive  contradiction, 
ope  the  amendment  will  be  defeated. 
>EL.  ROSETT  (Md.):  Let  us  not  be 
aid  of  making  this  plank  economically 
nd.  This  is  for  the  immediate  relief 
unemployment.  It  is  for  immediate 
ef.  Unemployment  will  not  be  re- 
ed immediately  by  public  works  on 
arge  scale,  such  as  canals.  You  will 
ploy  a  number  of  workers  there,  but 
order  to  feed  those  workers  capital 
1  have  to  be  taken  out  from  some 
er  industry  and  put  into  that  canal. 
•  workers  must  be  fed  somehow.  If 
i  produce   things   that   are   the   immedi- 

necessities  of  life  then  they  not  only 
>rk   but   they    produce    the    things    with 


which  to  feed  themselves,  they  produce 
their  own  wages.  That  makes  it  eco- 
nomically sound.  Why  are  you  afraid 
to  insert  that  in  this  place.  It  remains 
just  as  strong  and  at  the  same  time  it 
becomes  economically  sound. 

The  vote  was  then  taken  and  the 
amendment  declared  lost. 

DEL.  WILLS  (Wash.):  I  am  in  favor 
of  immediate  demands  only  when  we  can 
make  them  so  radical  that  we  keep  a  long 
ways  in  advance  of  the  old  parties.  The 
members  from  the  State  of  Washington 
have  gone  on  record  as  being  opposed 
to  immediate  demands  altogether.  Down 
to  these  industrial  demands  we  have  been 
dealing  with  such  things  as  deal  with  the 
federal  government.  Now  we  deal  with 
something  that  comes  within  the  juris- 
diction of  the  State  government.  They  are 
matters  of  comparatively  small  moment. 
In  many  of  the  progressive  States  the  old 
parties  have  already  put  these  demands 
in  their  platform.  The  platform  is  too 
long  any  way.  I  therefore  move  that  we 
strike  out  entirely  the  program  of  in- 
dustrial   demands. 

The    motion    was    lost. 

Sections  1,  2  and  3  were  adopted  as 
follows: 

"The  conservation  of  human  resources, 
particularly  of  the  lives  and  well  being 
of   the    workers   and    their   families: 

1.  By  shortening  the  work  days  in 
keeping  with  the  increased  productive- 
ness   of    machinery. 

2.  By  securing  to  every  worker  a  rest 
period  of  not  less  than  a  day  and  a  half 

.  in    each    week. 

3.  By  securing  a  more  effective  in- 
spection of  work  shops,  factories  and 
mines." 

Section    4    was   then    read   as    follows: 

"By  forbidding  the  employment  of  chil- 
dren  under   sixteen   years   of  age." 

DEL.  KAPLAN,  (Minn.):  I  move  to 
change    it    to    18    years    of   age. 

The  motion  was  seconded,  and  on  A 
vote    was    lost. 

Section   4   was   then   adopted   as   read. 

Section    5    was    read    as    follows: 

"By  abolishing  the  brutal  exploitation 
of  convicts  under  the  contract  system,  and 
prohibiting  the  sale  of  goods  so  produced 
in    competition    with    other   labor." 

DEL.  LE  SEUER   (N.   D.):       By  the  co- 
operative   organization    of    the    industries 
in  the  Federal  penitentiaries  for  the  ben- , 
efit  of  the  convicts  and  their  dependents. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  I  suggest  that  it  be 
added.      They    are    both    good. 

DEL.  LE  SEUER:  We  want  to  make 
this  brief.  The  substitute  covers  every 
possible  feature  of  the  original.  If  the 
industries  in  the  penitentiaries  are  ope- 
rated for  the  benefit  of  the  convicts  and 
their  dependents  there  is  no  exploitation 
of  the  convict  labor,  and"  there  is  no  com- 
petition between  the  convict  labor  and 
free    labor. 

DEL.  RUSSELL  (N.  Y.):  The  commit- 
tee authorize  me  to  say  that  we  will 
accept   your   substitute. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ  (111.):  I  call  for 
the  reading  of  the  section  as  amended. 

THE  SECRETARY  (Reading):  "By  the 
co-operative  organization  of  the  indus- 
tries in  the  Federal  penitentiaries  for 
the  benefit  of  the  convicts  and  their  de- 
pendents." 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  desire  to  ask 
Comrade  Le  Seuer  why  the  State  peni- 
tentiaries   are    omitted. 

DEL.    LE    SEUER:      With    reference    to 
the    State    penitentiaries    it   would    be    ut- 
terly futile  to  insert  that  in  the  platform 


106 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


and    we   already   have   it   in    the   platforms 
of    the    different    States. 

DEL.  HOGAN:  Won't  you  accept  this 
amendment  that  the  clause  may  be  en- 
larged according  to  your  suggestion  to 
cover  every  phase  of  the  Federal  work 
shops  as  well  as  the  Federal  penitenti- 
aries. 

DEL.  LE  SEUER:  As  to  Federal  work 
shops  in  the  Federal  penitentiaries,  let 
the    committee    work    that    in. 

The  substitute  paragraph  was  'then 
adopted. 

The  Secretary  then  read  clause  6  as  fol- 
lows: 

"6.  By  forbidding  the  interstate  trans- 
portation of  the  products  of  child  labor, 
of  convict  labor  and  of  all  uninspected 
factories    and    mines." 

The  section  as  read  was  then  adopted. 
Paragraph  7  was  then  read  as  follows: 
"7.  By  abolishing  the  profit  system  in 
Government  work,  and  substituting  either 
the  direct  hire  of  labor  or  the  awarding 
of  contracts  to  co-operative  '  groups  of 
workers." 

The    paragraph   as   read   was   adopted. 
Paragraph   8   was   then  read  as   follows: 
"8.     By      establishing      minimum      wage 
scales." 

The    paragraph    as    read    was    adopted. 
The     next     paragraph     was     then     read 
as    follows: 

"9.  By  abolishing  official  charity  and 
substituting  a  non-contributory  system  of 
old  age  pensions,  a  general  system  of  in- 
surance by  the  State  of  all  its  members 
against  unemployment  and  invalidism  and 
a  system  of  compulsory  insurance  by  em- 
ployers of  their  workers,  without  cost 
to  the  latter,  against  industrial  diseases, 
accidents  and   death." 

The  paragraph  as  read  was  then 
adopted. 

Paragraphs  1  and  2  of  the  "Political 
Demands"  were  then  adopted,  reading  as 
follows: 

"1.  The  absolute  freedom  of  press, 
speech    and    assemblage. 

"2.  The  adoption  of  a  graduated  in- 
come tax,  the  increase  of  the  rates  of 
the  present  corporation  tax  and  the  ex- 
tension of  inheritance  taxes,  graduated 
in  proportion  to  the  value  of  the  estate, 
and  to  nearness  of  kin,  the  proceeds  of 
these  taxes  to  be  employed  in  the  so- 
cialization    of    industry." 

Section  3  of  the  Political  Demands  was 
read  as   follows: 

"3.  The  gradual  reduction  of  all  tariff 
duties,  particularly  those  on  the  neces- 
sities of  life.  The  government  to  guar- 
antee the  re-employment  of  wage  earn- 
ers who  may  be  disemployed  by  reason 
of    changes    in    tariff    schedules." 

DEL.  BARNES  (Pa.):  As  it  appears  to 
me  this  paragraph  concedes  the  argument 
of  the  tariff  advocates  that  tariffs  do  give 
employment  to  working  men,  and  so  far 
as  my  knowledge  goes  that  is  not  now 
true.  The  infant  industries  are  fat  and 
healthy.  For  that  reason  until  we  have 
further  explanation  of  the  reasons  for 
-the  retention  of  this  clause  from  the 
committee  I  move  that  we  strike  out 
par-^v^ph   £. 

±we  motion  was  seconded. 
DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  We  have 
avoided  just  the  very  thing  that  Comrade 
Barnes  is  afraid  of.  We  state  there  that 
the  government  shall  guarantee  re-em- 
ployment of  wage  earners  who  may  be 
disemployed  by  reason  of  changes  in  tar- 
iff schedules.  Now  I  would  like  to  see 
any  tariff  reformer.  from  ■  Underwood 
down,  stand  for  anvtbing  of  this  kind. 
There    is    no    tariff    reformer    in    the    cap- 


italist world  who  can  touch  this  cl 
We  have  taken  care  of  an  argumer 
that    kind,    Comrade    Barnes. 

DEL.    BARNES:      You   don't  answei 
point    at    all. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  It  seem 
me  the  height  of  absurdity  for  the 
cialist  party  to  be  monkeying  with 
tariff.  We  are  not  interested  in 
tariff,  low  tariff  or  no  tariff.  The  wo 
gets  skinnned  to  a  finisH;  tariff  oi 
tariff.  The  Democrats  and  Republi 
have  blathered  about  the  tariff  until 
whole  country  is  sick  of  it.  But  if  I 
my  way  you  would  not  have  any  in: 
diate    demands    at    all. 

DEL.  IRVIN  (Pa.):  Clause  3  me 
provides  ^as  we  have  provided  be 
where  in  the  development  of  mac; 
ery  workers  are  put  on  the  scrap  bJ 
In  the  change  of  tariff  whether  you- 
lieve  in  high  tariff  or  low  tariff  wori 
are  put  on  the  scrap  heap.  That 
not  be  successfully  denied.  And  t 
merely  covers  that  proposition  and  m 
ing   else. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER:  I  am  absolu 
opposed  to  this  notion.  High  tariff  oi 
tariff,  it  does  not  concern  us.  I  1) 
where  we  had  no  tariff  at  all  and  I 
just  as  poor  then  as  I  am  now  uij 
a  high  protective  tariff.  I  have  b 
just  as  poor  under  a  low  tariff.  I  d3| 
see  why  we  shoud  bother  with  suoj 
thing.  The;  'tariff  question  has  foj 
the  working  class  of  America  J 
enough,  just  as  we  were  fooled  in  E 
land  and  Scotland  about  free  trade,  j 
open  door,  protection,  reciprocity,  i 
tall  the  other  fool  things  that  the  I 
parties  have  been  offering  us.  Our  dJ 
gation  is  absolutely  opposed  to  all  iml 
diate  demands  but  we  will  have  to  sij 
low  them  if  you  force  them  down  J 
throats.  But  for  goodness  sake  df 
split    on    the    tariff    question. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  We  have  J 
this  very  thing  in  our  congressional  J 
'trict.  John  Dalzell,  the  high  priestf 
protection,  was  defeated  in  our  distjj 
by  a  tariff  revisionist.  We  have  to  sj 
the  fallacy  of  revising  the  tariff.  P 
haps  if  Comrade  Berger  will  get  j 
statement  of  Senator  Cox  he  will  see  t 
he  stated  on  the  floor  of  the  United  Sta 
Senate  in  his  debate  with  Senator  AldJ 
that  so  far  as  the  working  class  is  c; 
cerned  it  doesn't  make  any  differd 
whether  it  is  high,  low  or  in  the  mica 
We  have  had  this  question  in  cerl 
congressional  districts  and  the  man  4 
defeated  John  DalzelJ  defeated  him  j 
cause  the  Republicans  in  that  disfl 
had  begun  to  say  that  it  would  bj 
good  thing  to  put  the  tariff  down.  T| 
would  say  to  us,  you  stand  for  the  sa 
thing  that  Mr.  Kelly  stands  for.  Th« 
fore,  why  should  we  vote  for  the  SociaJ 
when  Mr.  Kelly  stands  for  exactly  j 
same  proposition.  I  am  in  favor  of  j 
motion    of   Comrade  Barnes. 

DEL.  RINGLER  (Pa.):  I  move  j 
previous    question. 

The  previous  question  was  then  1 
dered. 

DEL.  BARNES  (Pa.):  I  very  ml 
wish  that  the  committee  had  vouchsaj 
the  information  in  advance  of  my  arl 
merit  why  they  favored  this  propositi 
"The  gradual  reduction  of  all  tariff  1 
ties,  particularly  those  on  the  necel 
ties  of  life;  the  government  to  guaH 
tee  the  re-employment  of  wage  earn! 
who  may  be  disemployed  by  changes] 
the  tariff  schedules."  There  was  an  ari 
ment  presented  by  Comrade  Irvin  of  Pel 
sylvania    which    does    not    apply,     in   } 


EVENING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  .1912 


It 


judgment,  because  I  do  not  concede  that 
the  adoption  of  free  trade  would  throw 
3ne  man  out  of  work  in  America.  You 
ire  providing  for  that  which  will  not 
happen.  You  provide  that  the  govern- 
ment shall  re-employ  those  who  are  dis- 
employed  by  reason  of  the  reduction  of 
the  tariff,  and  I  hold  and  believe  that 
it  can  not  be  demonstrated  that  anyone 
will  be  thrown  out  of  work,  and  on  the 
contrary  if  we  had  free  trade  tomorrow 
it  would  not  throw  anybody  out  of  work 
Cor  more  than  a  week.  We  are  virtually 
conceding  the  argument  of  the  tariff  sup- 
porters in  this  very  paragraph,  and  that 
is  the  reason  I  am  in  favor  of  striking 
it  out.  But  while  I  hold  to  the  opinion 
that  we  would  not  bring  about  disem- 
ployment  by  a  reduction  of  the  tariff,  I 
know,  you  know  and  the  tariff  tinkers 
know  that  a  great  number  of  the  prod- 
ucts of  America  are  sold  in  foreign  coun- 
tries far  cheaper  than  they  are  sold  to 
us  in  America.  You  can  get  a  Douglas 
shoe  in  London,  England,  cheaper  than 
you  can  here.  You  can  get  an  American 
sewing  machine  in  England  cheaper  than 
you  can  here.  You  can  get  a  McCormick 
reaper  cheaper  in  the  City  of  St.  Peters- 
burg than  it  is  sold  in  the  city 
of  Chicago;  and  it  is  made  in  the  out- 
skirts of  Chicago.  In  the  testimony  of 
Mr.  Schwab  before  the  Congressional 
Committee  he  "mitted  that  he  sold  steel 
cheaper  to  V  _  Russian  government  than 
(he  did  to  Uncle  Sam.  The  removal  of  the 
tariff  would  not  bring  about  non-em- 
ployment but  it  would  reduce  their  prof- 
its. The  reduction  of  the  tariff  will  not 
Misemploy  our  people  but  will  make  the 
capitalists  retrench  and  cut  off  some*  on 
their   unearned    increment. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  I  have  always 
held  that  the  tariff  issue  is  not  a  work- 
ing man's  issue. 

DEL.    BARNES:    That    is    what    I   think. 

DEL.  BERGER:  I  have  always  told 
them  that  there  is  always  free  trade  in 
labor.  That  while  our  manufacturers  are 
protected  by  300  per  cent  in  some  in- 
stances, that  there  is  always  free  trade 
in  labor.  However,  we  are  facing  a  con- 
dition and  not  a  theory.  We  have  to  take 
a  stand.  In  all  the  countries  that  I  know 
of  where  we  have  a  Socialist  party,  the 
Socialist  party  as  such  takes  the  stand 
for  free  trade  more  or  less.  That  is  the 
international  view.  However,  if  we  do 
it  in  this  country  we  face  the  following 
situation:  Entire  cities,  entire  communi- 
ties have  been  built  up  by  the  high  tar- 
iff. If  there  should  be  a  sudden  reduc- 
tion many  thousands  would  be  thrown 
out  of  employment,  and  we  meet  this  sit- 
uation by  this  paragraph.  I  am  not  say- 
ing that  the  Socialist  party  should  make 
free  trade  or  high  tariff  an  issue.  We 
have  a  thousand  better  issues.  We  are 
simply  explaining  our  stand  on  this  ques- 
tion, and  it  seems  to  me  that  this  clause 
is    all     risrht. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  How  are  they  to 
be   re-employed? 

DEL.  i  BERGER:-  The  government  .  to 
give  them  employment.  The  government 
can  do  it.  This  does  not  mean  that  we 
should  go  out  and  preach  free  tra.de  or 
that  we  should  take  a  stand  for  high 
tariff.  It  simply  explains  our  position 
on  the  tariff.  But  for  my  part  I  shall 
never  make  an  issue  of  the  tariff.  I  do 
hope    that    you    will    accept    this    as    read. 

The  motion  to  strike  out  clause  3  was 
adopted   by  a  vote   of   117   aye   and   94   no. 

Paragraph    4   was   then   read  as   follows: 

"4.  The  abolition  of  the  monopoly  own- 
ership of  patents  and  the  substitution  of 


collective   ownership,   with   direct   rewards"1' 
to  inventors  by  premiums  or  royalties."     V 

The   paragraph    was   adopted   as   read. 

The  Secretary  then  read  Section  5  as 
follows: 

"5.  Unrestricted  and  equal  suffrage  for 
men    and   women." 

The  paragraph  as  read  was  adopted. 

Section  6  was  then  read  by  the  Sec- 
retary   as    follows: 

"6.  The  adoption  of  the  initiative,  ref- 
erendum and  recall  and  of  proportional 
representation  nationally  as  well  as  lo- 
cally." 

DEL.  LEWIS  (Ore.):  I  object  to  the 
proportional  representation.  It  will  only 
open  the  way  for  parties  of  reform,  pro- 
hibition parties,  labor  parties  and  so 
forth.  Our  State  legislatures  will  be  full 
of  all  kinds  of  representatives.  It  is  a 
dangerous  proposition.  Are  we  Socialists 
going  to  open  up  the  field  to  give  all 
kinds  of  freaks  to  have  their  representa- 
tives in  the  various  bodies?  Proportional 
representation  means  that  we  are  going 
to  give  life  to  all  the  parties,  including 
clerical  parties.  I  move  to  strike  out 
proportional    representation. 

DEL.  SMITH  (Mont.):  It  seems  to  me 
that  instead  of  advocating  proportional 
representation  the  Socialist  party  ought 
to  be  standing  for  representation  by  ab- 
solute majority.  The  point  of  the  com- 
rade from  Oregon  is  Certainly  well  taken. 
If  the  Socialist  party  makes  as  its  funda- 
mental declaration  that  this  is  a  strug- 
gle between  classes,  then  we  ought  to 
have  absolute  majority  representation. 
We  ought  to  have  either  capitalist  gov- 
ernment or  working  class  government  ab- 
solutely.     I   approve   of   the   amendment. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  It  is  evident 
that  the  comrades  who  spoke  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  recommendation  of  the  com- 
mittee do  not  know  what  •  they  are  talk- 
ing about.  They  seem  to  be  carried  away 
by  a  few  stock  phrases.  This  proposition 
will  be  favorable  to  some  reformers.  That 
is  enough.  That  settles  it.  As  a  matter 
of  fact  the  accepted  position  of  the  in- 
ternational Socialist  movement  of  the 
world  has  always  been  in  favor  of  pro- 
portional representation.  I  do  not  un- 
derstand how  any  man  who  understands 
the  meaning  of  proportional  representa- 
tion can  stand  up  and  oppose  it.  To  begin 
with  there  is  but  one  party  who  can 
really  benefit  by  it  and  that  is  the  So- 
cialist party.  The  comrade  from  Mon- 
tana says  we  should  either  have  a  cap- 
italist government  or  a  Socialist  govern- 
ment. If  that  is  the  case  we  may  as 
well  stop  putting  up  candidates  and  send- 
ing   them    into    the    legislative    assemblies. 

DEL.  SMITH  (Mont.):  I  said  a  capital- 
ist government  or  a  working  class  gov- 
ernment. 

DEL.  SOLOMON:  As  I  understand  the 
comrades  it  must  be  either  a  capitalist 
government  or  a  working  class  govern- 
ment. That  is  identical  with  saying  a 
capitalist  government  or  a  Socialist  gov- 
ernment. I  cannot  conceive  of  a  Socialist 
government  which  is  not  at  the  same 
time  a  working  class  government.  But 
coming  down  to  this  proposition  I  say 
there  is  but  one  partv  that  can  really 
benefit  by  this  proposition  and  that  is  the 
Socialist  party.  You  find  in  State  after 
State  that  already  the  Socialist  party  has 
from  five  to  ten  per  cent  of  the  total 
vote  cast,  but  has  no  representative  what- 
ever in  the  assembly.  If  we  had  pro- 
portional representation  it  would  be  pos- 
sible for  the  party  to  have  representa- 
tion in  the  assembly  in  proportion  to  the 
vote    cast   for   the    party   candidates-      _ 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION. 


DEL.  HARRIMAN  (Cal.)*  I  think  this 
proportional  representation  should  be 
kept  in  the  platform,  not  only  as  an  ac- 
cepted proposition  of  our  party  generally, 
but  it  opens  the  way  by  which  the  in- 
terests of  every  community,  the  varied  in- 
terests of  every  community  may  make 
themselves  felt  within  that  community. 
Now  the  dominant  power  in  a  community 
certainly  asserts  itself,  with  the  modifica- 
tion of  all  the  other  interests  that  are 
able  to  make  themselves  felt  upon  that 
power.  Every  law  passed  by  the  capital- 
ist class  would  be  modified  more  or  less 
if  our  representatives  to  some  extenit 
were  within  their  body.  First;  because 
we  could  uncover  the  graft.  Second,  be- 
cause we  are  on  the  ground  to  modify 
vicious  laws,  which  always  yield  in  pro- 
portion to  the  power  confronting  them. 
Now  this  is  a  political  party.  This  pro- 
portional representation  enables  us  to 
take  a  grip,  to  the  exact  extent  of  our 
power  upon  the  legislative  bodies  to 
which  we  send  our  members.  When  we 
are  in  the  ascendency  then  we,  too,  may 
modify  our  position  because  of  the  com- 
plicated interests  that  resist  us.  But 
until  such  time  as  we  can  bring  about 
institutions  that  conform  entirely  to  our 
views,  this  is  one  of  the  strongest  means 
within  our  grasp  to  split  the  opposition 
in    the   legislative    halls. 

DEL.  PEACH  (Conn.):  I  am  in  favor 
of  keeping  proportional  representation  in 
the  platform.  In  Connecticut  we  are  in 
a  peculiar  position.  Perhaps  no  other 
State  in  the  Union  has  this  situation  to 
face.  In  our  State  we  have  an  industrial 
city  with  a  population  of  102,000.  90  per 
cent  of  those  are  industrial  workers.  In 
that  city  there  are  15,000  workers  who 
voted  in  the  last  election.  That  is  the 
city  of  Bridgeport.  Under  the  State  laws 
we  are  given  two  representatives  for  that 
15,000  voters.  ■  Up  in  one  corner  of  the 
State  there  is  a  little  town  by  the  name 
of  Union  with  87  voters.  That  has  two 
representatives.  It  is  a  complete  agri- 
cultural town.  On  .  any  question  in  the 
legislature,  although  we  may  have  cap- 
tured the  city  of  Bridgeport  overwhelm- 
ingly, our  vote  is  negatived  by  men  who 
represent  87  voters.  We  are  confronted 
by  the  consolidated  railroads,  who  can 
buy  87  voters  much  more  easily  than  they 
can  buy  15,000.  In  one  county  we  polled  16 
per  cent  of  the  votes  on  the  Socialist 
ticket,  in  that  county.  If  we  capture 
every  industrial  center  in  that  county 
we  have  only  captured  7,000  voters,  and 
the  remaining  difference  between  the 
7,000  and  the  50,000  can  overwhelmingly 
out-vote  us.  So  I  say,  keep  it  In  there 
so  we  can  use  it  in  our  State  platform, 
because  we  are  going  to  use  it  whether 
you  put  it  in  or  not.  but  we  don't  want 
to  be  in  contradiction  with  the  National 
platform.  We  want  to  break  up  the  form 
of  representation  that  we  have  in  our 
State  where  87  agricultural  voters  have  as 
much  representation  as  15,000  industrial 
workers.  How  are  we  going  to  get  a 
majority  on  that?  Will  you  tell  me  that 
from  Montana? 

The  previous  question  was  then  or- 
dered. 

DEL.  LATTMER  (Minn.):  I  am  in  favor 
of  the  amendment  to  strike  out.  There 
seems  to  be  some  misapprehension  as  to 
what  proportional  representation  means. 
The  comrade  who  just  spoke  presents  a 
condition  which  proportional  representa- 
tion would  help.  What  he  needs  is  re- 
apportionment. We  are  not  discussing 
that.  Proportional  representation  is  per- 
haps   all    right    from    a    theoretical    point 


or  view  so  long  as  the  Socialist  party 
a    minority    party    and    wants    a    few    c, 
fices;   but  when   we   get  to   be   a   majori 
party   we  shall  not  be  interested   in   loo1 
ing   after   the   interests   of   the    capitalist 
who    happen    to   be   in    the    minority.      "V 
are    interested    in    getting    control    of    tl 
government.      We    are    interested    in    ru 
ning    the    government    in    the    interest 
the   working   class.      And    it    seems   to   n 
that    while    we    are    a    minority    party    v 
are    interested    in    the    same    propositio 
It    is    true    that    in    some    communities 
might    land    a   man    or    two    in    the    Sta 
Legislature.      That    is    what    happened 
Illinois  a   few  years  ago.     They  had   pr< 
portional     representation     where     a     ma 
could   go  to   the  polls   and   vote   for   thr< 
men    or    one   man.      That    gave    a    sort 
proportional  representation  and   they  ser 
a   few   men   to   the    State   Legislature,    bi 
they   are   not    there   today.      We    find   thz 
if  we  do   gain  here  and   there   it  amoum 
to  practically  nothing.     The  thing  we  ar 
interested  in  as  a  minority  party  is  build 
lng    up    a    strong,    constructive    organiza 
tion,  not  to  elect  men  occasionally  to  th; 
State   Legislature.      It   is   our   business    a 
a    minority    party    to    lay    foundation    fo' 
getting    control    of    the    government,    an 
we  are  not  interested  in  proportional  rep 
resentation.      That    is    all    right    for     th 
instructor  in  the  class  room,  studying  po 
litical     economy,     but     we     are     organize^ 
to  dominate   the   government,    we    are   no 
interested  in  minorities,  we  are  interests 
in  that  great  majority,  the  working  class 
DEL.    WILSON    (Cal.):      There    is    noth 
ing    whatever    in    this    clause    inconsisten 
with    the    constantly    maintained    interna 
tional    position    on    this    question.      It    i 
simply  reaffirming  the  demand   of  the  in 
ternational     Socialist     movement     of     th 
world.      If   the  Germans  at   this   time   ha< 
proportional     representation     they     wouli 
have   a  very  much  larger  number  of  mei 
in     the    Reichstag.       We    all     know     thai 
There    are    thousands    of    them    that    ar 
disfranchised    because    of    this    very    fac 
that    they    have    not    proportional    repre 
sentation.     The   same   is   true   in   Belgium 
and  the  same  is  true  in  some  of  the  com 
munes    of    Prance.      One    of    the    method 
by   which    our  comrades   in   England   hav 
been    able   to    secure    seats   in    the    Britisl 
House     of     Commons     has     been     throug] 
what      they      call      three-cornered      fights 
What  is  a  three   cornered  fight?     A  thre 
cornered    fight    is    a    fight    in    which    thi 
proportional      representation     extends     a 
least    to    three    elements,    and    I    am    sur 
that    there    have    been    at    least    a    dozei 
or    fifteen    seats    attained    in    the    Britisl 
House    of    Commons    by    this    process    o 
proportional    representation    in    part.    Ani 
in    the   municipal   bodies   of   Great   Britai] 
there  have  been  scores  of  such  instances 
I  want  to  ask  you  how  was  it  that  Com 
rade     Seidel     was    elected    Mayor    of    th 
city   of  Milwaukee   if   it  had   not   been    b; 
proportional    representation    so    far    as    i 
went.     I  mean  that  he  didn't  have  a  ma 
jority   of   the„votes  of  the   city. 

A  DELEGATE:  And  how  did  he  lose  it 
DEL.  WILSON:  I  am  giving  you  th 
points  in  favor  of  the  other  view.  Al 
right.  How  did  he  lose  it?  He,  lost  i 
because  two  of  the  parties  joined  and  lef 
him  without  a  total  majority  of  the  city 
If  the  Socialist  party  in  tTTe  city  counci 
of  the  ctiy  of  Milwaukee  were  represents 
according  to  the  number  of  Socialist  vote 
in  the  city  of  Milwaukee  they  wouli 
have  a  larger  representation  in  the  ne\ 
aldermanic  body  than  they  have  at  th 
present  time. 


EVENING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


i  DEL.  KATE  SADLER:  Well,  what  does 
he   party  in   Sweden   say? 

DEL.  WILSON:  I  don't  recall  the  exact 
tatement  of  the   party  in  Sweden. 

THE  VICE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  Wil- 
on   has   the   floor. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER:     He  doesn't  need 

0  answer  it.  It  was  turned  down  in 
I,  weden. 

DEL.  WILSON:     Now  comrades,    we  are 

3  this  position  that  all  over  the  country 

ji  cities  where  they  have  the  commission 

ivorm  of  government,  which  has  in  a  sense 

),n    element    of    this    proportional    repre- 

entation,    where    there    is    an    element    of 

his    proportional    representation    involved 

i  the  candidacy  for  the  Legislature,   and 

lso  in  congressional  districts  it   is   going 

»    be    of    great    importance-  to    us    if    we 

an  carry  it  as  a  political  reform.  I  hope 

le  comrades   will   sustain   the    paragraph 

1st  as  it  is  in  this  statement  of  Political 

•emands. 

The  motion  to  strike  out  the  words 
proportional  representation"  was  lost, 
nd  paragraph  6,  as  reported,  was 
dopted. 

The  Secretary  read  paragraph  7  as  fol- 
>ws: 

"7.  The  abolition  of  the  Senate  and  of 
16  veto   power   of   the   President." 

The  paragraph  as  read  was  adopted. 

DEL.  FURMAN  (N.  Y.):  I  want  to  make 

motion    that    we    have    somewhere    here 

n   opportunity,   and   it   might    as   Well    be 

s"|fter    the    veto    power    is    disposed    of,    I 

ant  to  make  a  motion  for  an  anti-mili- 
?"|iry  plank. 
a  THE      CHAIRMAN:      The      opportunity 

ill   be  given  later. 

Paragraph  8  was  then  read  as  follows: 

"8.     The    election    of    the    President   and 

e  Vice  President  by  direct  vote   of  the 

ople." 

The    paragraph    as    read    was    adopted. 

The    Secretary    then    read    paragraph    9: 

*9.  The  abolition  of  the  power  usurped 
7     the     Supreme     Court     of     the     United 

ates  to  pass  upon  the  constitutionality 
the  legislation  enacted  by  Congress. 
iie    national    laws    to    be    repealed    only 

1  act  of  Congress  or  by  referendum 
>te  of  the  whole  people." 

DEL.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):  I  wish  to  offer 
i  amendment  and  I  want  an  opportunity 

explain  the  amendment  afterwards.  I 
ove  to  amend  by  striking  out  the  words 
isurped  by  the  Supreme-  Court,"  and 
bstituting  the  "absolute  prevention  of 
e  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
ssing  upon  the  constitutionality  of 
ws." 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 
DEL.  SLAYTON:  For  years  I  have  con- 
nded  that  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
lited  States  has  never  usurped  any  pow- 
.  This  has  been  disputed  by  some  com- 
des.  They  have  cited  one  or  two  in- 
ances  where  Congress  has  passed  re- 
rictive  laws,  and  they  have  tried  to 
ike  that  appear  as  proof  that  the  Su- 
eme  Court  had  usurped  power.  The 
act  opposite  is  the  fact.  Why  should  I 
ss  a  law  to  prevent  anybody  doing 
mething  if  that  body  had  not  the  right 

do  it  any  way.  The  other  day  I  got 
Id  of  a  work  upon  this  same  subject 
lich  shows  that  the  leaders  df  the  Con- 
tutional  Convention  deliberately 

acted  that  the  Supreme  Court  should 
ve  this  power,  and  Alexander  Hamilton 
ited    that   they    should    have    the    power 

declare  all  laws  null  and  void  that 
3  contrary  to  the  manifest  tenor  of  the 
institution.      The    other    day    I    got    hold 

a  work  by  Professor  Baer  who  quotes 

of  the  delegates  to  the   Constitutional 


Convention,  16  of  whom  definitely  sta\.  for 
that  that  was  their  construction  and  hoy 
that  the  Supreme  Court  should  have  the  i 
power  to  declare  all  laws  null  and  void  -e 
which  were  contrary  to  the  manifest  ten- 
or of  the  Constitution,  and  they  said  what 
they  wanted  the  manifest  tenor  to  be. 
They  said  we  have  to  be  careful 
how  we  use  our  words  lest  we  frighten 
the  people.  The  whole  object  was  to 
make  the  Constitution  a  class  document; 
and  it  was  the  fertile  brain  of  Alexander 
Hamilton  that  devised  the  Supreme  Court. 
He  wanted  to  make  sure  that  any  law 
that  had  a  measure  of  democracy  in  it,  if 
it  could  pass  the  lower  House,  pass  the 
Senate  and  pass  the  President,  would 
at  least  run  up  against  the  elite  of  Amer- 
ica and  not  pass  the  Supreme  Court.  I 
insist  the  Supreme  Court  has  never 
usurped  any  power.  Henry  Clay,  I  be- 
lieve, said:  "I  am  glad  the  Constitution 
does  not  say  that  the  Supreme  Court 
shall  not  do  certain  things  because  they 
then  can  act  upon  the  implied  power 
entrusted  to  them  to  maintain  the  in- 
tentions of  the  framers  of  that  docu- 
ment." I  hope  that  you  will  agree  to 
wipe  out  these  words.  If  you  are  right 
you  won't  be  hurt  and  if  I  am  right  you 
will  be  safe.  Make  it  read  that  the  Su- 
preme Court  shall  not  pass  upon  the 
constitutionality    of    laws. 

DEL.  HOAN  (Wis.):  I  disagree  with  the 
comrade  who  has  just  spoken.  The  prop- 
osition to  permit  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  to  declare  laws  uncon- 
stitutional was  presented  three  times  in 
the  Constitutional  Convention  aid  voted 
down.  The  first  time  it  was  exercised  in 
this  country  mass  meetings  were  held 
protesting  against  the  court  using  that 
power,  and  in  practically  every  State  in 
the  early  history  of  this  country  where 
that  proposition  was  made  to  give  the 
Supreme  Court  that  power  it  was  voted 
down.  In  the  early  days  of  American 
history  the  people  held  mass  meetings 
all  over  this  country  protesting  against 
this  usurpation  of  power  by  capitalist 
judges  serving  the  interests  that  were 
backing  them  up.  I  hope  that  the  clause 
as  drafted  by  the  committee  will  be 
adopted. 

The  motion  of  Delegate  Slayton  was 
lost  and  Section  9  was  then  adopted  as 
reported. 

Paragraphs  10,  11,  12  and  13  were  then 
adopted    as    follows: 

"10.  The  abolition  of  the  present  re- 
strictions upon  the  amendment  of  the 
constitution  so  that  instrument  may  be 
made  amendable  by  a  majority  of  the 
voters    in    a   majority    of   the    States. 

"11.  The  granting  of  the  right  of  suf- 
frage in  the  District  of  Columbia,  with 
representation  in  Congress  and  a  demo- 
cratic form  of  municipal  government  for 
purely   local    affairs. 

"12.  The  extension  of  democratic  gov- 
ernment   to    all    United    States    territory. 

"13.  The  enactment  of  further  meas* 
ures  for  general  education  and  particular- 
ly for  vocational  education  in  useful  pur- 
suits. The  Bureau  of  Education  to  be 
made    a    department." 

DEL.  RUSSELL:  The  committee  has 
made  a  slight  change  in  the  wording  of 
paragraph  14  since  I  read  it  before.  As 
amended  by  the  committee  it  now  reads: 

"14.  The  enactment  of  further  meas- 
ures for  the  conservation  of  health.  The 
creation  of  an  independent  bureau  of 
health,  with  such  restrictions  as  will  se- 
cure full  liberty  to  all  schools  of  prac- 
tice." 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


r 


jU     will     strike    out     in    your    printed 

^ies    the   words   "The   creation   of  a   De- 

irtment   of   Health." 

T  DEL.  HILLQUIT:     I  movb    ;o  strike  out 

the  addition  and  restore  the    *rigix>-»J.  form 

of   the   paragraph. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 
DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  do  not  see  wtxy  the 
committee  should  have  gone  out  of  its 
way  to  insert  a  debated  and  debatable 
question  on-  matters  pertaining  exclusive- 
ly to  the  practice  of  medicine,  on  which 
none  of  us  is  an  authority,  and  as  to 
which  the  Socialist  party  should  certainly 
not  take  any  definite  stand.  The  only 
purpose  of  this  amendment,  so  far  as  I 
can  see,  is  to  place  certain  medical 
schools,  homeopathic,  osteopathic,  eclec- 
tics, upon  the  same  basis  as  the  recog- 
nized school  of  allopathy,  Now,  quite  likely 
it  is  a  sound  proposition.  I  know  ab- 
solutely nothing  about  it.  I  do  not  know 
whether  the  conservation  of  the  health 
of  the  nation  does  not  require  a  certain 
recognized  school  of  medicine.  I  don't 
know  whether  certain  reasonable  restric- 
tions upon  the  practice  of  medicine  should 
not  be  maintained.  But  I  do  say  that 
the  Socialist  party  has  absolutely  no  con- 
cern of  any  kind  with  it.  To  demand  in 
the  political  demands  of  the  Socialist 
party  the  recognition  of  certain  schools 
of  medicine,  or  the  removal  of  restric- 
tions upon  the  practice  of  medicine  seems 
to  me  entirely  unnecessary  and  to  open 
up  a  large  field  of  debate. 

DEL.  SPARGO  (Vt.):  In  supporting  the 
amendment  I  call  your  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  international  Socialist  move- 
ment has  everywhere  stood  for  the  crea- 
tion of  a  national  department  of  public 
health.  If  there  is  anything  we  need  in 
this  country  it  is  the  creation  of  such 
a  department.  Since  the  matter  has  come 
up  and  has  been  forced  into  the  arena 
of  national  politics  a  certain  amount  of 
activity  has  been  exerted  by  some  per- 
sons who  do  not  believe  in  any.  school 
of  medicine,  preventative  or  otherwise. 
The  delegates  to  this  convention  have 
been  flooded  with  reports  of  speeches  de« 
livered  in  the  United  States  Senate  solely 
from  the  point  of  view  of  one  particular 
religious  sect  in  this  country,  and  this 
amendment  is  intended  to  meet  the  point 
of  view  of  that  opposition.  I  am  not 
sashing  here  that  we  should  stand  for  any 
particular  school  of  medicine. '  I  have  no 
objection  as  a  Socialist  in  my  capacity 
as  a  delegate  here  to  the  osteopaths  or 
the  homeopaths.  I  do  have  certain  per- 
sonal opinions  on  certain  questions  inso- 
far as  they  relate  to  public  sanitation 
and  public  health.  But  when  you  say  we 
demand  the  creation  of  an  independent 
bureau,  what  do  you  mean?  "Why  not  say 
frankly  that  we  want  a  federal  depart- 
ment of  public  health  because  we  want 
to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  that  is  so  out- 
rageous iin  this  country,,  that  if  there  was 
any  hog  or  cattle  disease  in  this  country 
money  would  come  from  the  federal  gov- 
ernment, expert  advice  .at  every  cost 
could  be  had  from  the  federal  government 
on  that  proposition,  but  when  spinal  men- 
ingitis broke  out  in  this  country  if  we 
wanted  any  assistance,  if  we  want  to  use 
our  national  power  to  meet  that  scourge, 
up  until  quite  recently  '  we  could  not 
get  a  dollar  from  the  federal  govern- 
ment, we  could  not  get  a  man  from  the 
federal  service  unless  some  Congressman 
was  tricky  enough  to  get  in  an  appro- 
priation for  funds  for  the  Bureau  of  Ani- 
mal Industry.  When  we  say  that  we 
want  the  creation  of  a  Department  of 
Public    Health,    we    are    not    saying    that 


we  want  a  department  under  the  contrc 
of  a  particular  school  of  medicine.  W 
are  not  saying  that  we  want  a  depart 
ment  which  will  exclude  a  particula 
school  of  medical  practice;  but  we  do  sa 
that  we  want  a  Department  of  Publi 
Health;  and  if  in  the  creation  of  tha 
Department  of  Public  Health  it  is  foun. 
necessary  to  prohibit  the  practice  o 
some  people  who  profess  to  cure  tubercu 
losis  by  quack  remedies,  then  we  ough 
to  be  able   to   get   that  very  thing. 

DEL.  RICKER  (Kan.):  I  shall  not  quib 
ble  as  to  words.  On  the  question  of  ij 
Department  of  Health  or  an  independen 
bureau  I  shall  not  quibble.  But  on  th< 
matter  of  putting  something  in  this  dec 
laration  that  will  put  the  Socialist  part], 
on  record  for  a  full  guarantee  of  libertj 
to  all  schools  of  practice  I  am  decidedlj 
in    favor. 

DEL.   HILLQUIT:      Christian    Science? 

DEL.  RICKER:  There  are  several 
schools  of  practice.  There  is  a  majoi 
school.  The  minor  schools  don't  warn 
this  major  school  of  practice  to  dominate 
everything  in  the  matter  of  the  care  oi 
public  health.  If  there  is  anything  thai 
Socialists  stand  for  it  is  liberty.  In  Con- 
gress the  objections  raised  against  such 
a  bureau  have  been  precisely  on  the  point 
that  it  would  go  into  the  hands  of  the 
major  school  of  practice,  who  would  be 
in  control  of  this  department.  There 
happen  to  be  homeopaths,  osteopaths  and 
a  great  many  other  paths.  The  object 
of  the  committee  in  submitting  this  warn 
simply  that  we  might  assure  all  of  them 
that  we  stand  for  full  and  complete  lib- 
erty. 

DEL.  ROSETT:  I  want  to  speak  in  favor 
of  the  section  as  it  stands  in  the  printed 
report.  This  question  of  medical  liberty 
is  a  much  agitated  question  now  in  Amer- 
ica. It  is  only  after  great  struggles  that 
many  reforms  have  been  brought  about. 
The  Pure  Food  and  Drug  law,  the  expos- 
ing of  various  medical  fakes,  of  dan- 
gerous patent  medicines.  There  is  a  move- 
ment now  for  what  is  called  medical  free- 
dom, not  for  real  medical  freedom  but 
to  bring  forth  again  the  medical  fakes 
that  have  infested  America  for  a  greal 
number  of  years,  the  Sarsaparilla  fake, 
the  Peruna  fake,  and  a  thousand  other 
fakes,  that  now  have  a  vogue  under  thj 
name  of  medical  liberty.  The  idea  is 
simply  that  these  terrible  fakes  with 
which  we  have  been  infested  shall  ha« 
full  swing  again.  The  word  freedom  ■ 
something  that  can  be  stretched  to  an 
awful  extent.  Freedom  to  poison  peopa 
is  not,  freedom  at  all.  At  last  it  is  thl 
kind  of  freedom  that  we  Socialists  must 
oppose.  Socialists  all  over  the  world 
stand  for  science,  for  progress,  and  sci- 
ence and  progress  are  opposed  to  any 
medical  faker  who  comes  in  the  name  o| 
medical  freedom.  I  hope  you  will  vote 
in    favor    of    the    section    as    it    is    pri         ! 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Cal.):  I  am  againl 
the  amendment.  We  know  that  laws  have 
been  made  for  the  protection  of  pigs  and 
cattle.  This  proposition  is  for  the  pro- 
tection of  human  beings.  There  is  no 
monopoly  in  this  land,  no  trust,  strongei 
than  the  medical  trust.  We  know  that 
the  powers  of  government  in  Washing- 
ton today  are  controlled  to  that  exteil 
by  the  medical  trust  that  they  refuse 
to  allow  any  other  school  of  medicine  oi 
healing  to  invade  the  holy  of  holies;  all 
who  enter  must  bear  the  marks  of  one 
of  the  great  established  schools  of  medi- 
cine. We  know  how  the  allopaths  foi 
60  or  70  years  fought  the  homeopathie 
school   of  medicine.     We  know  that  whe8 


EVENING  SESSION,  MAY  16,  1912 


isteopaths  established  themselves  how 

the  allopaths  and  the  homeopaths 
ht  them,  the  same  as  the  Democrats 
Republicans  are  combining  against 
Socialists.  There  are  other  schools 
edicine  and  other  schools  of  healing 
les  those  recognized  by  the  powers 
be  in  Washington,  and  the  commit- 
in    the    recommendations    say    that    it 

not  be  confined  to  a  medical  trust. 
[E  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  is 
upon  the  adoption  of  the  motion  by 
-ade  Hillquit  to  strike  out  the  clause 
jad  by  Comrade  Russell  and  let  the 
:>n  stand  as  it  is  in  the  printed  re- 
amendment    toN   leave    the    wording 

iginalTy    printed"  was    lost,    the    vote 
ting    69    aye    and    112    no. 
use  14  as  reported  by  Comrade  Rus- 
vas  then  adopted. 

use   15    was    then    read    as    follows: 
The  separation  of  the  present  Bu- 

of  Labor  from  the  Department  of 
aerce  and  Labor,  and  its  elevation  to 
ank  of  a  department." 

paragraph   as    read    was   adopted, 
•agraph    16    was    then    read    as    fol- 

Abolition  of  all  federal  district 
and  the  United  States  Circuit 
of  Appeals.  State  courts  to  have 
liction  in  all  cases  arising  between 
ns  of  tfce  several  States  and  for- 
corporations.  The  election  of  all 
is  for  short  terms." 
L.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  Why  do  they 
to  abolish  the  federal  courts  and 
more  power  to  "the  State  courts? 
RUSSELL:  We  take  the  federal 
of  this  country  to  be  a  source  of 
:e  evil  in  the  community.  Being  a 
of    evil    we    think    we    should    cut 

L.  SLOBODIN:  -I  want  to  speak  to 
want  to  state  the  reason  why  this 
not  appeal  to  me.  If  gives  a  cer- 
e  of  good  character  to  the  state 
I  am  familiar  with  the  State 
and  I  am  familiar  with  the  Federal 
and  I  can't  see  any  distinction  be- 
the  two.  I  can  see  how  the  little 
will  have  great  trouble  in  carrying 
to  the  State  courts  in  serving  peo- 
ho  don't  reside  in  the  State.  There 
iolutely  no  sense  to  the  proposition 
3  by  the  committee.  They  are  sim- 
oling  away  time,  filling  up  the  plat- 
with  all  sorts  of  items.  I  could  sit 
and  draft  a  hundred  similar  de- 
which  would  have  just  as  little 
tance  and  have  absolutely  as  little 
ition.  I  don't  believe  this  section 
be   adopted. 

HILLQUIT:  I  make  the  motion 
lly  that  this  section  be  stricken 
It  is  not  a  question  of  saving  the 
il  courts.  I  don't  think  any  dele- 
tere,  even  if  he  is  a  lawyer,  has  any 
ular  love  for  the  federal  court,  but 
should  be  some  consistency  in  our 
ds.  We  seem  to  desire  to  retain 
tpreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
•e  merely  going  to  curtail  its  pow- 
Ut  we  are  to  do  .  away  with  the 
linate  United  States  courts.  If 
was  a  system  of  jurisprudence  to 
iposed  limiting  jurisdiction  entirely 
■  State  courts  and  if  we  could  see 
>ecial  advantage  in  it  for  the  work- 
ass,  we  might  stand  for  it.  But 
is  no  advantage  in  this.  It  makes 
'erence  with  the  workers.  \We  are 
into  an  error  of  which  we  havp 
tad  an  instance.  We  are  passing 
matters  of  medical  practice  and 
il  practice   and  the   next   thing   we 


the    regular-IP    of    for 


shall    take    up    will    be 
civil    engineering. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont.):  Fer^-^SXy  I 
haven't  the  slightest  interest  in  a  single 
one  of  these  points  in  this  working  pro- 
gram. But  inasmuch  as  the  committee 
has  got  together  I  am  here  to  speak  for 
tnis  section.  I  don't  believe  the  Social- 
ist party  of  America  cares  very  much  if 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
is  left  hung  up  high  and  dry  with  no 
work  to  do.  But  there  is  one  thing  very 
certain  and  that  is  that  \».  £  federal  courts 
of  this  country  form  one  of  the  most 
cruel  instruments  against  the  working  class 
that  we  have  today,  whenever  the  working 
class  is  unfortunate  enough  to  come  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  those  Federal  courts.  I 
do  not  suppose  that  there  is  one  thing  that 
personal  injury  lawyers  try  more  to  avoid 
than  they  do  getting  into  the  grasp  of  the 
Federal  courts.  I  do  not  believe  there  is  a 
thing  brought  up  in  the  Federal  courts  that 
could  not  just  as  well  be  tried  in  the  state 
jurisdiction,  if  we  will  only  extend  the 
power  of  the  states  to  try  those  cases.  The 
Federal  courts  are  /for  the  benefit  of  foreign 
corporations.  If  you  wish  to  sue  a  foreign 
corporation  you  must  go  into  the  Federal 
courts.  They  will  wear  you  out  with  their 
pract?ce.  They  kill  you  with  enormous 
charges.  It  is  a  matter  of  great  hardship 
to  the  working  class  that  happen  to  get  into 
those  courts.  For  these  reasons  the  com- 
mittee takes  this  position.  It  is  the  opinion 
of  your  committee  that  we  should  get  rid  of 
the  whole  thing. 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.):  I  am  in  favor  of 
striking  this  out — I  don't  know  anything 
about  medicine,  and  I  don't  know  much 
about  law — but  the  reason  I  want  to  strike 
this  out  is  this:  I  had  a  tapeworm  once 
and  I  got  rid  of  a  whole  lot  of  the  links, 
but  I  never  got  rid  of  the  tapeworm  until 
I  got  rid  of  the  head.  Here  they  come  with 
the  proposition  to  remove  the  links,  but 
leave  the  head  there.  The  Supreme  Court, 
the  source  of  all  evil,  they  don't  touch.  This 
thing  is  meaningless.  I  like  immediate  de- 
mands. I  like  to  have  something  with 
which  to  appeal  to  the  workingman,  but 
whoever  does  the  job  the  Supreme  Court 
stands  ready  to  chew  you  up  just  the  same. 
The  committee  only  deals  with  the  subordi- 
nate links.  There  is  no  scjnse  in  it.  It  is 
simply  a  space  filler.  I  don't  think  that 
printer's  ink  should  be  used  simply  for  fill- 
ing space.  Everything  in  our  platform 
should  be  in  response  to  a  real  need.  I 
hope  you  will  support  the  motion  to  strike 
it  out. 

DEL.  RICKER  (Kan.):  Never  in  my 
speeches  for  the  party  or  in  the  lecture 
bureau  have  I  ever  introduced  the  name  of 
the  Appeal  to  Reason,  but  I  am  goring  to  do 
so  now.  The  Appeal  to  Reason  is  in  the 
Federal  Court.  You  have  been  pouring  your 
money  into  the  office  to  help  us  in  this  fight. 
This  resolution  came  from  Fred  D.  Warren. 
It  was  brought  here  by  our  attorney.  Now, 
most  of  you,  to  your  credit  be  it  said,  are 
not  lawyers.  Lawyers  may  differ.  Sheffier 
says,  and  he  is  as  good  a  „  lawyer  as  there 
is  in  this  house,  that  all  these  cases  may 
be  tried  in  the  state  courts.  I  know,  for  I 
have  been  working  on  this  matter  for 
months,  that  through  the  agency  of  the 
Federal  courts,  wherever  possible  personal 
injur?/  cases  are  immediately  taken  out  of 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  state  courts,  by  a 
twisted  interpretation  of  the  constitution, 
whereby  a  foreign  corporation  becomes  a 
citizen,  and  by  virtue  of  that  twist  gets  out 
of  the  state  courts  and  into  the  Federal 
Court.  We  want  to  do  away  with  this  Fed- 
eral court  system.     I  ask  you  that  you  keep 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


7rirv08   iitact   the  resolution  as  it  comes  from  the 

committee. 

,        The  motion  of  Comrade  Hillquit  to  strike 

,      out  Section  16  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  55  aye 

to  132  no. 

'    f  Section  16  was  then  adopted  as  reported. 

Section    17    of    the    report    was    adopted, 
reading  as  follows: 
J  "17.     The  immediate  curbing  of  the  power 

of  the  courts  to  issue  injunctions." 

Section  18  as  reported  was  read  as  fol- 
lows: 

"18.     The  free  administration  of  justice." 

It  was  moved  and  seconded  to  strike  out 
the  word  "justice"  from  clause  18  and  in- 
sert the  words  "the  law." 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  am  opposed  to 
the  amendment  that,  it  seems,  has  been  ac- 
cepted by  a  majority  of  the  committee,  for 
the  reason  that  the  administration  of  law 
is  not  always  the  administration  of  justice. 
I  favor  the  original  declaration  of  the  com- 
mittee that  will  stand  for  the  free  admin- 
istration of  justice.  I  have  been  practicing 
law  20  years,  and  I  am  familiar  somewhat 
with  the  procedure  in  our  courts,  and  espe- 
cially in  the  Federal  courts,  where  I  have 
appeared  time  after  time,  and  I  assure  you 
that  you  would  do  yourselves  an  injustice 
if  you  accept  this  amendment,  which,  I  am 
sorry  to  say,  the  committee  of  which  I  have 
the  honor  to  be  a  member  saw  fit  to  accept. 
I  hope  you  will  vote  it  down. 

The  motion  to  substitute  the  words  "the 
law"  for  the  word  "justice"  was  carried. 

Section   19  was  then  adopted  as   follows: 

"19.  The  calling  of  a  convention  for  the 
revision  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

DEL.  FURMAN  (N.  Y.):  I  want  to  in- 
corporate into  this  platform  an  anti-mili- 
tary plank.  I  think  it  is  a  question  of  great 
importance.  Everyone  of  us  knows  that  the 
militia,  and  everything  that  trains  with  it, 
is  turned  against  the  working  class  every 
time  there  is  a  conflict  between  the  working 
class  and  the  master  class,  and  I  want  a 
distinct  understanding,  I  want  a  declaration 
that  everyone  will  understand  that  we  are 
opposed  to  the  militia  in  this  country  be- 
cause it  is  always  used  in  behalf  of  the 
capitalist  class,  and  I  want  the  committee 
to  make  it  as  strong  as  it  can  be  made. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  make  the  point  of 
order  that  the  delegate  has  the  right  to 
offer  a  plank  in  specific  terms,  but  not  to 
call  for  a  plank  generally. 


DEL.  FURMAN:  I  want  the  comn 
to  put  the  plank  in  there. 

A  DP]LEGATE:  This  should  be  ref 
to  the  Platform  Committee  to  draft 
particular  clause. 

DEL.  FURMAN:     That  is  my  motion 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Are  you  ready 
the  motion  to  refer  this  to  the  Comm 
on -Platform? 

DEL.  FURMAN:     I  made  no  motion. 

DEL.  REILLY  (N.  J.):  He  said  he  v> 
like  to  have  incorporated  in  the  platfon 
anti-military  plank,  but  the  Secretary  if 
bound  to  consider  that  a  motion. 

DEL.    STRICKLAND:      I   am   oppose 
having    this    go    back    now.      The    mil 
proposition  has  been  taken  care  of  in 
lutions     introduced    by    Ohio    and    air 
adopted. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  of  I 
gate  Furman  is  to  recommit  it  to  the  < 
mittee  for  a  plank  on  anti-militarism. 

The  motion  of  Del.  Furman  was  lost. 

On    motion    of    Delegate    Strickland, 
onded  by  Delegate  Berlyn,   the  platforr 
a  whole  was  then  adopted. 

DEL  ZITT  (Ohio):  I  have  tried  for 
minutes  to  offer  a  plank. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  only  ques 
before  the  house  was  the  adoption  of 
platform  as  a  whole. 

DEL.  DUFFY  (N.  Y.):  We  have  stri< 
out  the  plank  on  the  tariff.  Now  the  fc 
is  an  issue. 

A  DELEGATE:  A  point  of  order, 
settled  that  a  while  ago. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  have  had  a  a 
full  discussion  of  the  question  of  tariff. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  Tomorrow  morning 
of  the  most  important  matters  coming 
for  consideration  will  be  reported  here. 
ask  on  behalf  of  the  Constitution  Com| 
tee  that  we  be  permitted  to  have  our  re] 
taken  up  as  the  first  order  of  business 
morrow  morning.  We  are  proposing 
many  changes  that  are  vital,  and  { 
should  be  carefully  considered  and 
cussed.  I  therefore  ask  that  the  Comi 
tee  on  Constitution  be  allowed  to  report 
first  thing  tomorrow  morning. 

DEL.  KOOP  (111.):  I  move  that  the  CJ 
mittee  on  Constitution  be  the  first  comi 
tee  to  report  in  the  morning. 

The  motion  was  carried. 

The  meeting  then  adjourned  until  Fri^ 
May  17,  1912,  at  10  A.  M. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


k  for 


'y   i 


SIXTH  DAY'S  SESSION. 


Del.  Carey,  Chairman  of  the  previous  day, 
jailed  the  convention  to  order  at  10  o'clock. 

The  following-  delegates  were  nominated 
ind  accepted  for  Chairman  of  the  day:  Rod- 
iguez,  Duncan,  Thompson  (Wis.). 

The  following  delegates  declined  nomi- 
lation:  Hogan  (Ark.),  Berger  (Wis.),  Har- 
•iman,  Strebel. 

The  vote  resulted:  Rodriguez  41,  Thomp- 
son 75,  Duncan  84. 

Del.  Duncan  (Mont.)  was  declared  elected 
chairman  for  the  day. 

The  following  delegates  accepted  nomi- 
lation  for  Vice-Chairman  of  the  day:  Ed- 
vards  (Tex.),  Killingbeck,  Latimer,  Strick- 
and. 

The  following  delegates  declined  nomina- 
ion:  Clifford,  Thompson  (Wis.),  Wanhope 
N.  Y.). 

The  vote  resulted:  Edwards  32,  Strick- 
and  87,  Latimer  19,  Killingbeck  66. 

Del.  Strickland  (Ohio)  was  declared  elect- 
id  Vice-Chairman  for  the  day.  The  roll  call 
>f  delegates  and  the  reading  of  the  minutes 
vere,  on  motion,  dispensed  with. 

WASHINGTON  DELEGATION. 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  The  rule 
.dopted  is  that  where  a  state  has  instructed 
ts  delegation  %o  vote  on  a  particular  ques- 
ion,  their  vote  shall  be  recorded  as  a  unit. 
?here  are  seven  delegates  in  Washington 
hat  consider  themselves  bound  by  instruc- 
ions  from  the  state  to  vote  against  imme- 
diate demands,  and  they  would  like  to  be 
ecorded. 

THE  SECRETARY:  The  Washington 
delegates  would  like  to  be  recorded  as  vot- 
ing against  immediate  demands  in  the  plat- 
orm.  . 

DEL.  MALEY  (Wash.):  I  wish  to  have 
ny  name  recorded  there. 

DEL.  BOEHM  (Ohio):  I  would  like  to 
>e  recorded  as  individually  voting  against 
Immediate  demands. 

COMMITTEE  ON  LABOR  ORGANIZA- 
TIONS. 
DEL.  WHITE  (Mass.):  I  regret  the  ne- 
essity  of  calling  the  attention  of  the  dele- 
;ates  to  an  uncompleted  sentence  in  the 
eport  of  the  Committee  on  Labor  Organi- 
ations  and  Their  Relations  to  the  Party, 
f  you  will  recall,  when  I  was  reading  this 
eport  yesterday,  in  the  second  paragraph,  I 
topped  because  I  came  to  a  wording  that 
id  not  seem  complete.  I  consulted  with 
he  members  of  the  committee,  and  they 
ecognized  that  without  the  addition  of  the 
Tords  that  were  in  the  original  matter  that 
/ent  to  the  printer  this  paragraph  would  be 
leaningless.  I  regret  the  necessity  of  do- 
ng  this,  but  the  members  of  the  committee 
nd  the  delegates  will  understand  that  there 
3  no  ulterior  motive  behind  it.  If  you  will 
ust  follow  me  I  will  read  that  paragraph, 
'he  second  paragraph  reads:  "Political  or- 
anization  and  economic  organization  are 
Mke  necessary  in  the  struggle  for  working 
lass  emancipation  .  .  .  working  class 
lovement."  It  says  nothing,  so  you  see  it 
j  uncompleted.     It  should  read:     "Political 


organization  and  economic  organization  are 
alike  necessary  in  the  struggle  for  working 
class  emancipation.  The  most  harmonious 
relations  ought  to  exist  between  the  two 
great  forces  of  the  working  class  move- 
ment, the  Socialist  Party  and  the  labor 
unions."  I  move  you  that  the  words  "The 
most  harmonious  relations  ought  to  exist 
between  the  two  great  forces  of  the"  follow 
after  the  word  "emancipation"  and  prior  to 
the  words  "working  class  movement,"  in 
order  to  complete  the  sentence  and  make  it 
intelligible.     (Seconded.) 

The  motion  was  unanimously  carried. 

REPORT  OP  COMMITTEE  ON  CONSTI- 
TUTION. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Committee  on 
Constitution,  through  the  Chairman,  Del. 
Hillquit,  will  now  make  its  report  The 
report*  is  most  important,  so  delegates  will 
please  be  in  order.  Comrade  Hillquit  has 
the.  floor. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  Comrade  Chairman 
and  comrades:  I  believe  the  Chairman  did 
not  overstate  the  situation  when  he  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  we  are  now  coming 
to  the  most  important  part  of  our  business. 
Our  resolutions  and  our  platform  are  very 
important,  but  nevertheless  they  remain 
only  abstract  expressions  of  opinion.  Our 
Constitution  will  determine  our  work  for 
many  years  to  come,  and  every  part  of  it 
will  play  a  very  important  role  in  our  prac- 
tical work  as  soon  as  adopted. 

Your  committee,  like  fthe  two  preceding 
committees,  has  the  pleasure  of  submitting 
to  you  a  unanimous  report,  or  at  least  one 
practically  unanimous,  for  out  of  a  hundred 
and  odd  sections  of  the  Constitution  only 
two  members  of  the  committee  moved  an 
addition  to  one  of  the  sections,  not  con- 
curred in  by  the  other  members  of  the  com- 
mittee. It  all  other  respects  and  in  all  sub- 
stantial points  and  features,  the  committee 
is  unanimous. 

We  proceeded  upon  the  assumption  that 
our  Constitution  required  radical  revision. 
As  it  stood  or  as  it  stands  today  it  was  the 
Constitution  adopted  in  1901  upon  the  for- 
mation of  this  party,  with  very  slight 
changes  adopted  from  time  to  time.  We 
found  that  the  machinery  of  administration 
which  we  had  provided  for  a  party  of  10,000 
members  or  less  would  not  fit  a  party  of 
150,000,  and  perhaps  200,000  or  300.000  by 
the  time  we  again  have  an  opportunity  to 
re-examine  our  Constitution.  We  have 
reached  a  point,  comrades,  where  the  or- 
ganization of  the  Socialist  Party  has  tre- 
mendous tasks  to  perform.     From  an  office 


♦Editor's  Note:  To  make  the  report  of 
the  convention  upon  this  subject  intelligible 
to  the  reader  the  entire  constitution  as 
adopted  by  the  convention  is  printed  as 
Appendix  P.  As  this  differs  only  in  minor 
details  from  the  committee's  report,  and 
these  changes  are  noted  in  the  Proceed- 
ings, the  original  report  is  not  given. 


7f'r.08.it; 
oor 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


i 


.nded  to  by  one  National  Secretary  and 
,  j  or  two  assistants,  we  have  now  a  na-i 
.onal  office  composed  of  various  depart- 
ments employing  scores  of  people  and  doing 
a  work  which  requires  the  greatest  possible 
efficiency  in  every  way. 

We  have  sought  to  attain  -two  main  ob- 
jects in  drafting  this  new  Constitution 
which  we  are  now  about  to  submit  to  you. 
One  was  to  maintain  all  features  of  true 
democracy  in  the  Socialist  organization. 
The  other  was  to  increase  the  efficiency  of 
the  organization.  While  under  the  old  Con^ 
stitution  we  had  plenty  of  democracy,  we 
had,  on  the  whole,  very  little  efficiency. 
Now  there  is  no  conflict  between  the  two. 
Democracy  should  not  exclude  efficiency.  On 
the  contrary,  democracy  properly  under- 
stood spells  efficiency,  and  we  believe  we 
have  prepared  a  large  scheme  of  organiza- 
tion in  which  both  principles  unite  very 
well. 

The  features  of  our  old  Constitution 
which  we  thought  stood  most  sorely  in  need 
of  amendment  were  those  relating  to  the 
administration  of  the  national  organization. 
What  we  now  have  is  a  National  Commit- 
tee, a  National  Executive  Committee,  a  Na- 
tional Secretary,  convention  and  referen- 
dum. Each  one  of  these  five  factors  in  our 
administration  is  practically  independent  of 
the  others,  to  such  an  extent,  at  least,  as  to 
interfere  very  often  with  each  other. 

For  instance,  the  National  Committee  has 
practically  the  same  powers  and  the  same 
functions  as  the  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee. The  difference  between  the  two  is 
that  one  holds  no  meetings,  and  transacts 
business  by  correspondence.  The  other  does 
hold  meetings.  And  very  often  we  have  a 
spectacle  of  this  kind:  Of  two  entirely  op- 
posite motions  originating  in  each  of  the 
two  bodies,  sometimes  taking  effect  to- 
gether, and  one  nullifying  the  other;  or  a 
case  of  this  kind,  where,  for  instance,  a 
large  sum  of  money  is  appropriated  by  the 
National  Committee  without  consulting  or 
taking  into  account  the  appropriations 
made  by  the  National  Executive  Commit- 
tee. The  result  has  been  a  certain  uncer- 
tainty. With  this  we  have  no  sense  of  re- 
sponsibility in  our  national  office.  The  Na- 
tional Executive  Committee  in  its  action  is 
subject  to,  the  National  Committee,  but  not 
fully  so,  not  completely  so.  It  is  a  body 
elected  by  the  membership  of  the  party,  in- 
dependent of  the  National  Committee,  and 
hence  there  is  a  certain  rivalry  between  the 
two  which  is  not  healthy  for  our  work  and 
for  the  welfare  of  the  party. 

The  National  Secretary,  again,  is  likewise 
elected  by  a  general  vote.  He  does  not  owe 
his  existence  to  either  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  or  the  National  Committee. 
He  is  an  independent  organ  of  administra- 
tion, with  duties  prescribed  by  the  Consti- 
tution, and  elected  directly  by  the  mem- 
bership. 

And  there  is  another  conflict,  a  certain 
conflict  between  the  National  Secretary  and 
the  National  Committee  or  the  National 
Executive  Committee.  There  is  also  a  cer- 
tain laxity  in  the  relations  between  the  Sec- 
retary, the  National  Committee  and  the 
National  Executive  Committee.  He  is  sub- 
ordinate to  the  other  two  bodies;  and  the 
question  arises  very  often,  to  which  one 
primarily?  and  nothing  is  determined  about 
that 

Wo  have  complicated  the  situation  by  the 
election  of  an  independent  National  Wom- 
an's Committee,  likewise  elected  by  general 
vote,  with  a  Secretary  or  General  Corre- 
spondent of  this  committee.  Also  that  is  in 
a  somewhat  indefinite  status. 


Now,  this  feature,  the  lack  of  a  cente 
of  responsibility  for  the  administration  c 
the  party  affairs,  has  not  worked  well  c 
late,  and  will  certainly  work  still  less  s 
in  the  future  as  our  party  grows  bigger  an 
as  its  task  becomes  more  important. 

Furthermore,  in  the  election  of  these  off 
cials  and  committees,  we  have  not  adopte 
the  best  method  of  getting  the  most  eff 
cient  comrades  to  serve.  As  to  the  Nation* 
Committee,  we  are  not  concerned  with  i 
The  states  take  care  of  that.  As  to  th 
National  Executive  Committee,  the  parado 
has  been  this:  That  while  the  committe 
is  strictly  a  business  committee  to  atten 
to  routine  work,  technical  matter  of  organ 
zation-  and  propaganda  of  the  party,  holdin 
a  position  which  requires  certain  wel 
defined  special  qualifications,  our  electio 
by  general  vote  has  necessarily  degenerate 
into  a  sort  of  a  general  popularity  contes 
It  could  not  be  otherwise;  because  when  w 
submit  a  string  of  names  to  150,000  pei 
sons,  100,000  of  whom  have  come  into  th 
organization,  say  within  the  last  two  year 
or  thereabout,  and  when  we  submit  me 
taken  from  any  part  of  the  country  to  a 
the  voters  of  the  entire  country,  we  cannc 
expect  anything  else  than  that  the  bes 
known  names  should  be  elected.  -Now,  con 
rades,  as  a  member  of  the  National  Execi 
tive  Committee,  elected  under  the  preser 
mode,  I  will  not  be  charged  with  specn 
bias  or  personal  bias  against  the  mode  c 
election.  But  let  us  take  the  last  electio 
as  a  concrete  illustration,  and  what  do  \¥ 
find?  We  have  a  National  Committee  con 
posed  of  comrades  who  reside,  two  of  then 
on  the  Pacific  Coast,  two  on  the  Atlantic 
and  the  rest  somewhere  in  the  middle  wesi 
ern  states.  We  have  elected  them  in  alph£ 
betical  order.  They  were  submitted  to.us  i 
alphabetical  order,  and  they  were  elected  i 
the  order  of  the  vote  alphabetically.  It  ma 
be  a  coincidence;  it  may  be  an  accident,  bi 
it  is  still  significant  that  with  a  single  es 
ception,  commencing  with  B — we  had  no  . 
— the  vote  was  alphabetical;  Berger  bein 
first;  Harriman  next;  Haywood  third;  Hil 
quit  fourth;  Irvine  fifth;  O'Hare  sixtr 
Spargo  seventh.  You  can  analyze  each  an 
every  one  of  them,  and  you  will  find  tha 
each  and  every  one  of  them  was  elected  fc 
a  reason  entirely  unrelated  to  his  or  h€ 
lualifications  to  be  a  member  of  the  Exe< 
utive  Committee;  one  because  he  did  a  ver 
clever  stunt  in  getting  himself  elected  t 
Congress,  and  a  very  clever  stunt  or  serie 
of  stunts  in  Congress.  (Laughter.)  He  dl 
well.  But,  let  me  tell  you  right  now  tha 
Victor  L.  Berger  may  happen  to  be  an  ea 
cellent  man  for  the  National  Executil 
Committee;  I  will  testify  here  as  his  cd 
league  on  the  board  that  he  is.  But  Victl 
L.  Berger,  holding  the  position  that  he  doei 
and  having  done  the  work  he  had  in  Cor 
gress,  might  not  be  possessed  of  a  singj 
qualification  for  member  of  the  Nations 
Executive  Committee,  and  yet  he  woul 
have  been  elected,  anyway. 

But  I  am  not  going  to  take  up  all  the  til 
dividuals;  but  some  have  been  punished  a 
their  friends  or  enemies  for  having  writtfl 
books,  and  we  send  them  to  the  Nation! 
Executive  Committee;  others  for  editin 
newspapers;  others  for  other  purposes,  bl 
not  one  because  the  party  membership 
ally  know  or  thought  that  he  or  she  p<j 
sessed  special,  qualifications  for  this  parti 
ular  office.  The  result  is,  let  me  tell  y« 
right  now,  that,  facing  a  national  campaia 
we  will  be  compelled  to  elect — that  is  ni 
personal  opinion — a  National  Camnail 
Committee  who  can  be  on  the  job  all  tl 
time.  Tlie  National  Executive  romn  t< 
as  elected  cannot  supervise  and  handl      u 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


nage    a    national    campaign,    one    of    its 
st  important  duties. 

Jow,  similarly,  the  National  Secretary 
nrade  Work,  may  be  an  excellent  man 
the  position,  but  I  make  bold  to  state 
t  he  was  elected  because  he  temporarily 
d  that  position  at  the  time  of  the  elec- 
n.  And  every  National  Secretary, 
ether  good,  bad  or  indifferent,  fit  or  un- 
is  sure  of  re-election  under  the  present 
thod  of  procedure  so  long  as  he  is  willing 
stand.  Now,  in  some  cases  it  may  be  an 
;ellent  thing;  he  may  be  the  best  man.  In 
t6r  cases  he  may  be  the  very  worst  fitted 
n  for  the  position,  and  still  will  be  re- 
oted.  It  is  natural.  How  can  you  expect 
»,000  or  300,000  people  from  all  over  the 
mtry  to  know  the  qualifications  of  any 
s  individual  in  the  party  for  that  partic- 
r  office?  Make  no  mistake;  the  question 
the  National  Secretary,  his .  ability  and 
fitness  for  the  office,  is  more  important 
m  that  of  the  National  Executive  Com- 
ttee  or  National  Committee,  for  he  is  on 
job  every  day  and  determines  the  prac- 
al  work  and  politics  of  the  party  every 
i  in  the  year. 

■Tow,  then,  comrades,  we  say  that  this  is 
democracy,  it  is  a  caricature  of  democ- 
y.     Democracy  does  not  consist  in  want- 
to  have  everybody  do  everything  simul- 
leously.       (Applause.)       It    consists    in    a 
per,    intelligent    arrangement    by    which 
best  fitted  persons  are  elected  to  do  cer- 
n  tasks,    subject  to   the   approval   of   the 
istituency,    and    with    the    power    of    the 
stituency  to  recall  them  at  anjt  time  if 
y  do  not  suit  or  make  good. 
-Tow,    your    Constitution    Committee    sug- 
ts  a  general  scheme  which,   in  its  opin- 
,  will  do  away  with  all  the  objects  men- 
hed.     We  start  out  by  saying,  let  us  first 
all   create   a   body  primarily   responsible 
the  administration  of  the  party  affairs. 
.  every  other  administrative  organ  derive 
;  powers   from   that  body,   be   responsible 
that   body,    be    controlled   by    that    body, 
that   there  shall  be   no  conflict  between 
m.     Let  us  devise  a  method  by  which  in 
selection    of   our   Executive    Committee 
1   officers   we   will   have    some   intelligent 
cussion,    a   meeting   face    to   face   of   the 
n    chargeable    with    the   duty    of   making 
proper   selection,    an   opportunity   to   go 
ir  the  qualifications  of  the  candidates,  an 
jortunity  to  intelligently  consider  the  en- 
3  situation,  and  then  make  the  selection 
er  such  consideration. 

iVe  suggest  that  the  responsible  body,  the 
iy  of  primary  power  and  responsibility, 
the  National  Committee  of  the  Socialist 
rty,  elected  by  the  states  as  heretofore. 
fVe  suggest  that  the  Executive  Commit- 
as  its  name  indicates,  be  an  executive 
nmittee  of  that  National  Committee,  and 
:  an  independent  one  selected  by  the 
mbers.     (Applause.) 

iVe  suggest  that  the  National  Secretary 
the  Executive  Secretary  of  the  National 
Timittee,  and  not  an  independent  official, 
^.nd  we  suggest,  further,  that  the  Na- 
nal  Committee  become  a  real,  working, 
ictioning  body.  It  is  not  such  a  body  now. 
has  practically  a  mere  nominal  existence 
til  it  comes  to  some  mischief  or  other,  as 
voting  of  $1,000  for  the  victims  of  mine 
asters,  which  could  be  used  for  much 
re  legitimate  purposes  and  functions, 
w,  we  propose  to  have  the  National  Com- 
ttee  meet  regularly  in  actual  session  at 
st  once  a  year,  and  in  such  meeting  take 
and  discuss  the  organization  problems 
%  working  problems  before  the  party  and 

I  pose  of  them  in  an  intelligent  way.  In 
er  words,  have  a  convention  in  miniature 
the    basis    of    representation    which    we 


k  for 

propose.     That  would  mean  about  75  mei**,      T 
bers  at  present,   probably  100   in  a  year'  o>7   \ 
two,  coming  together  once  a  year,  receiving' ge 
all  reports,  investigating  into  the  condition   m 
of  the  national  office,  making  elections  of  an     e 
Executive     Committee,     and     an     Executive 
Secretary,    a   Woman's    National    Committee 
and  a  General  Correspondent  for  that  Wom- 
an's   Committee,    all   after   due    and    proper 
deliberation. 

We  have  in  view  also  tha.  this  will  dis- 
pense with  the  biennial  congresses,  and  will 
at  the  same  time  give  us  a  chance  to  have 
annual  conventions  in  miniature.  (Ap- 
plause.) Now,  comrades,  that  is  one  of  the 
most  important  points.  There  is  not  a  So- 
cialist Party  in  the  world  which  does  not 
meet  annually  in  convention  for  the  trans- 
action of  business,  and  if  there  is  any  party 
that  needs  such  meetings  most  urgently,  it 
'  is  the  Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States, 
at  present  in  the  period  of  its  most  rapid 
growth,  for  every  year  presents  new  prob- 
lems, new  situations,  which  should  be  dealt 
with  intelligently  and  in  session  and  by 
debate,  discussions  and  deliberations. 

Now,  we  also  propose  that  this  National 
Committee  be  composed  primarily  of  the 
state  secretaries  of  the  various  states,  who 
will  act  as  members-at-large  for  the  state, 
if  you  want,  and  additional  members,  ac- 
cording to  the  membership  of  the  respective 
states.  What  we  expect  to  achieve  by  it  is 
the  following.  When  we  have  our  National 
Committee  elected,  or  even  our  Congresses,  . 
we  send  the  most  popular  men  today  to 
them,  but  the  actual  workers  of  the  party,  j 
those  who  will  have  in  their  hands  the  exe-  - 
cution  of  our  decision,  they  very  often  stay  e 
away;  they  are  not  elected.  Now,  the  Na~  ;? 
tional  Committee,  or  the  national  organiza-  i 
tion  for  that  matter,  is  nothing  but  a  sort 
of  bureau  or  general  agency  for  the  trans- 
.  action  of  the  business  of  the  Socialist  Party 
in  the  different  state  organizations.  We 
have  no  existence  outside  of  the  state  or- 
ganizations. The  state  organizations  com- 
pose the  physical  party.  The  state  organi- 
zations do  the  work  of  the  party.  And  as 
we  grow  that  will  become  more  and  more 
the  case,  and  for  this  reason  it  is  important 
that  the  men  elected  by  the  state  to  trans- 
act the  business  of  the  Socialist  Party 
within  the  state,  first,  shall  have  a  voice  in 
the  formulation  of  the  general  policies  of  the 
Socialist  Party;  and  second,  shall  be  in  as 
close  a  touch  with  the  general  work  as  we 
can  make  it  possible;  for  a  state  secretary, 
taking  part  in  the  national  convention  and 
returning  to  his  state,  will  be  best  qualified 
to  carry  out  the  general  spirit  and  policy  of 
the  party  as  determined  in  that  meeting  of 
which  he  constitutes  a  part. 

Now,  further,  we  provide  also  for  a 
change  in  the  method  of  conducting  the 
referendum  vote.  We  do  not  curtail  it.  We 
leave  it  to  the  extent  of  requiring  the  same 
low  percentage,  five  per  cent,  of  the  mem- 
bership, to  initiate  a  referendum  at  any 
time.  But  we  make  this  change,  comrades: 
Instead  of  allowing  any  local  to  initiate  a 
referendum,  we  require  the  state,  through 
the  membership  of  the  State  Committee  or 
„  the  State  Executive  Committee,  if  author- 
ized to  do  so,  to  initiate  a  referendum;  and 
if  seconded  by  similar  state  organizations 
representing  a  total  of  five  per  cent  of  the 
membership  or  by  any  five  state  organiza- 
tions, then  the  referendum  will  be  called. 

The  reason  for  doing  that  is  as  follows: 
First,  the  present  method  of  dealing  w!.th 
locals,  where  our  entire  scheme  of  organiza- 
tion is  based  upon  state  division  very 
largely.  Second,  when  we  have  reached  a 
point  of  having  five  thousand  locals,  as  we 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


j,  some  of  them  composed  of  several  thou- 
sand members,  and  others  of  half  a  dozen 
1  members,  it  is  unwise,  it  is  improper  to 
allow  each  one  of  these  locals  to  initiate 
referendum.  Whether  they  will  be  subse- 
quently supported  or  not  is  another  ques- 
tion. But  in  the  meanwhile,  Local  Hono- 
lulu may  submit  for  a  referendum  a  motion 
that  we  forthwith  proceed  to  socialize  all 
the  instruments  of  wealth  and  distribution, 
and  other  locals  may  submit  similar  refer- 
endums.  The  result  is  that  our  National 
Bulletin  is  clogged  every  week  with  dozens 
of  such  referendums,  carried  on  from  week 
to  week  without  sense,  right  or  reason. 
Now,  we  say  that  the  local  which  cannot 
get  the  support  of  its  own  state  for  any 
proposition  which  it  originates  has  no  right 
to  come  before  the  national  organization 
and  demand  its  adoption.     (Applause.) 

Comrades,  this  is  a  general  outline.  We 
have  made  other  changes,  many  more  which 
will  come  up  as  the  Constitution  or  the 
draft  of  it  is  read  to  you  point  by  point. 
What  we  had  in  view  by  the  entire  scheme 
was  to  create  a  democratic,  but  neverthe- 
less strong,  political  organization,  which 
will  be  in  a  position  and  which  will  be 
able  to  take  advantage  of  the  great  oppor- 
tunities which  unfold  themselves  before  us 
in  our  work  and  propaganda  day  after  day, 
and  which  we  have  been  compelled  to  sorely 
neglect  in  the  past.  (Applause.)  If  there 
is  no  objection,  our  committee  would  like  to 
have  our  very  able  reading  clerk,  Comrade 
Strickland,  read  the  Constitution  to  the  con- 
vention. 

DEL.  ALEXANDER  (Tex.):  I  move  to 
take  up  the  Constitution  seriatim.  (Sec- 
onded.) 

DEL.  CALDWELL  (Pa.):  I  move  that 
the  Constitution  be  read  as  a  whole,  and 
then  be  taken  up  seriatim.      (Seconded.) 

DEL.  WILLIAMS  (Pa.):  I  make  an 
amendment  tha.t  we  take  it  up  seriatim  and 
read  it.     (Seconded.) 

The  amendment  was  carried. 

Article  I  of  the  Constitution  was  read, 
and  there  being  no  objection  was  declared 
adopted. 

Article  II  was  read. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Any  objection? 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  I  move  to 
insert  after  the  words  "all  other  political 
parties"  the  two  words  "or  organizations." 
(Seconded.)  Under  the  commission  form  of 
government  we  will  not  have  political  par- 
ties in  the  cities  where  such  methods  are 
introduced.  It  will  be  political  organiza- 
tions, and  therefore  we  must  provide 
whether  a  member  has  a  right  to  vote  with 
non-partisan  so-called  political  organiza- 
tions. Besides  that,  there  are  many  politi- 
cal organizations. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  committee  ac- 
cepts. Is  there  any  objection  now  as  it 
stands?    The  words  are  now  in  the  report. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  A  point  of  in- 
formation. Will  that  read  "all  other  polit- 
ical parties  and  organizations"  or  "all  other 
political  parties  and  political  organiza- 
tions''" 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  will  have  to  ask 
the  committee.  , 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  What  is  meant,  surely, 
is  political  organizations.  . 

DEL.  MERRICK:  Some  comrades  raised 
the  question  of  ambiguity  on  that,  and  I  be- 
lieve the  committee  should  accept  it. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  They  will  accept  po- 
litical organizations"  to  make  it  perfect. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  committees  re- 
port is  "political  organizations." 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (Ohio):  In  the  next 
to  the  last  line,  after  the  various  qualifica- 
tions   numerated,    are   the    words   "shall   be 


eligible     to     membership    In     the     Soc: 
Party."     I  hold  that  whether  he  shall 
shall    not    be    should   be    left    to    the    1 
that    there    should    not    be    a    constru 
placed   upon    that   to    the   effect   that   i 
comes   up    to   Che    several   political    req 
ments  in  this  section  that  he  is  eligible 
shall    be    eligible.      There    are    quite   a 
people  that,  in  my  opinion,  are  not  eli> 
even  after  they  have  fulfilled  this  req'i 
ment.     I  want  that  changed  to  "may  bc! 
gible."     Whether  he  shall  be  eligible,  oij 
question  of  his  eligibility,  should  be  le: 
the  local. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Do  you  make  a 
tion?  That  is  not  before  us  unless  the 
a  motion. 

DEL.  VIERLING  (Mo.):  I  move  tha< 
last  clause  be  changed  to  read  as  foil 
"May  be  admitted  to  membership  in 
party."     (Seconded.) 

THE    CHAIRMAN:      Are    you    ready 
vote    on    the    amendment  as    made    by 
Vierling  of  Missouri? 

DEL.  MOORE  (Pa.):  I  oppose  chan* 
a  word.  I  think  all  that  the  dele;! 
wants  in  the  amendment  is  to  cover  it  si 
now  reads.  I  don't  want  to  put  anythin.j 
there  that  would  give  anyone  a  chancy 
point  out  in  the  Constitution  and 
"This  is  what  I  am  actually  for."  I  tlj 
we  already  haye  enough  without  specif3| 
a  lot  of  other  requirements.  When  it  coi 
to  dealing  with  people  that  are  object 
able  in  any  branch  or  in  any  local,  we  h 
the  power  to  defeat  them  by  our  vote, 
I  do  not  think  we  would  strengthen  that 
putting  this  in.  I  believe  if  we  give  pe< 
a  chance  to  start  a  trial  for  heresy 
would  probably  keep  eligible  people  out 
the  party. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD  (Ohio):  It  is  very 
portant  that  we  safeguard  our  organizat 
at  this  stage  of  its  career.  We  have  I 
sons  in  the  city  of  Cleveland  that  under 
circumstances  would  we  admit  to  our  pa 
organization.  We  know  positively,  bey< 
a  doubt,  that  if  they  sought  admission  i 
the  party  organization,  they  would  have? 
terior  motives.  There  are  some  people 
this  world  who  are  beyond  redempt! 
(Laughter.)  I  stand  for  that  amendni 
so  that  the  admission  of  these  people  si 
be  at  the  discretion  of  the  local,  the  m< 
bers  of  the  party  who  are  on  the  firing  1 
right  there  ir\  that  locality  and  who  kr 
all  about  the  raw  material. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y):  I  am  in  fa 
of  this  provision,  too.  That  is  exactly 
way  they  are  working  at  present.  Th 
is  no  reason  to  fear  that  somebody  may  j 
into  the  Socialist  Party  that  is  not  wan.1 
It  is  a  fact  that  we  have  the  power  to  n 
on  the  admission  of  members  in  the  1<3 
organization.  Up  to  this  time  we  h! 
always  been  able  to  keep  out  undesira 
elements  from  the  party,  and  if  you  acq 
this  you  thereby  make  it  so  that  they  n, 
be  eligible.  The  point  raised  by  Comn 
Moore  of  Pennsylvania  is  correct.  It  lea 
it  possible  for  the  local  organization 
keep  undesirable  elements  out  of  the  pal 
I  therefore  vote  in  favor  of  the  report! 
the  committee. 

DEL.  TAYLOR   (111.):     A  point  of  inj 
mation.     Is  it  not  true  that  the  part  of  t 
article  that  is  printed  in  plain  type   is 
old  Constitution  as  it  stands,   and  that 
black-faced  type  is  new  material? 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  The  statement  shcj 
have  been  made  by  the  chairman  of  J 
committee  before,  but  you  will  bear  in  rnj 
that  all  which  is  in  light  type  represJ 
sections    taken    over    bodily    from    our 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


stitution,  while  the  heavy  type  contains 
sections  amended  or  new  sections. 
EL.  VIERLING  (Mo.):  I  would  like  to 
e  that  the  word  "shall"  makes  it  obliga- 
'  upon  the  local  to  admit  the  member 
i  may  come  within  the  scope  of  the  pre- 
ng  words.  The  Constitution  of  the  Mis- 
ri  Socialist  Party  says  that  they  may  be 
litted  if  they  conform  to  those  words, 
rou  say  they  shall  be  eligible,  it  is  an 
tation  to  the  applicant,  and  I  believe 
I  the  local  on  the  ground,  that  is,  the 
J  to  which  the  application  is  made, 
aid  be  the  authority  to  say  who  shall  be 
dtted  to  membership.  You  here  in  na- 
al  convention  assembled  may  state  in 
eral  terms  what  the  qualifications  shall 
but  after  all  it  is  the  people  to  whom 
application  is  made  who  should  say 
ther  or  not  he  shall  be  admitted.  I 
jt  that  you  will  vote  for  the  amend- 
lt,  because  it  leaves  this  power  with  the 
local  where  the  application  is  made,  and 

are  only  then  exercising  the  right 
ch  the  comrade  has  spoken  about. 
EL.  REILLY  (N.  J.):  It  seems  to  me 
:  the  delegates  who  are  afraid  that  un- 
rable  people  will  come  in  are  unduly 
med.  What  this  Constitution  really 
ns  is  that  no  local  shall  make  any  other 
ise  as  a  requisite  for  membership.     We 

on  applications  for  membership  indi- 
lally.  We  can  appoint,  if  we  want,  com- 
bes to  investigate  the  candidate.  We 
^if  we  want,  vote  against  admitting  peo- 
to  membership,  and  we  do  not  have  to 
I  a  reason.  What  this  means  is  that  no 
e  or  no  local  can  draw  the  color  line  or 
draw  the  religious  line,  or  draw  any 
;r  line  except  as  provided  here,  and  for 
;  reason  I  favor  the  report  of  the  corn- 
tee. 

he  previous  question  was  moved. 
EL.   PRIESTAP    (Ohio):     I  am   for  the 
ndment.     I  am  from  Lima,   Ohio,  and  I 
t   to   explain   to   you   the   difference   be- 
en "may"  and  "shall."     We  had  quite  a 
ible   in   our   local,   which   you   all   know, 
the  difference  came  right  here.    We  had 
wyer  who  was  nominated  for  the  Board 
>af  ety,  and  you  all  know  that  we  dumped 
1  whole    bunch    because    they    were    not 
>ing  the  mandates  of  the  Socialist  Party, 
trial  turned  on  just  exactly  such  words, 
y  pay  close  attention  to  them,  and  when 
|;ays    "shall,"    he    sticks    right    to    it.      I 
lit  that  not  all  the  members  of  the  So- 
Ist  Party  in  our  locals  have  just  exactly 
same  kind  of  milk   in   their   cocoanuts, 
when  one  of  these  fellows  who  are  able 
ake  trouble  gets  started  he  will  make  a 
6    deal    out    of    the    difference    between 

"'     and     "may."       This     word     "may" 

1  remain  in  that  article. 

$E   httaIRMAN:      I   will   have  to  give 

to    the   committee,    following    the 

I  *ent.     The   committee   has   a  right   to 

s  five  minutes  in  favor  of  the  matter 

$  stands  without  amendment. 

EL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):     It  seems  to  me 

Cutely  unnecessary  to  debate  this  ques- 

In  the  first  place,  I  am  not  a  master 

Authority  on  English,  but  I  think  many 

the    comrades    are    mistaking    the    word 

lible"   for  the  word   "elective."     I  want 

call    your    attention    to    this    fact:      We 

e  had  this  clause  precisely  as  it  stands 

many  years.  (Applause.)  We  have 
ost  6,000  locals,  and  in  all  those  years 
even  one  of  those  6,000  locals  has  asked 
a  change  in  this  word.  That  is  the  best 
3f  that  it  has  worked  all  right  through- 
the  United  States.  Let  it  stand, 
he  amendment  to  substitute  "may"  for 
all"  was  put  and  lost  *. 


THE   CHAIRMAN:     We  are  now  goin*  for 

to  vote  on  Section  1  as  reported.  -v    T 

DEL.    BESSEMER     (Ohio):      I    am   very*  J' 
much  at  sea  if  we  are  going  to  vote  on  the  ^ 
whole  section.     I  was  under  the  impression      " 
that  we  are  voting  on  this  amendment.      I 
have  a   very   important  amendment   to   add 
in   there.      I   was   simply   waiting  patiently 
till  this  other  amendment  was  disposed  of. 
I  have  a  very  important  matter  to   offer. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  stands  cor- 
rected.    We  will  listen  to  tn^  amendment. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  wish  to  add  in  the 
third  line,  after  the  word  "creed"  the  words 
"or  affiliation  with  any  other  labor  organi- 
zation or  movement."     (Seconded.) 

The  previous  question  was  moved. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  have  a  right  to 
speak  on  my  motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  has  ruled 
that  the  amendment  was  permitted,  but  not 
to  be  discussed. 

Del.  Bessemer  appealed  from  the  decision 
of  the  Chair,  and  the  appeal  was  sustained. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  My  reason  for  mak- 
ing that  amendment  is  that  I  know  of  one 
specific  case  at  least  where  a  member  had 
been  a  member  of  the  Socialist  Party  for 
three  years,  with  his  card  with  the  due 
stamps  on  it,  and  he  had  been  away  from 
the  city  or  out  of  the  local  for  a  year  or 
two,  and  in  that  time  had  been  very  active 
or  had  advocated  industrial  organization. 
He  came  back  to  that  town  and  appealed  to 
the  party  to  re-admit  him.  In  the  mean- 
time there  had  been  considerable  discussion 
in  the  local  over  the  tactics  of  labor  organi-  <j 
zations,  and  it  seemed  that  those  who  were  ». 
opposed  to  industrial  organization,  for  no  fe 
other  reason  than  they  admittedly  said  they  s? 
would  not  allow  a  man  in  their  organiza-  .>g 
tion  or  in  that  local  that  would  work  or 
speak  for  industrial  organization,  and  they 
voted  against  admitting  that  man  to  the 
party.  We  know  that  is  not  fair.  This 
clause  in  here  is  no  harm,  will  do  no  injury 
whatsoever,  but  it  safeguards  a  man  who 
wants  to  join  any  labor  organization  from 
being  expelled  or  put  out  of  the  Socialist 
Party  for  that  reason.  We  have  gone  on 
record  here  as  being  in  favor  of  insisting 
upon  members  of  the  Socialist  Party  be- 
longing to  labor  organizations,  and  why  are 
we  afraid  of  putting  a  clause  in  there  so 
that  no  man  can  be  denied  the  right  given 
him  to  belong,  when  we  ask  him  to  belong. 
I  think  it  is  a  very  sensible  thing  to  put  it 
in.  It  can  injure  nobody  and  may  be  a 
benefit.  In  case  a  man  was  denied  the  right 
to  go  into  a  local,  if  this  clause  is  in  there 
he  has  a  good  cause  to  appeal  to  the  mem- 
bership at  large  of  the  state  for  protection, 
and  if  they  would  not  give  it  he  could  ap- 
peal to  the  membership  of  the  United 
States. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  I  want  to 
speak  against  the  amendment,  and  in  speak- 
ing I  will  use  the  argument  of  Comrade 
Bessemer  himself.  He  shows  you  the  mem- 
bership card  of  a  comrade  that  has  been  a 
member  of  the  party,  and  he  tried  to  join 
the  party  again.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he 
has  been  a  member  of  the  party  all  the 
time,  and  only  has  to  go  and  pay  his  dues 
and  he  will  be  a  member  in  good  standing 
and  will  not  require  a  new  application.  It 
is  not  a  good  argument  to  say  you  are  go- 
ing to  insert  something  new  In  the  Consti- 
tution. If  we  are  going  to  make  an  amend- 
ment to  cover  every  particular  case,  then 
we  might  as  well  provide  what  kind  of 
clothes  he  shall  wear  in  order  to  belong  to 
the  party.  As  to  the  objection  raised  by 
Comrade  Bessemer  In  regard  to  appealing 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


)8  <it- 

oo 

j.  the  state  organization,  there  is  plenty  of 
Opportunity  to  cover  all  that, 
r    The  question  was  then  put  on  the  Besse- 
mer amendment,  and  it  was  lost. 

DEL.  MALKIEL  (N.  Y.):  I  move  to  in- 
sert after  "political  action"  the  words  "for 
both  men  and  women."     (Seconded.) 

DEL.  LONDON  (N.  Y.):  I  rise  to  a  point 
of  order.     The   amendment  is  meaningless. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  not  a  point 
of  order.  You  will  decide  on  that  by  voting 
on  it. 

DEL.  MALKIEL:  I  have  made  this 
amendment  for  this  reason:  Last  year 
when  the  Woman's  National  Committee  had 
the  petition  that  Comrade  Berger  presented 
in  Congress,  we  found  that  there  were  peo- 
ple who  refused  to  sign  it.  We  had  circu- 
lated the  petition  among  our  party  mem- 
bership, and  more  than  once  we  were  con- 
fronted with  our  party  members  who  re- 
fused to  sign  the  petition,  on  the  ground 
that  they  did  not  believe  in  woman  suf- 
frage. In  our  platforms  we  have  declared 
for  equal  suffrage  for  both  men  and  women 
for  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years  or  more, 
and  it  has  remained  until  now.  The  time 
has  come  when  woman  suffrage,  woman's 
enfranchisement,  is  a  live  issue.  If  we 
stand  for  it  let  the  men  and  women  joining 
the  party  pledge  themselves  to  support  it. 
I  ask  you  to  accept  that,  but  I  think  the 
delegates  will  vote  in  favor  of  it. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ  ( 111. ) :  I  want  to  speak 
against  the  amendment.  A  person  may  be 
a  member  of  the  Socialist  Party  and  may  op- 
pose woman  suffrage.  I  have  spoken  in  favor 
of  it  at  women's  meetings  time  and  time 
again.  I  have  always  advocated  it,  at  all 
times  and  in  all  places.  I  think  there  should 
be  such  a  plank  in  the  Socialist  platform, 
and  when  an  applicant  for  membership  in 
the  Socialist  Party  signs  his  name  he  agrees 
with  the  platform  of  the  party,  but  the 
question  of  woman  suffrage,  in  my  opinion, 
is  not  a  fundamental  question  of  the  class 
struggle.  Tn  other  words,  I  do  not  believe 
that  in  order  for  a  man  to  believe  that  the 
class  struggle  is  in  existence  and  that  it  is 
necessary  for  him  to  organize  politically  in 
order  to  capture  the  powers  of  government 
— I  do  not  believe  that  he  must  agree  neces- 
sarily that  that  is  impossible  unless  he  also 
favors  woman  suffrage.  I  believe  our  con- 
stitutional requirements  should  be  broad 
enough  to  permit  men  and  women  to  be 
members  of  the  party  even  if  they  do  not 
see  fit  to  agree  with  me  on  woman  suffrage. 
There  are  men  in  the  Socialist  Party  that  I 
know  who  do  not  favor  woman  suffrage, 
and  I  honestly  believe  that  they  are  good 
Socialists;  but  for  various  reasons  they  do 
not  favor  it.  We  have  some  comrades  in 
this  convention  that  do  not  agree  with  the 
immediate  demands  in  our  platform.  We 
agree  with  the  platform,  but  I  do  not  be- 
lieve it  should  be  made  a  requirement  in  our 
Constitution  that  a  man  should  absolutely 
say,  "I  believe  in  woman  suffrage"  before  he 
can  be  admitted  to  membership  in  the  So- 
cialist Party. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  want  to  offer  an  „ 
amendment.  The  amendment  I  offer  is  this: 
To  amend  the  latter  part  of  the  article 
which  reads  "and  subscribes  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Socialist  party,  including  po- 
litical action"  by  deleting  the  last  three 
words,  and  to  insert  the  words  "platform 
and"  before  "principles,"  so  that  it  will 
road,  "and  subscribes  to  the  platform  and 
principles  of  the  Socialist  party,  shall  be 
eligible  to  membership  in  the  party."  If 
I  pret  a  second  I  will  explain  why. 

(Amendment  Seconded.) 
DEL.    SPARGO:      I    think    that    it   is    en- 
tirely superfluous  to  say  "any  person  who 


subscribes  to  the  principles  of  the  p; 
including  political  action."  Where  we 
had  a  controversy  in  our  tmrty  bet* 
those  who  say  that  the  ■Socialist  p 
ought  to  turn  to  Sabotage,  o  direct  ac 
— where  we  have  had  a  controversy — 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):     A  point  of  or 
Comrade   Spargo   is  not  talking  to   the 
tion.     He   is  introducing  irrelevant   mt\ 
here. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  Sparg 
talking  to  his   motion. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  Where  we  have 
that  discussion,  when  I  have  said  to 
rades,  "You  are  violating  the  decalog 
they  have  turned  back  to  it  and  said,  "I 
is  the  article  which  provides  the  te 
of  admission  to  the  party  and  member' 
in  the  party,  and  it  says  'including  politj 
action.'  "  What  does  that  mean  if  it  c 
not  mean  that  there  are  other  kinds 
action  sactioned  by  the  party?  I  h 
heard  men  stand  up  to  defend  Saboi 
and  say,  "So  long  as  I  believe  in  polit 
action  of  some  kind,  I  am  within  my  ri 
in  the  Socialist  party  in  advocating  Sail 
age."  I  want  this  party  today  to  go 
record,  not  that  political  action  is  5 
ordinate  in  our  party,  in  its  platform,  in 
rules.  I  want  it  to  take  this  posit: 
We  are  a  political  party,  and  any  per 
who  comes  into  the  political  party  must 
necessity  accept  the  principle  of  polit 
action  as  a  condition  of  membership, 
know  why  it  was  inserted  in  1908.  I  kr 
the  abnormal  condition  under  which  t 
sentence  was  introduced  into  that  rule. 
I  tell  you  that  what  we  ought  to  demand 
every  applicant  for  membership  in  the 
cialist  party  is  an  unqualified  declarat 
that  he  accepts  the  principles  of  the 
cialist  party  as  set  forth  in  its  platfc 
and  its   program.        (Applause.) 

DEL;    HILLQUIT:      The    reason    wh3 
speak  against  this  proposition  is  not  tha 
disagree  with   the   spirit  of  Comrade  Sr, 
go's  remarks,  but  because  I  think  his   1 
tion  does  not  properly  carry  out  the  sp 
in  which  it  is  made.     We  have  now  in 
platform   a   demand   for   political    action 
be  recognized  by  applicants  before  they 
be  qualified  for  membership.     The  strik 
out   of  that  phrase   will   be   and   should 
interpreted    as     dispensing    with     that 
quirement.      (Applause.)      Now,   we  are 
dispensing    with     this     requirement.       F 
thermore,    the    substitution    of    "platfor: 
so    as    to   make    the    section    read    that 
candidate    subscribes    to    the    platform    s 
principles,    is  -  near    repetition.      The    pi 
ciples  are  expressed  in  the  platform. 

A  DELEGATE:  Not  at  all.  They  are  a 
expressed   in   the   resolutions. 

DEL.     HILLQUIT:       Well,     I     think 
platform  does   represent  our  principles, 
it  does   not,   I   do   not  know  what   does, 
think   our   principles    are    expressed    in    i 
platform.     I  therefore  think  we  would  b 
leave   it  in  as  it  is. 

The  amendment  of  Del.  Spargo  was  los 

Del    Goebel    moved    the    adoption    of 
section   as   read.      Seconded. 

DEL.  MALEY  (Wash.):  I  rise  to  p 
pose  an  amendment  covering  the  int 
tion  of  Comrade  Malkiel  but  inserting  af 
the  words  "political  action"  the  phri 
"and  unrestricted  political  rights  for  W 
sexp^." 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

DEL.  MALEY:  I  don't  expeot  that .  C 
amendment  will  be  carried.  But  I  br 
the  matter  before  the  convention  with  1 
hope  that  the  necessity  for  any  member 
the  Socialist  party  of  America  bring! 
such   an   amendment   to   our   party    conv< 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


Lion  shall  be  made  forever  unnecessary.  The 
fact  of  the  matter  is  this,  that  Del.  Malkiel 
jf  New  York  knows  exactly  where  she 
lails  from  and  what  she  is  talking  about. 
3he  asks  for  an  amendment  including  wo- 
men's rights  in  our  party  pledge  because 
here  are  Socialist  locals  that  have  refused 
to  sign  women's  suffrage  petitions  that 
were  presented  to  Congress  by  Comrade 
Berger  this  year.  I  speak  not  as  a  woman, 
aot  as  a  feminist.  I  speak  as  a  party  man 
(loud  cheers)  and  an  organization  man 
(cheers)  when  I  tell  you  that  if  you  don't 
put  your  women  into  this  fight  the  cap- 
talists  will  do  it  for  you;  and  they  will 
ijjut  not  only  the  women  into  this  fight,  but 
here  will  be  unrestricted  suffrage  for  the 
siegroes  of  the  south,  and  for  every  ele- 
nent  in  this  nation  that  your  masters  think 
an  be  used  as  a  plug  to  destroy  you  as  a 
Dolitical  factor.  I  certainly  trust  that  we 
shall  have  at  least  a  strong  expression 
"rom  this  convention  to  the  effect  that  no 
tinan  is  a  Socialist — get  it? — no  man  is  a 
i  Socialist,  and  I  give  it  back  to  Rodriguez; 
le  is  not  a  Socialist,  he  is  only,  a  half  baked 
jolitician  if  he  stands  against  the  right 
)f  women  to  vote,  or  pats  on  the  back  any 
)ther  half  baked  working  man  who  stands 
igainst  the  right  of  his  working  class 
dster  to  come  into  the  political"  field  and 
nake  her  fight   for  justice. 

DEL.  RODRIGUEZ  (111.):  I  rise  to  a 
natter  of  personal  privilege. 
4  (Cries  of  "take  the  platform.") 
t  DEL.  RODRIGUEZ:  I  don't  desire  to 
ake  the  platform  at  all.  I  think  you  can 
ill  hear  me,  and  I  think  if  Comrade  Maley 
lad  listened  before  she  would  have  heard 
ne  and  understood  me.  It  seems  that  she 
lid  not.  I  have  always  stood  for  univer- 
sal suffrage,  but  in  view  of  the  remarks 
»f  Comrade  Maley  perhaps  it  is  necessary 
o  repeat  what  I  said  before.  I  have  al- 
ajvays  stood,  ever  since  I  became  a  member 
p  >f  this  party  for  equal  and  unrestricted 
ights  for  men  and  women.  My  wife  hap- 
>ens  to  be  a  member  of  this  party;  every 
me  of  ray  wife's  family  are  for  women's 
uffrage,  and  all  of  my  family  are  for  wo- 
nen's  suffrage.  What  I  said  was  this,  tlat 
did  not  believe  that  it  was  absolutely 
tecessary  as  a  requirement  before  any  man 
iecame  a  member  of  the  party  that  he 
hould  first  unrestrictedly  and  absolutely 
ielieve  that  woman  should  have  an  equal 
tallot  with  man.  That  is  what  I  said, 
'urthermore  I  said  that  we  should  have  a 
lank  in  our  platform  declaring  for  equal 
ights  for  men  and  women.  I  am  sorry 
hat  Comrade,  Maley  did  not  hear  that.  I 
tand  just  as  strongly  for  woman's  suf- 
rage  as  does  Comrade   Maley. 

DEL.  MENG  (Ark.) :  He  did  say  a  man 
ould  be  a  good  Socialist  and  opposed  to 
soman's  suffrage. 

DEL.  MALKIEL  '(N.  Y.):  I  want  to  say 
hat  Delegate  Rodriguez  did  say  that  a 
nan  could  be  a  good  Socialist  and  not 
elieve  in  equal  suffrage. 
DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  The  statement 
as  been  made  on  this  floor  that  a  branch 
n  Local  NeW  York  is  opposed  to  woman's 
uffrage  because  they  refused  to  sign  a  pe- 
ition  that  was  to  be  presented  by  Comrade 
Serger.  If  there  was  such  a  branch  the 
eason  they  did  not  sign  such  a  petition 
vas  because  thev  were  utterly  opposed  to 
he  idea  of  petitioning  a  capitalist  con- 
ress  to  grant  the  vote  to  women;  they 
lid  not  believe  that  anything  could  be 
chieved  by  petitioning.  That  does  not 
how  that  there  is  any  local  in  New  York 
pposed  to  giving  woman  political  equality 
dth  man. 


k  for 

The    amendment    by    Comrade    Male 
insert  the  words  "and  unrestricted  polfoy   i 
rights  for  both  sexes"   was   carried.  act 

A  division  being  called  for  *the  cha^ri 
man  said:  t., 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  amendment  yo.! 
have  just  carried  is  to  insert  the  wordfc- 
"and  unrestricted  political  rights  for  both 
sexes,"  after  the  words  "political  action." 
A  division  has  been  called  for. 

DEL.  ENDRES  (N.  Y.):  I  believe  there 
are  a  good  many  of  uc  who  do  not  under- 
stand this  situation.  Wnat  does  the  intro- 
duction of  this  clause  mean? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  There  should  not  be 
any  doubt  about  what  this  means  but  the 
secretary  will  read  it  again.  Read  the  whole 
section  as  amended. 

THE  SECRETARY  (reading):  "Article  2, 
Section  1.  Every  person,  resident  of  the 
United  States  of  the  age  of  18  years  and 
upwards  without  dicrimination  as  to  sex, 
race,  color  or  creed  who  has  severed  his 
connection  with  all  other  political  parties 
and  subscribe  to  the  principles  of  the  So- 
cialist party,  including  political  action,  and 
unrestricted  political  rights  for  both  sexes, 
shall  be  eligible  to  membership  in  the 
party." 

Upon  a  division  the  amendment  by  Com- 
rade Maley  was  carried;    135  aye,    86   no. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  Are  not  the 
committee  willing  to  change  the  word  "his" 
to  "their." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  masculine  pro- 
noun carries  both  sexes  according  to  the 
Chair's  interpretation. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  Do  I  understand 
that  on  every  amendment  that  comes  be- 
fore the  convention  now  on  this  article 
there   can   be  no   more   than   two    speeches? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  the  Chair's 
understanding. 

DEL.  WILSON:  I  object.  Every  amend- 
ment that  comes  as  a  distinct  motion  on 
every  one  of  these  sections ,  ought  to  be 
open  to  debate  until  the  previous  ques- 
tion  is   called. 

DEL.  BRUCE  (Pa.):  I  appeal  from  the 
ruling  of  the  Chair. 

THE  VICE  CHAIRMAN:  An  appeal  has 
been  taken.  The  question  is,  shall  the 
Chair  be  sustained. 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Cal.^:  At  the  early 
part  of  the  session  the  presiding  officer 
ruled  that  when  an  amendment  offered  by 
one  of  the  delegates  was  before  the  house 
and  another  delegate  offered  an  amend- 
ment the  Chair  ruled  that  in  order  not  to 
confuse  the  question  they  would  deal  with 
one  amendment  at  a  time;  and  when  that 
amendment  was  disposed  of  the  other 
amendment  could  be  put.  That  was  the 
ruling  of  the  Chair.  That  was  the  abso- 
lute understanding  of  every  delegate  in  the 
house.  And  whether  the  Chair  ruled  other- 
wise or  not  I  hold  it  is  simply  fair  that 
every  amendment  should  be  open  to  dis- 
cussion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  simply  un- 
derstands that  the  previous  question  being 
ordered,  amendments  are  still  in  order,  but 
the  discussion  is  limited.  I  simply  act 
under  my  understanding  of  the  rule. 

On  a  division  the  decision  of  the  Chair 
was  overruled. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  am  every  glad  to 
hear  it. 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (Ohio.):  I  ask  that 
the  committee  include  the  following  words, 
and  I  offer  as  an  amendment  if  they  won't 
accept  it  that  at  the  end  of  the  first  clause 
where  it  says  "membership  in  the  party," 
add  the  words  "of  the  state  in  which  he 
is  a  resident." 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


.  te  motion  was  seconded. 

piEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  A  point  of  in- 
mation.  Does  the  four  hour  rule  ap- 
.  n/  to  the  report  of  this  committee? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     I  think  it  does. 

DEL.  HOGAN:  I  want  to  say  then  that 
<ve  have  consumed  two  hours  already  in 
the  discussion  of  the  first  section  and  at 
this    rate    we   will   never    get   anywhere. 

DEL.  PATTERSON:  The  reason  I 
bring  this  to  your  attention  is  that  on 
many  occasions  men  who  have  been  ex- 
pelled from  the  membership  in  one  state 
have  gone  over  the  border  line  into  the 
next  state  and  joined  the  organization  in 
that  state.  A  member  being  denied  mem- 
bership at  Toledo,  Ohio,  went  down  into 
Florida,  and  there  he  has  exploited  the 
Socialists  by  selling  swamp  lands,  after 
joining  the  Local,  as  I  was  told  by  a  mem- 
ber of  this  convention — a  Local  which  has 
since  perished,  and  which  only  worked 
harm  to  the  bona  fide  Socialist  organization 
while  it  existed.  That  member  was  taken 
into  membership  in  Florida,  and  there  is 
no  provision  at  the  present  time  to  pre- 
vent his  being  taken  in,  by  making  it  com- 
pulsory that  a  state  shall  only  accept 
those  who  are  residents  of  the  state.  Resi- 
dence qualifications  are  determined  politi- 
cally, so  there  is  no  trouble  about  that,  and 
by  making  it  binding  that  a  man  is  only 
eligible  in  the  state  in  which  he  votes  you 
save  the  organization  all  kinds  of  trouble. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  is  nothing  pre- 
venting that  fellow  from  posing  as  a  So- 
cialist, holding  a  Socialist  card  in  the 
party  Local,  opposing  the  regularly  organ- 
ized Socialist  party,  or  becoming  a  candi- 
date for  office. 

DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):  If  we  are  going 
to  do  this  thing  let's  do  it  right,  let  us  take 
each  individual  word  in  this  constitution 
and  submit  an  amendment  to  it.  I  am 
not  here  to  fight  for  this  committee,  but  I 
am  a  member  of  the  committee  and  I  know 
that  we  have  done  our  duty.  I  know  there 
has  not  been  a  point  presented  so  far  that 
was  not  carefully  considered  and  debated 
in  the  committee.  The  last  comrade  for 
instance,  seems  to  forget  that  we  have  a 
provision  in  the  constitution  reiterated  year 
after  year  that  the  membership  of  each 
state  shall  have  absolute  control  over  its 
own  membership.  If  a  state  can  not  take 
care  of  this  thing  the  state  ought  to  have 
all  the  trouble  coming  to  it  so  far  as  I  am 
concerned.  We  have  had  this  -  provision 
year  after  year  and  the  party  has  not  gone 
to  smash.  The  party  Ms  stronger  today,  im- 
mensely stronger  than  ever  before,  and  if 
you  take  up  every  article  in  the  constitu- 
tion that  we  have  been  living  under  for 
years  and  try  to  amend  them  word  for 
word,  what  are  you  going  to  do  with  the 
new  provisions  that  are  vital  to  the  life  of 
this  organization.  Let  us  get  down  to  busi- 
ness. Vote  down  this  amendment  and  con- 
sider something  that  is  essential. 

DEL.  BOS  WELL  (W.  Va.):  I  move  that 
the  motion  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  was  car- 
ried. 

DEL.  EDWARDS:  I  move  that  Section  1, 
Article  2,  be  adopted  as  amended  by  Com- 
rade Maley.  And  upon  that  I  move  the 
previous    question. 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  think  this  mo- 
tion is  unnecessary.  I  think  the  Chair 
ought  to  adopt  the  rule  that  where  there 
are  no  objections  to  a  section  the  Chair- 
man ought  to  declare  the  report  of  the 
committee  accepted  as  was  done  with  the 
report   of   the   Platform   Committee. 

Section  1,  Article  2  was  then  adopted  as 
amended. 


Section  2.  Article  2  was  then  read. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.) :  I  move  ti 
strike  out  in  the  first  sentence  the  wordi 
"without  the  consent  of  the  state  orgar 
ization,"  and  that  the  next  sentence  shal, 
read,  ""No  party  member  shall  be  a  candi 
date  for  public  office  of  any  party  othe 
than  the  Socialist  party." 

THE  SECRETARY:  Del.  Bostrom  o 
Washington  offers  this  amendment:  Tha 
the  section  shall  read,  "No  person  occu 
pying  a  position  honorary  or  remunerativ 
by  gift  of  .any  party  other  than  the  So 
cialist  party  (civil  service  positions  ex 
cepted)  and  no  person  whose  principa 
source  of  income  is  derived  from  rent 
interest  and  profit,  shall  be  eligible  t( 
membership  in  the  Socialist  party.  N< 
party  member  shall  be  a  candidate  fo: 
public  office  without  the  consent  of  th( 
city,  county  or  state  organization  according 
to  the  nature  of  the  office." 

DEL.  BOSTROM:  The  Socialist  partj 
proclaims  itself  to  be  the  political  expres- 
sion of  the  interests  of  the  working  class 
In  the  platform  debate  last  night  we  hac 
an  expression  like  this,  "All  political  par- 
ties are  the  expression  of  economic  clasf 
interests,"  and  in  another  place,  "The  So- 
cialist party  is  the  political  expression  of 
the  economic  interests  of  the  workers.' 
You  say  this  in  one  breath  and  in  the 
next  breath  you  are  willing  to  accept  intc 
the  party  capitalists,  people  whose  inter- 
ests are  practically  antagonistic  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  working  class.  I  know  that 
the  plea  is  made  that  members  coming 
in  here  are  sincere  although  they  may  be 
connected  with  the  Rockefeller  interests, 
but  he  comes  in  here  because  he  is  carried 
away  by  the  speech  of  Comrade  Spargo 
or  some  other  great  orator  of  the  party 
But  you  know  that  every  trouble  that  ex- 
ists anywhere  comes  from  the  clash  of  eco- 
nomic interests.  You  know  that  was  the 
trouble  right  here  last  night  on  the  imme- 
diate demands.  You  see  it  there.  Imme- 
diate demands  are  for  the  benefit  of  the 
tax  paying  class,  for  the  farmers,  for  the 
business  man.  In  the  twelve  years  that  1 
have  been  in  the  Socialist  party  I  have  no- 
ticed that  economic  determinism  operates 
in  the  decision  of  questions  in  the  Socialist 
party  as  everywhere  else.  The  only  cause 
of  disturbance  in  this  party  has  been  eco- 
nomic interests.  You  can  not  make  a  party 
out  of  a  lion  and  a  lamb.  I  tell  you  thai 
earnest  as  a  man  may  be,  sincere  as  a 
man  may  be  when  his  economic  interests 
are  concerned  he  is  going  to  look  out  foi 
them.  I  realize  that  the  opinion  of  this 
convention  is  not  in  favor  of  this  amend- 
ment I  don't  expect  it  to  carry,  but  ] 
do  want  every  man  here  recorded  as  stand- 
ing for  or  against  the  working  class  on 
this  question  and  I  shall  demand  a  roll  call 
on   my   amendment. 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  I  move  to  table 
the  motion  of  Delegate  Bostrom. 

The  motion  to  table  was  carried. 

DEL.  NAGLE  (Okla.):  I  wisn  to  call 
the  attention  of  the  delegate  from  New 
York  that  when  he  asks  to  strike  out  the 
words  "without  the  consent  of  the  state 
organization"  if  that  amendment  is  car- 
ried then  no  Socialist  can  accept  office  un- 
der under  any  circumstances.  Now  in 
Oklahoma  and  other  southwestern  states 
we  have  what  is  called  the  Goble  election 
law;  and  they  have  what  is  called  a  state 
election  board,  a  county  election  board  and 
a  precinct  election  board.  If  that  amend- 
ment is  carried  we  are  entirely  at  the 
mercy  of  the  state  election  board.  We  may 
possibly   get    representation    on   those   elec- 


MORNING  SESSION,  MA  Y  17,  1912 


s> 


Ml  boards  if  that  article  stands  as  it  is 
/itten  by  the  committee*.  The  same  thing 
'  true  of  the  second  amendment.  In  many 
I  the  states  they  have  the  commission 
rm  of  government.  If  that  section  as 
ad  is  allowed  to  stand  then  we  will  be 
>le  to  get  action  politically  under  the 
tymmission  form  of  government,  but  if 
>u  amend  it  as  the  second  amendment 
°figgests  we  are  cut  off  from  that.  Now 
"k  is  evident  that  the  committee — I  am  not 
iquainted  with  any  of  them  except  by 
putation — but  it  is  evident  that  they  were 
oad  enough  to  understand  the  entire  situ- 
ion;  and  I  ask  in  behalf  of  our  state 
pecially  that  that  section  be  allowed  to 
and  just  as  written  and  it  will  amply  pro- 
ct  us  under  the  election  laws  of  the 
ate. 

DEL.  HICKEY  (Tex.):  I  move  that  the 
st  words  of  section  2  read  as  follows — 
at  the  following  words  be  added:  "And 
i  member  holding  political  office  shall 
>ld  an  executive  office  in  the  party  at  the 
me  time." 

The  motion  was  seconded. 
DEL.  HILLQUIT  (N.  Y.):  This  amend- 
ent  does  not  belong  here.  We  are  not 
scussing  eligibility  to  office.  That  comes 
ider  a  separate  section.  If  we  want  to 
eserve  order  in  debate  let  us  take  up 
re  different  subjects  logically. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  point  of  order  is 
ell  taken. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  As  to  Comrade  Slo- 
jdin's  amendment,  if  you  adopt  that  it 
ould  prohibit  the  acceptance  of  any  ap- 
)intive  office,  whether  the  state  organiza- 
on  of  the  Socialist  party  was  in  favor  of 
icepting  it  or  not.  What  the  committee 
id  in  mind  was  certain  instances  that 
ere  cited  to  it.  One  is  mentioned  by 
omrade  Nagle,  where  a  mayor  of  the 
ty  or  other  officer  may  appoint  a  Socir<J- 
t  election  official,  not  because  the  law 
impels  him  to  do  so,  in  which  case  it 
ould  not  be  a  gift,  but  because  in  fair- 
ass,  in  recognition  of  the  growth  and  im- 
ortance  of  the  Socialist  movement  he 
jels  that  that  would  be  the  proper  thing 
>  do.  Under  this  amendment  he  would 
ave  to  decline  it  no  matter  whether  the 
:ate  committee  or  the  local  committee  of 
le  party  deemed  it  of  the  utmost  impor- 
mce.  Another  instance  was  a  case  in 
ilinois  where  the  governor  had  the  ap- 
ointing  of  a  commission  on  workmen's 
ompensation,  to  investigate  that  subject. 
.'  position  on  that  commission  was  of- 
jred  to  a  member  of  the  party,  a  labor 
nion  man  who  accepted  it.  Under  the 
Id  constitution  he  accepted  it  in  violation 
f  the  constitution,  and  the  state  commit- 
3e  of  Illinois  closed  one  eye  to  it.  It  was 
erfectly  proper  that  he  should  accept,  but 
should  not  be  left  to  him  alone  to  de- 
ermine.  It  was  up  to  the  state  committee 
determine  and  this  section  would  give 
he  state  committee  power  to  determine  in 
hat  cases  he  might  sit  on  industrial  com- 
lissions,  for  instance,  that  are  being  ap- 
pointed in  all  the  states,  where  it  is  highly 
mportant  that  if  the  Socialist  party  can 
e  represented  they  should  be  represented, 
ot  to  compromise,  but  on  the  contrary  to 
.ring  out  the  most  radical  proposition  that 
an  be  obtained.  We  don't  want  to  cut 
•ff  this  possibility.  If  it  should  be  a  purely 
(Olitical  office  we  have  guarded  against 
hat  in  other  sections,  and  it  can  not  be 
lone  without  the  consent  of  the  state  or- 
ranization,  and  none  of  you  expect  a  state 
rganization  of  the  Socialist  party  to  con- 
ent  to  the  accepting  of  a  purely  political 
jfflce. 


On    this    second    point    I    think    Slob  „k  for 
misapprehended   the   object  of   it.      He   & 
it   was    self    evident.      It    is    just    the    cr  ,      T 
trary.     We  provide   that  no   party  memb   *     ; 
shall   be    a   candidate-  for   a   political    offi<~  „°  ; 
without    the    consent    of    the    Socialist    or":; 
ganization.       He     wants    it    to    read     "The  „ 
.candidate    of    any     other    party    than    the    j 
Socialist    party."      Our    object    was    to    re- 
strict   the   rights    of   a   member   to   become 
a  candidate   claiming   to   represent   the   So- 
cialist   party,    without    the    consent    of    the 
organization.      Under    the    la\>^  of    several 
states  the  selection  of  candidates  does  not 
rest  with   the  party  organization  but   rests 
with  bodies  of  voters   who  call   themselves 
Socialist  voters  at  the  prima:  >s,  and  thus 
a  party  member  who  does  ht  ,^swer  the 
qualification    and    is     not    desao    "°u    ■***« 
party  may  get  himself  nomina  . 
ticket     by     persons     not     constit^, tne   house, 
party  organization  of  the  state.     sJjf;  comrade 
provide    that    no    one    can    accept    tf.ne  *joor. 
tion  on  even  a  Socialist  party  ticket?,  -ne  m0~ 
out   the   consent   of   the   local   or   star9   ™?a,n" 
ganization.  st^d  by 

-e    are 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  I  will  speak  now.  party 
have  been  national  secretary,  state  seci  Not 
tary,  in  every  position  in  the  party  frort.ace 
national  committeeman  down;  I  know  the  al 
politics  of  the  party  thoroughly.  I  say  it  *. 
is  not  in  the  interest  of  the  party  that  any 
member  of  the  party  should  take  an  ap- 
pointive office,  even  when  given  by  capi- 
talist politicians.  It  is  not  in  the  interest 
of  the  working  class.  It  is  against  the 
interests  of  the  working  class.  I  do  not 
say  that  every  man  who  accepts  such  an 
office  will  work  against  the  interest  of  the 
working  class  deliberately;  but  it  is  against 
the  interest  of  the  working  class  in  that 
it  confuses  class  lines.  I  know  that  Mayor 
Gaynor  would  readily  offer  prominent  So- 
cialists that  I  have  in  mind  a  position  on 
some  committee,  for  the  purpose  of  repre- 
senting, we  will  say,  the  interests  of  the 
working  class;  but  if  he  accepts  it  will 
finally  be  against  the  interests  of  the  work- 
ing class  insofar  as  it  tends  to  confuse 
the  class  lines  and  insofar  as  the  working 
class  will  be  taught  that  they  can  accept 
benefits  from  the  capitalist  politicians. 
That  is  why  it  should  be  prohibited  abso- 
lutely. As  to  the  second  point,  that  was 
not  intended  for  this  purpose  at  all.  If 
it  was  intended  to  prohibit  Socialists  from 
accepting  offices  in  the  Socialist  party  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  state  or  local  or- 
ganization that  would  be  a  good  provision. 
The  provision  which  I  referred  to  is  an- 
other one.  It  is  a  better  one,  and  this  is 
the  reason  for  it,  that  they  shall  not  ac- 
cept any  public  office,  or  stand  as  candi- 
dates for  any  public  office,  other  than  in 
the  Socialist  party.  The  first  provision  is 
not  necessary  in  the  national  constitution. 
That  may  be  left  to  the  state  organization 
to  deal  with.  If  a  party  member  not  nom- 
inated by  your  state  or  local  organization 
designedly  stands  as  a  candidate  at  the 
primary  election,  or  stands  as  a  candi- 
date against  the  decision  of  your  local 
or  state  organization  you  yourselves  will 
know  how  to  deal  with  it.  The  provision 
which  I  contend  is  this  that  he  shall  not 
be  a  candidate  of  any  party  or  organization 
other  than  the  Socialist  party. 

The  amendment  of  Delegate  Slobodin  was 
then  defeated,  and  Section  2  of  Article  2 
was   passed  as   reported  by   the   committee. 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Cal.):  Will  the  com- 
mittee consent  to  put  in  the  sixth  line 
without  the  consent  of  the  state  or  local 
organization? 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


oc      EL.    HILLQUIT:      The    committee    de- 

I    gjTHB    CHAIRMAN:      The    committee    has 
;fused   your   request.      The   section   as    re- 
fi}t  orted  is  adopted.      Proceed   with   the   next 
c  ^section. 

r      Article  2,  Section  3   was   then  adopted  as 
read. 
V-  Article    2,    Section    4    was    also    adopted 

without    objection. 

Article  2,   Section  5  was  adopted  without 
objection. 

Article   2,   Section   6   was   then   read. 

DEL.  GARVER   (MoT) :    I  move  to  amend 

by    striking    out    the    words     "against    the 

person"    in    the    second    line    and    inserting 

the   word   "sabotage."     As   amended   it   will 

then  refu*'le(^.iy  member  of  the   party   who 

,nru?a    "and    tr^11^1      action      or      advocates 

qS£iftt«T  bv     cage'   or   other   methods   of  vio- 

ioinfni  the  Z"  weapon  of  the  working  class  to 

i°  J?  ".?  tvXL   -s    emancipation,    shall   be    expelled 

sfnre     nerfaembershiP    in    the    Party."       I    de- 

w™  tnt'0     say     that     the     qualifying     words 

whilP  it  nst    the    Person"     imply    that    if    the 

7L+\    T^r-e  is  against  property  it  might  be  per- 

into    iii*! 

no   prrxi| 

under   that  construction   we   might  be 


ted.       Under     such    a    construction     we 
vpnt JV&ht    be    considered    as    advocates    of    ar 


puis 


Kri" considered    advocates    of    dynamite;    under 


df 


that  construction  we  might  be  considered 
advocates  of  railroad  wrecking.  I  contend 
that  it  is  high  time  for  this  convention  to 
take  a  distinct  stand  and  declare  that  it 
is  opposed  to  every  form  of  crime  and  vio- 
lence (great  cheering).  Why  this  commit- 
tee composed  as  it  is  of  representative  men 
of  the  convention  should  put  in  a  qualifying 
clause  implying  that  crime  must  be  against 
the  person  to  be  denounced  I  can  not  un- 
derstand. You  all  know  that  Jim  Mc- 
Namara  said  that  he  didn't  intend  to  kill 
any  one  in  Los  Angeles;  that  he  simply 
intended  to  injure  the  building  that  was 
blown  up.  I  want  to  say  that  that  line 
can  not  be  drawn.  It  is  high  time .  that 
this  convention  should  go  on  record  on  this 
subject.  In  inserting  this  word  "sabotage" 
I  will  say  that  I  have  been  asked  the 
meaning  of  the  word.  The  meaning  that  I 
have  in  mind  was  given  to  me  by  one  that 
was  qualified  to  define  it,  a  member  of  this 
convention  having  the  right  to  a  voice  and 
vote.  I  think  it  is  pretty  thoroughly  under- 
stood and  that  there  will  be  no  confusion 
in  the  mind  of  any.  delegate  and  that  this 
amendment  will  be  adopted. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  I  move  to  strike 
out  this  whole  section  6.  The  last  delegate 
in  his  remarks  has  proven  that  he  is  not 
clear  in  his  own  mind  as  to  what  he  wants 
done.  He  has  admitted  that  there  is  a 
question  as  to  what  the  word  sabotage 
means.  Yesterday  afternoon  the  delegates 
in  this  convention  did  the  greatest  thing 
that  was  ever  done  in  the  history  of  the 
Socialist  party.  Now  after  you  have 
adopted  a  section  to  which  we  all  agreed, 
that  the  members  of  the  Socialist  party 
must  stand  for  political  action  in  every 
sense,  is  somebody  going  to  drag  in  some- 
thing here,  raise  a  bugaboo  and  overthrow 
everything  that  we  did  yesterday?  That 
section  of  Article  2  should  be  stricken  out. 

A  DELEGATE:  The  syndicalists  will 
have   to  go. 

DEL.  MERRICK:  The  proposition  of 
what  is  meant  by  violence,  and  what  is 
meant  by  these  different  terms  would  be 
dragged  in  here;  there  will  be  recrimina- 
tions back  and  forth.  I  want  to  say  to  you 
that  it  is  absolutely  superfluous,  and  even 
if  you  thought  it  ought  to  go  in  it  should 
not  be  in  that  section  but  should  be  in 
Article  2,  Section  1.  It  has  no  relevancy 
here    whatever.      It    is    entirely    superfluous 


and  is  a  proposition  that  will  make  ser 
dissension  in  the  convention,  and  then  w 
you  are  through  you  won't  be  agreed  o 
then.      Every    delegate    in    the    conven 
will   have   a  different   idea  what   it   me; 
You  will   go  back  to   your   state  wrangi 
and   jangling   over   that   section.      I    pre 
there  won't  be  a  member  in  any  local  -\ 
will   agree   with    any    other    member    asi 
what  this  meant  when  it  went  in.     Let! 
all  get  together  and  strike  out  this  sect 
Let  us  proceed  in  the  spirit  that  was  ms 
fested  yesterday   afternoon  and  last   nij 

DEL.     STALLARD     (Kan.):      I    wish 
move  and  to  speak  in  support  of  the  amel 
ment,    that    we    strike    out    the    follow; 
words,    "or    advocates    crime    against 
person  or  other  methods  of  violence." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  amendment 
out  of  order.  We  have  two  amendme 
now. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  I  expected  t 
exact  motion.  The  situation  developed  y 
terday  was  too  smooth.  It  was  so  genei 
so  all  inclusive — 

THE    CHAIRMAN:      The    delegate    mi| 
speak  to  the  subject.     I  do  not  propose 
permit  the  speakers  to  wander  so  far  aft- 
from   the   subject. 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  Now,\Mr.  Chairmt 
I  am  a  judge  of  words,  and  I  know  thai 
am  talking  to  the  subject. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Well,   do   so,   and 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  I  am  doing  so,  if  y 
will  keep  quiet  and  let  me. 

Comrades,  I  say  it,  and  I  say  again,  t 
cause  it  is  pertinent  that  the  situation  ye 
terday  called  for  more  definition.  It  W; 
understood  very  well  by  those  who  kne 
the  forces  at  work  in  this  convention  th 
the  moment  must  come,  before  we  left  tTi 
hall  to  go  home,  when  there  should  be 
definition  of  what  was  meant  in  this  resol 
tion.  We  will  have  it;  and  so  will  you. 
shall  not  consent,  nor  will  the  Wiscons 
delegation,  to  leave  in  the  platform  ai 
constitution  of  this  party  any  uncerta 
phrases  which  will  be  interpreted  one  w« 
by  one  group  and  another  way  by  anoth 
group;  and  in  this  way  lay  the  foundath 
for  interminable  turmoil  and  disagreemer 
confusion  and  the  destruction  at  tl 
wrong    time,    of    this    organization. 

A  DELEGATE:  I  would  like  to  kno 
what  the  delegate  from  Wisconsin  is  tal 
ing  about. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  He  is  talking  to  tl 
motion  to  substitute — 

DEL.  GAYLORD:  I  am  talking  to  tl 
motion  to  strike  out  the  whole  paragrap 
That  is  what  I  said  I  was  talking  abor 
and  I  am  not  going  to  be  confused  aboi 
that. 

I  am  sorry  the  committee  put  in  thoi 
words  "against  the  person."  The  distin 
tion  has  well  been  made  on  the  floor 
the  convention  already,  that  the  crln 
against  property  is  a  thing  that  this  pari 
cannot  stand  for.  No  crime.  We  caniv 
stand  for  any  crime.  We  definitely  repud 
ate  crime  of  any  kind;  and  since  the  que 
tion  has  been  raised  we  dare  not  evade  t 
absolutely  definite  expression  on  that  poir 

However,  to  go  further  and  to  come  1e 
mediately  within  the  range  of  that  whit 
the  chairman  will  doubtless  understan 
neither  dare  we  permit  our  party  organizi 
tion  to  present  its  principles,  the  basis  < 
this  organization,  the  platform  and  prograi 
to  the  people  of  this  country,  to  the  workir 
class,  who  are  looking  for  something  that 
clear  cut,  except  in  language  that  is  d 
cisive  and  easily  understood.  Neither  da 
we   present  ourselves   to   them   in   languaj 


^ 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


ri  concerning    it    which    is    of    doubtful    inter- 
pretation.    I  for  one   shall  not  and   cannot 
stand    for    any    quibbling'    and    evasion.      I 
know    whereof    I    speak    when    I    speak    of 
^quibbling    and    evasion.      In    the    mountains 
»'  of  Pennsylvania  have  I  met  it.     Out  on  the 
et  coast*  in  halls  hired  by  the  Socialist  party 
'for    me    to    speak    in,    have    I    met    it.      All 
'  the   way   in   between,    from   the   prairies   of 
Texas  far  up  into  the   factory  districts   of 
the   cities   have   I   met   it.      I   know   what   I 
am   talking  about  when  I  talk  about  quib- 
bling and  evasion,  and  uses  of  words   that 
are  given  double  meanings.     No.     We  know 
what   we    want.      A   political    party    having 
for    its    principles    and    foundation    the    ac- 
quirement   and    intelligent    use    of    political 
power.     And  those  whom  I  have  met,   and 
they  are  on   this   floor,    those  whom   I  have 
met  who  have  quibbled  about  this,  evaded, 
uand  split  hairs  when  they  were  in  my  pres- 
ence and  afterwards   were  plain   enough  to 
y(  suit    the    devil    himself,    these    cannot    fool 
er  me.     You  fool   others   but   you  cannot   fool 
me.     I  know  what  the  workers  of  this  na- 
tion are  talking  about     They  do  not  stand 
for    crimes    against    property,    not    even    in 
the    name    of    the    labor    unions.       Crimes 
against   property   are   all    closely    identified 
physically  with  danger  to  life  of  the  work- 
ing men.  We  want  no  chances  taken.     Prop- 
erty is  a  thing  that  we  use.     The  use  of  it 
is  our  livelihood.     The  use  of  it  properly  is 
our    labor,     our    living.       Property    is    the 
product  of  human  labor. 

THE  CHAIRMAN.      Your  time  is  up. 
On   motion   Del.    Gaylord's    time    was    ex- 
tended five  minutes,  and  he  proceeded: 

Now,  to  come  just  to  the  point,  I  stand 
for  striking  out  the  words  "against  the 
person,"  and  inserting  the  word  "sabo- 
tage." Some  will  object  that  they  do  not 
know  what  that  word  means.  I  did  not 
originate  its  use.  Let  us  take  the  use  of 
it  as  they  do,  subtle  and  insinuating  and 
suggestive  rather  than  definitive.  Let  us 
take  the  meaning  and  meanings  and  all  the 
meanings  given  the  word.  We  do  not  want 
any  of  it.  None  of  it.  We  don't  want  the 
touch  of  it  on  us.  We  do  not  want  the 
hint  of  it  connected  with  us.  We  repudiate 
it  in  every  fibre  of  us.  I  know  it  is  capa- 
ble of  double  meanings,  just  because  those 
who  have  adopted  its  use  ask  us  "what  do 
you  mean  by  sabotage?"  What  do  we 
mean?  We  mean  what  you  mean,  and  we 
do  not  want  it.  Political  action  undertaken 
as  a  method  of  the  working  class  battle, 
accepts  for  the  time  being  the  present 
definition  of  crime.  It  includes  and  implies 
the  right  of  the  majority  to  change  its 
definitions  of  crime  in  so  far  as  we  may 
be  able  when  we  have  the  power,  accord- 
ing to  such  light  and  knowledge  as  may 
come  to  us  on  the  basis  of  our  experience, 
but  for  the  present,  for  the  maintaining 
of  the  social  order  which  we  have,  and  un- 
der which  we  live,  and  under  which  we 
must  live,  for  the  maintaining  of  such  per- 
sonal safeguards  for  liberty  and  life,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness  as  we  have,  and 
I  am  frank  to  say  that  I  prefer  to  take 
those  that  we  have  rather  than  ask  for 
those  which  may  not  be  granted  by  the 
advocates  of  direct  action  and  sabotage. 
These  safeguards  we  know  and  understand. 
They  do  not  suit  us  and  we  propose  to  in- 
crease them,  to  increase  the  personal  use 
of  personal  liberty,  the  personal  use  of  per- 
sonal powers,  but  we  do  not  propose  to 
destroy  them.  Though  they  do  not  suit 
us  they  are  protections  in  some  degree.  We 
propose  to  increase  expression  in  them  by 
increasing  the  imperfec*  faculties  of  social 
action  for  the  common  welfare.  This  is 
my    understanding    of    the    matter,    and    In 


this  I  feel  safe  in  saying  that  I  speak  for 
the   comrades  from  Wisconsin. 

DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):  Probably  I 
won't  have  the  beautiful  flow  of  language 
or  use  as  many  words  as  the  delegate  from 
Wisconsin  has  used.  I  am  in  absolute 
harmony  with  the  clause  in  the  constitu- 
tion brought  forward  toy  the  committee.  I 
am  also  in  harmony  with  the  amendment 
proposed  by  the  comrade  here,  putting  in 
the   word    "sabotage." 

A  DELEGATE:  What  are  yo_  talking 
about,  then? 

DEL.  SADLER:  I  object  to  any  indi- 
vidual attacking  any  member  of  this  or- 
ganization by  misrepresentation  and  words 
that  do  not  mean  anything. 

A  DELEGATE:  What  do  you  mean? 
Who  is  talking? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Order  in  the  house. 
Let  the  Chair  regulate  this.  The  comrade 
will  talk  to  the  motion  or  yield  the  floor. 

DEL.  SADLER:  I  will  speak  to  the  mo- 
tion. Comrades,  there  is  no  subtle  mean- 
ing to  the  phrase  as  has  been  suggested  by 
the  delegate  from  Wisconsin.  There  are 
no  two  members  of  the  Socialist  party 
who  agree  on  the  word  sabotage.  Not 
only  that,  but  I  think  it  is  out  of  place 
in  the  Socialist  constitution  and  political 
organization,  striving  to  get  political  power. 
For  this  reason:  The  Socialist  party,  a  po- 
litical organization,  has  no  use  for  sabotage, 
crime,  or  anything  else  of  that  kind.  As 
a  political  organization  it  is  not  within 
our  jurisdiction  to  use  sabotage,  and  there- 
fore it  has  no  place  in  our  programme.  It 
is  only  an  economic  organization  that  can 
use  it,  and  not  a  political  organization. 
Therefore,  it  seems  to  me,  out  of  place, 
and  I  am  sure  that  the  committee  was  in- 
telligent enough,  broad  enough,  and  had 
experience  enough  to  know  that  if  it  had 
a  place  in  there  they  would  have  put  it  in. 
So,  therefore,  I  am  opposed  to  the  inser- 
tion of  the  word  "sabotage"  in  our  consti- 
tution. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  am  speaking  now  as 
an  individual  and  not  as  a  member  of  the 
committee.  On  the  committee  we  were  di- 
vided on  the  use  of  that  word  "sabotage." 
Those  are  the  members  of  the  committee 
who  were  better  trained  in  English,  usefl  a 
term  that  they  said  meant  the  same  thing, 
so  that  after  all  there  was  no  real  division. 
I  think  that  all  nine  members  of  the  com- 
mittee stood  directly  against  that  thing 
that  is  meant  by  those  who  use  the  word 
"sabotage."  For  myself,  I  know  that  I 
stand  against  it.  This  is  a  political  or- 
ganization. If  we  are  a  political  organiza- 
tion and  stand  for  certain  things,  and  do 
not  stand  for  certain  other  things,  let  us 
say  so.  Why  not?  What  is  lost  by  being 
honest?  Now,  I  am  perfectly  frank  in 
telling  you  what  I  am  after,  what  I  am 
driving  at.  I  want  to  say  that  when  a  man 
speaks  for  the  Socialist  party,  in  a  hall 
which  is  paid  for  by  Socialists,  that  he 
ought  to  talk  what  we  mean  hy  Socialism. 
(Applause.)  I  speak  again,  as  Comrade 
Gaylord  spoke,  from  bitter  experience.  I 
have  traveled  in  the  service  of  this  Social- 
ist party  in  practically  every  part  of  the 
United  States,  and  what  do  I  find?  I  find 
the  movement  in  locality  after  locality  dis- 
organized, I  find  them  fighting  amongst 
themselves.  Why?  Because  men  have 
come  into  the  Socialist  party  and  instead 
of  advocating  the  principles  and  tactics 
of  the  Socialist  political  organization,  they 
have  advocated  the  tactics  of  an  economic 
organization — sabotage.  This  is  the  point, 
get  it.  If  they  are  amongst  those  that  want 
to  talk   sabotage,  let   them   go   out   on   an- 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


other  plaform  *and  talk  it.  I  for  one  much 
as  1  disagree  with  them,  am  perfectly  frank 
to  say  it.  Sabotage  means  jack-ass  meth- 
ods of  fighting  capitalism.  In  the  end  it 
spells  but  the  philosophy  of  anarchism,  the 
philosophy  of  the  individualist  that  takes 
upon  himself  to  know  better  than  the  or- 
ganization, the  collectivity,  can  know.  To 
me,  it  is  a  jack-ass  method  of  fighting 
capitalism. 

But  after  that,  and  this  is  the  only  ques- 
tion before  the  house,  shall  we  say  what 
we  mean  by  political  organization,  and 
thereby  make  it  possible  for  the  good  loyal 
comrades  all  over  the  country  to  have  an 
interpretation  that  will  enable  them  to 
say  whether  a  member  of  the  party  is 
talking  political  organization,  or  whether 
they  are  advocating  what  they  are  pleased 
to  call  the  economic  weapon  in  the  fight 
against  capitalism. 

Now,  what  did  happen  in  regard  to  those 
resolutions,  precisely  the  same  resolutions 
that  were  adopted  four  years  ago,  on  labor 
organizations?  We  have  seen  that  some 
of  our  comrades  got  up  on  this  platform, 
and  approving  these  same  resolutions  that 
were  adopted  two  years  ago — four  years 
ago — they  have  put  on  them  an  interpreta- 
tion that  would  allow  them  to  go  out  to- 
morrow and  say,  "They  endorsed  sabotage; 
they  have  endorsed  all  that  we  havs  been 
doing  and  saying  in  the  name  of  Socialism^" 
It  was  as  smooth  a  political  trick  as  I 
have  ever  seen  in  a  political  convention  in 
all  my  experience.  What  I  shall  do  in  my 
economic  organization,  what  I  am  liable  to 
do,  that  is  my  business.  It  is  not  a  sub- 
ject for  discussion  here;  but,  what  I  shall 
do  in  the  political  organization  as  an  ex- 
pression of  my  economic  interest,  is  a  sub- 
ject for  discussion  here.  This  is  what 
we  are  trying  to  say:  Do  we  believe  in 
sabotage  as  a  weapon  along  political  lines? 
If  not,  let  us  say  so. 

DEL.  MAX  HAYES  of  Cleveland:  What 
I  have  to  say  I  will  try  to  make  very  brief. 
I  understand  that  it  costs  something  like 
$500  an  hour  to  conduct  this  convention. 
I  haven't  taken  much  time  and  I  don't 
intend  to  take  any  more  than  I  can  help. 
When  I  came  to  this  convention  as  a  dele- 
gate elected  by  Socialists  in  the  city  of 
Cleveland,  I  believed  that  I  was  coming 
to  a  gathering  that  was  purely  political  in 
its  nature,  that  this  is  a  political  party,  a 
political  organization,  with  which  we  are 
affiliated  that  has  no  right  to  dictate  to 
or  take  part  in  the  affairs,  the  politics,  or 
principles  of  organizations  on  the  economic 


field.      But    apparently    there    1«    a    spli] 

growing  in  the  Socialist  Party  that  soon 
or  later,  in  the  not  very  distant  future,  u 
less  we  proceed  along  the  same  lines  tb 
the     Socialists     throughout     the     civilizl 
world    who    are    in    the    vanguard    in    t< 
political  movement  to  overthrow  capitalis. 
and  that  adhere  to  the  same  principles  ail 
policies  that  we  do,  that  have  been  a  su] 
cess    in    these    other    nations    than   we   ai 
as  I  say,  confronted  by  a  new  spirit  th 
has    arisen    which    attempts    to    draw    tl 
political    organization    in    behind    the    ec 
nomic     organization.       In     some     parts     > 
the     country     this     spirit     is     rapidly     d| 
veloping    to    the    anarchistic    point    whe?J 
if     men     life     Johann     Most     were     sti 
on  earth,  they  would  undoubtedly  make  a; 
plication    to    join.      I    want    you    comrade  j 
and    particularly    those    of    you    who    ha\: 
not  practical   experience   in   the   every   da 
struggles  in  the  industrial  field,  to  go  slo-v 
and    I    refer    particularly    to    some    of    ou 
so-called  parlor  variety  of  Socialists.  Som 
of   the   intellectuals   who   have   never   bee 
in    the    labor    movement,    but    sit    in    thei 
parlors   and   theorize  and  write   books   tha 
tell  the  industrial  workers  what  to  do.     Th 
point  that  I  wish  to  make  is   simply  this 
You    yesterday    adopted    a    declaration    re 
garding  the   matter  of  organization  on  th 
industrial  field,  which  certainly  ought  to  b ! 
satisfactory  to  every  right  thinking,  honest) 
minded    man   and    woman    in    the    Socialisj 
movement.      Let   us   stand   by   that.     Keeii 
your  hands  off  the  A.  P.  of  L.     Keep  youi 
hands   off  the  I.  W.  W.     Keep  your  hands 
off  any  labor  organization.     As  far  as  th« 
A.  P.  of  L.  is  concerned,  no  resolution  thai 
you  would  adopt  here  would  be  sufficient  tc 
drive  me  to  join  the  I.  W.  W.  if  I  didn't  set 
fit  to  do  so.     We  can  take  care  of  our  owr 
affairs  on  the  industrial  field.     We  do  no1 
want  you  to  butt  in.     Leave  the  industrial 
field  to  the  unions. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  original  motior 
is  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee, Article  2,  Section  6.  An  amend- 
ment is  offered  by  Garver  of  Missouri,  tc 
strike  out  in  this  particular  section  the 
words  "against  the  person,"  and  to  insert 
the  word  "sabotage"  in  the  same  place.  Th« 
amendment  to  the  amendment  is  offered  bj 
Merrick  of  Pennsylvania  to  strike  out  th( 
entire  section.  That  is  the  status  quo  jusl 
now. 

The  convention  will  be  adjourned  until 
2.30  this  afternoon. 

Whereupon  the  convention  adjourned  un- 
til 2:30  o'clock  p.  m.,  same  day. 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 
AFTERNOON   SESSION. 


N 


Chairman  Duncan  called  the  convention 
to  order  at  2:30  p.  m.  Consideration  of 
the   Constitution    was   resumed. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  before 
the  house  is  on  the  amendment  offered  vby 
Del.  Garver  of  Missouri,  to  strike  from 
Section  6  the  words  "against  the  person," 
and  insert  the  word  "Sabotage,"  and  on 
the  substitute  offered  by  Dei.  Merrick  of 
Pennsylvania  to  strike  out  the  entire  Sec- 
tion 6.  The  Chair  recognizes  Del.  Berlyn 
\i  of   Illinois. 

an      DEL.   BARNES    (Pa.):     I    wish   to   make 

les  a    motion    relating    to    the    special    order. 

You    know    that    this    afternoon    at    three 

o'clock,   according   to   the   previous   action, 

JnJ  we  are   going   to   nominate   candidates   for 

oai  President    and   Vice-President.      I   wish    to 

make    this    motion:      That    when    we    take 

ftp   the   nominations,   a    roll   call    of   states 

sell  be  made,  giving  each  state  an  opportunity 

to    nominate.      (Seconded.) 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  offer  an  amendment 
to  the  motion.  The  amendment  is  that 
instead  of  going  into  the  nominations  at 
three  o'clock,  we  go  into  the  nominations 
as  soon  as  the  business  before  us  is  dis- 
posed of,  that  is,  as  soon  as  the  report 
of  the  Constitution  Committee  is  disposed 
of. 

DEL.  BARNES:  I  accept  that. 
DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):  I  offer  a  sub- 
stitute that  we  have  a  special  session  to- 
night, beginning  at  eight  o'clock,  the 
special  order  of  which  shall  be  the  nomi- 
nation of  presidential  and  vice-presidential 
candidates. 

On  motion  of  Del.  Prevey  of  Ohio  the 
motion  of  Del.  Barnes  was  laid  on  the 
table. 

CONSTITUTION. 

Consideration  of  the  Constitution  was 
then    resumed. 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.):  I  desire  to  state 
to  the  comrades  that  this  is  the  time  for 
clearness.  The  motion  to  strike  out  that 
entire  paragraph  is  liable  to  becloud. 
There  have  been  aspersions  cast  that  we 
are  yellow.  We  want  to  go  on  record 
where  we  stand.  I  am  in  favor  of  put- 
ting the  word  "sabotage"  in.  I  will  vote 
with  the  committee  if  they  will  consent 
to  it  and  I  will  tell  you  why,  I  know 
what  sabotage  means.  I  know  why  I 
became  a  Socialist.  I  was  a  trade  union- 
ist before  I  was  a  Socialist,  and  the  meth- 
ods used  by  the  trade  unionists  did  not 
appeal  to  me,  and  I  wanted  a  better  way. 
"Sabotage"  comes  from  the  French  word 
"sabot,"  wooden  shoes — putting  the  boots 
to  them.  Now,  you  will  say  that  is  one 
definition.     That   is   true. 

What  does  "boycott"  mean,  and  where 
did  it  come  from?  It  is  Irish,  and  it 
meant  Englishman  who  was  oppressing 
the  Irish,  and  they  set  an  example  of  iso- 
lation. Everybody  understands  now  what 
Captain  Boycott  stands  for — boycott.  And 
today  "sabotage"  has  its  positive  signifi- 
cance just  the   same. 

Now  I  am  not  trying  to  dictate  to  the 
economic  movement.  When  they  will 
come  in  actual  contact  with  the  capital- 
ist class  they  will  adopt  such  methods 
and  manners  of  fighting  as  they  deem 
proper.  That  is  their  business,  and  I  do 
not  want  to  interfere  with  them,  but  as 
a  Socialist  who  has  found  a  better  way, 
in  our  party,  when  t'.iis  thing  has  been 
thrust  on  us  we  should  have  the  courage 
to  say  where  we  stand.     There  is  no  duck- 


ing in  this.  I  won't  duck.  The  Socialist 
party  is  organized.  It  has  a  better  way, 
because  it  tries  to  do  things  for  the  whole 
working  class — and  the  best  that  the  eco- 
nomic movement  does  is  to  carry  on  a 
guerilla  warfare.  But  that  is  the  evi- 
dence of  the  class  struggle.  We  should 
not  suppress  them,  and  in  all  their  strug- 
gles, whatever  they  do,  they  do  what 
seems  right  to  them,  and  we  will  give 
them  support.  But  that  does  not  permit 
a  man  to  preach  sabotage  or  violence 
from  our  platform. 

We  make  the  propaganda  for  the  cap- 
ture, of  the  public  powers,  to  realize  the 
declaration  of  principles  and  the  various 
planks  in  our  platform.  What  we  So- 
cialists appeal  to  the  workingmen  to  do 
is  to  unite  and  get  all  you  can  until  you 
get  all.  And  to  do  this,  and  to  speak 
plain    English,    is   not   yellow. 

To  some  of  these  boys  who  talk  about 
being  yellow,  I  would  like  to  say  if  they 
were  in  some  of  the  scrapes  that  I  was 
they  would  know  something  about  who 
is  yellow  and  who  is  not.  Ask  the  boys 
in  Colorado,  when  I  went  out  there  six 
^years  ago,  if  I  was  yellow,  if  I  didn't  go 
anywhere,  wherever  they  told  me.  I 
would  go  to  hell  if  they  told  me.  Isn't 
that  so,  Floaten?  I  went  to  Trinidad  and 
I  went  to  Cripple  Creek,  and  I  was  the 
first  fellow  that  spoke  there  after  the 
deportations.  I  didn't  hesitate.  I  had  the 
gun  put  to  my  nose  in  Chicago,  and  I 
made  fun  of  the  fellow  that  did  it.  But 
that  is  neither  here  nor  there.  The  ques- 
tion is  a  question  of  party  policy.  We 
are  striving  to  realize  ideals  and  propo- 
sitions responsive  to  the  needs  and  as- 
pirations of  the  working  class.  There  are 
elements  that  have  intruded  and  have 
used  our  party  as  a  stalking  place  to 
preach  anarchy.  I  won't  weaken  and  we 
won't  have  anarchy  preached  in  our  plat- 
form.    We   are   not   going  to  do   it. 

DEL.  CASSIDY  (N.  Y.):  In  my  opinion 
there  have  been,  during  my  eleven  years 
in  the  Socialist  party,  different  times 
when  our  movement  has  been  threatened 
from  two  different  directions.  At  one  time 
it  seemed  as  if  it  was  threatened  from 
the  opportunist  end.  But  I  want  to  say 
tonight — and  I  am  not  usually  a  positiv- 
ist  on  most  things — that  the  great  dan- 
ger, the  tremendous  danger  that  faces  the 
movement  today  is  from  the  end  that 
smacks  of,  that  smells  of  violence  and 
anarchy.  (Applause.)  I  want,  comrades, 
to  give  you  some  facts  to  show  you  how 
imminent  this  danger  is  to  the  movement 
at  this  time.  Most  of  you  have  read  about 
the  May  day  demonstration  and  parade  in 
Union  Square,  New  York,  on  the  first  dav 
of  this  month,  and  what  happened  at  that 
meeting.  I  was  the  Chairman  of  that 
meeting,  and  I  think  I  can  speak  with  au- 
thority. What  happened?  In  the  first 
place,  I  want  to  precede  this  by  telling 
you  that  for  years  the  New  York  Social- 
ists and  labor  organizations  have  com- 
bined in  a  conference  and  have  carried 
out  a  parade  on  the  first  of  May,  which 
was  followed  by  a  mass  meeting,  usually 
in  Union  Square.  Heretofore  we  have  had 
no  trouble  Heretofore  the  anarchists  have 
kept  their  hands  off.  The  most  they  have 
done  has  been  to  stand  on  the  sidewalk 
as  we  passed  by  on  parade,  to  stand  on 
the  edge  of  the  crowd,  sneering  at  us; 
because  we  have  no  more  bitter  and  vi- 
cious enemies  today  than  the  anarchists. 
(Applause.)     When  the  parade  arrived  in 


7rin<* 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Union    Square,    I    was    on    the    platform, 

about  as  big  as  this  platform  here,  with 
a  little  projecting  space  about  as  big  as 
this   for   the    speaker. 

DEL.  BESSMER  (Ohio):  A  point  of  or- 
der. Are  we  discussing  what  happened  in 
New  York,  or  this  amendment  to  strike 
this    out? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  rule  that  the  com- 
rade is  talking  to  the  question,  and  cit- 
ing this  as  an  illustration  of  the  point 
he   wishes    to   make. 

DEL.  CASSIDY:  No  unusual  prepara- 
tion had  been  made  for  this  meeting.  We 
did  not  anticipate,  we  did  not  suspect 
what  happened  that  day.  There  were  two 
entrances  to  the  platform.  When  the 
meeting  was  about  to  open,  the  anar- 
chists, about  fifty  or  sixty  of  them,  all 
Italian  immigrants,  began  to  act.  Fif- 
teen or  twenty,  like  a  big  wedge,  came 
up  the  stairway  on  this  side.  Another 
fifteen  or  twenty  rushed  up  on  this  side 
of  the  platform.  As  our  platform  was  a 
little  higher  than  this  from  the  ground, 
they  climbed  up  to  the  top  and  took  pos- 
session of  the  speakers'  stand.  I  realized 
that  we  were  up  against  something.  I 
realized  that  that  was  a  moment  that 
might  have  been  turned  into  another  Hay- 
market  affair  and  used  to  discredit  the 
Socialist  movement  throughout  this  coun- 
try. (Applause.)  I  went  to  these  men 
standing  on  the  platform  and  taking  the 
full  space  up.  I  went  to  the  first  man 
and  said,  "I  am  Chairman  of  this  meet- 
ing, and  I  ask  you  to  stand  back  for  the 
speakers."  He  says,  "No,  no,  no,  this  is 
workingman's  meeting."  "Well."  I  says, 
"yes,  that  is  true;  this  is  a  workingman's 
meeting,  but  we  have  got  to  have  order 
at  a  workingman's  meeting."  "No,  'no, 
no,  this  workingman's  meeting."  I  went 
and  got  three  or  four  committeemen,  and 
we  came  back  again  and  pleaded  with 
them  and  asked  them  to  get  back.  They 
said  no.  The  only  answer  was,  "Work- 
ingman's meeting,"  and  there  was  noth- 
ing too  bitter,  there  was  nothing  too  vile 
for  them  to  hurl  at  the  Socialist  move- 
ment. Now,  comrades,  I  am  going  to  state 
that.  Let  me  tell  you  another  peculiar 
incident  about  this  meeting;;  a  significant 
incident.  Heretofore  at  meetings  the  po- 
lice department  of  New  York  has  given 
us  so  many  police  that  we  were  defended. 
There  were  police  on  the  right,  front  and 
rear.  But  on  this  occasion,  for  some  rea- 
son that  you  can  guess  at  and  attach 
whatever  significance  you  like  to  it,  there 
was  no  police  on  the  platform.  On  this 
occasion,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  any  kind  of  parade  in  New  York,  not 
even  one  policeman  was  sent  along  to 
escort  the  parade,  and  even  the  police 
along  the  road  said,  "What  is  the  mat- 
ter? Why  haven't  you  got  a  police  es- 
cort?" Under  that  situation  we  stayed 
there,  and  these  ugly,  vicious  men  stayed 
there.  And  you  must  remember  that  these 
men  do  not  fight  with  their  fists.  They 
have  •  a  knife,  or  worst  of  all,  there  is 
a  bomb,  for  they  are  the  class  that  want 
to  use  force.  One  of  our  committee  said, 
"We  can  send  out  in  the  Square  and  get 
fifty  husky  trade  union  Socialists  and 
throw  them  off  the  platform."  I  said, 
"No,  let  not  one  comrade  hit  anybody  or 
do  any  act  of  violence."  I  was  afraid, 
not  for  myself,  but  afraid  for  the  move- 
ment. ("Applause.)  These  men  stayed 
there.  The  organizer  of  Local  New  York, 
Comrade  Gerber,  telephoned  to  police 
headquarters  for  men,  but  they  sent  us  no 
men.  The  policeman  in  charge  of  the 
police  employed  in  the  Square  refused  to 
come  on  the  platform.     Under  these  con- 


ditions I  permitted  these  men  to  stay 
there  as  the  best  way  out  of  the  diffi- 
culty. Now,  let  me  show  you — (confu- 
sion, interrupting  the  speaker.)  No,  I  am 
not  going  to  waste  your  time;  I  am  keep- 
ing straight  to  the  point.  I  want  to  show 
you  where  we  are  drifting,  unless  we  take 
a  hitch-up.  Why  did  these  Italian  anar- 
chists have  the  courage,  to  do  something 
that  they  did  not  attempt  before?  Of 
course,  a  comrade  here  asks  "What  did 
they  do?"  You  have  read  the  descrip- 
tion. One  of  the  things  they  did  was  to 
hiss  at  the  speakers  and  so  on.  Another 
thing  that  they  did  was  that  a  bunch  of 
them  in  front  said,  "Take  down  that  flag." 
I  says,  "What  flag?"  He  says,  "The 
American  flag."  I  says,  "You  will  not 
take  it  down,  damn  you;  you  will  not  take; 
it  down."  (Applause.)  And  they  wedged' 
toward  the  flag,  and  we  got  our  comrades 
and  we  stood  back  and  held  them  back. 
I  said,  "Comrades,  don't  strike,  don't 
strike."  Because  I  did  not  think  they  j 
would  strike  back  with  their  fists.  It  ' 
might  have  been  with  a  weapon,  and 
then  I  did  not  know  what  might  hap- 
pen. We  talked  and  argued  with  them, 
and  finally  appealed.  Socialists  tried  to 
protect  the  flag,  and  anarchists  tried  to 
tear  it  down.  It  managed  to  go  down, 
although  it  was  not  trampled  by  anybody. 
Now,  to  my  point.  Why  did  they  get 
the  courage  to  do  that?  Why?  Let  me 
show  you,  comrades.  I  am  only  giving , 
you  these  facts  the  way  I  see  the  thing. 
When  the  Lawrence  hunger  strike  start- 
ed out  it  brought  the  Socialist  party  in 
connection  with  the  local  I.  W.  W.  in^ 
New  York,  and  it  brought  the  I.  W.  W. 
in  connection  with  the  Italian  Socialist 
Federation.  The  Italian  Socialist  Federa-  J 
tion  took  these  men  as  members.  As  to 
what  we  call  the  Italian  Socialist  Federa- 
tion   I    will    explain. 

(Del.   Carey  of  Massachusetts   moved   to 
extend    the    speaker's    time    five    minutes.)' 

DEL.    HICKEY    (Tex.):     A   point   of   or-! 
der.     Under  the   rules   the   time   for  nomi- 
nations    is   here   now.     It   is   three   o'clock. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  not  yet  three 
o'clock,  the  motion  is  that  the  time  of 
the  speaker  be  extended  five  minutes.  Injj 
two    minutes    it    will    be    three    o'clock. 

DEL.     MERRICK      (Pa.):       I     move     to 
amend    that    the    time    be    extended    two! 
minutes. 

The    amendment    was    carried    and    thel 
speaker's  time  was  extended  two  minutes. 

DEL.  CASSIDY-  When  the  Lawrence* 
strike  broke  out,  what  did  we  Socialists 
do?  In  every  struggle  of  the  working; 
people  for  better  conditions,  we  go  to. 
their  rescue.  In  this  particular  case  we. 
came  in  contact  with  the  local  I.  W.  W. * 
and  through  that  with  this  Italian  Social-! 
ist  Federation.  Now,  let  me  explain  what  J 
this  Italian  Socialist  Federation  is.  The-j 
Italian  Socialist  Federation,  so-called,  is] 
an  organization  that  is  not  affiliated,  nor] 
can  it  be,  nor  does  it  desire  to  be,  withj 
the  Socialist  party  in  any  respect.  They] 
frankly  tell  you  that  they  are  anarchists.! 
The  Italian  anarchists,  the  Socialist  Fed-' 
eration,  took  an  active  part  in  the  Law-] 
rence  strike.  They  sent  finances.  They 
were  the  chief  agency  in  bringing  the; 
Lawrence  children  to  New  York  City.  Inj 
that  way  many  members  of  our  party,, 
through  the  I.  W.  W.  got  mixed  up  in 
this  once  case.  Now,  comrades,  in  this 
way  is  the  danger.  Now,  about  the  local.} 
I.  W.  W.  I  am  telling  you  facts  now, 
and  you  can  draw  your  own  conclusion. 
When  this  attack  on  the  Socialist  party. 
May  day  meeting  was  made,  the  local  I.  ■ 
W.  W.  called  a  meeting,  and  a  motion  was 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


12. 


v 


i|  3e  at  that  meeting,  that  they  repudiate 
actions  of  these  men  who  took  the 
tform  and  threw  down  the  national 
r,  and  the  vote  repudiating  the  action 
these  men  was  taken,  and  it  was  only 
ried  by  a  vote  of  28  to  31. 
>EL.  ALEXANDER  (Tex.):  I  move  to 
pend  the  rules  and  continue  the  dis- 
sion.  (Seconded.) 
)EL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):  I  move  to 
end  that  we  change  the  order  of  the 
so  that  this  pending  discussion  on 
3  section  of  the  Constitution  shall  be 
shed  and  disposed  of  before  we  pro- 
d  with  the  regular  order.  (Seconded.) 
'HE  CHAIRMAN:  That  motion  has  al- 
dy  been  laid  upon  the  table. 
>EL.  ALEXANDER:  A  point  of  order, 
ere  has  been  business  transacted  since 
motion  tov  lay  on  the  table  was  car- 
d. 

CHE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  at  this 
le  is  that  the  rules  be  suspended  and 
it  we  proceed  with  the  dicussion  of 
s  motion  before  the  house,  this  par- 
ular   section. 

DEL.     MERRICK:       I     wish     to     speak 
ainst   suspending    the    rules. 
DEL.    ALEXANDER:     I    wish    to    speak 

suspending    the    rules. 

DEL.   MERRICK:     At    the   beginning   of 

s    convention,    you    recognized    the    im- 

rtance  of  providing  for  the  nominations 

some   definite    time,    in   the    interest   of 

complishing    the    best    interests    of    this 

nvention.      You    knew    that    such    situ- 

10ns   as   this    were    going   to   come,    and 

at  is   the   reason   you   put   that   rule    in 

ere.     Now,  are  you  going  to  change  the 

lole   order   of   business  and   bring  about 

nfusion    here    and    produce    a    situation 

at  your  better  judgment  showed  you  at 

e    beginning    of    this    convention    might 

How?     There  were  several  motions  and 

lendments    made    here    for    the    purpose 

placing  the   nominations  earlier  in   the 

nvention,     and    as     a    compromise     you 

ally    fixed    Friday    afternoon    at    three1 

3lock.     Now   that   time    is    here.     If   you 

gin  to  suspend  the  rules  I  can  tell  you 

at  you  do  not  know  what  you  are  go- 

g  fo  do  or  where  you  are  going  to  land. 

ick  to  the  program  and  vote  this  down. 

On    motion     of    Del.     Richardson     (Cal.) 

e   previous   question    was   ordered. 

DEL.  GAYLORD  (Wis.):     The  way  to  do 

to  finish  what  you  have  in  hand  before 

)U    proceed    to   the    next    business.     This 

institution    is    the    result    of    five    days' 

ork  in  the  committee,  and  the  issues  in- 

>lved    in   this    discussion    are   very   likely 

■   affect    the    decision    of    the    convention, 

•    to    bear    upon    the    decision,    certainly, 

ith  reference  to  the  nominations. 

THE   CHAIRMAN:      As  many   as   are   in 

ivor    of    suspending    the    rules    and    con- 

nuing    the    discussion    will    signify   it   by 

lying   aye.     Contrary,   no.     The   Chair   is 

i   doubt. 

DEL.  KOOP  (111.):  A  point  of  order. 
:  the  Chair  would  state  that  it  only 
;eans  this  clause,  I  think  we  would  all 
gree. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  is  what  the 
hci  It*    sts-tfici 

DEL.  KOOP:  He  did  not  state  it  the 
,st    time. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  did  not 
ate  it  the  last  time,  because  he  sup- 
ped it  was  perfectly  well  understood 
lat  it  means  this  section.  As  many  as 
re  in  favor  of  suspending  the  rules  and 
mtinuing  this  discussion  until  this  see- 
on  of  the  Constitution  is  disposed  of 
ill  raise  their  hands.  Those  opposed 
ill  raise  their  hands.  The  motion  is 
irried;  for,  168;  against,  SI. 


DEL.  PREVEY  (Ohio):  I  wish  we 
might  be  able  to  discuss  this  particular 
clause  without  showing  such  prejudice  in 
our  discussion.  This  clause  is  very  im- 
portant to  the  working  class.  Many  of 
those  who  have  already  spoken  on  this 
particular  clause  seem  to  think  that  we 
are  now  meeting  the  same  issues  in  our 
movement  a."  we  did  four,  five  or  ten  years 
ago.  Let  me  call  your  attention  to  the 
fact  that  as  the  working  class  draw  up 
closer  and  encroach  more  and  more  upon 
the  material  interests  of  the  capitalist 
class,  the  class  struggle  is  growing  more 
intense.  The  capitalist  class  is  going  to 
devise  new  ways  and  means  of  beating 
down  the  power  of  the  working  class. 
The  working  class,  on  the  other  hand,  as 
they  realize  that  they  must  meet  the 
greater  power  of  the  capitalist  class,  are 
also  adopting  new  tactics.  Now,  then,  we 
did  not  hear  anything  about  Sabotage 
tour  years  ago  in  our  national  convention. 
We  did  not  know  anything  about  the 
word.  I  do  not  know  anything  about  it 
now.  because  I  have  not  had  occasion  to 
fight  in  the  ranks  of  the  workers  in"  a 
strike  or  anything  of  that  kind.  If  I 
had,  maybe  I  would  know  something 
about  Sabotage.  Let  me  call  your  atten- 
tion to  another  thing.  We  did  not  know 
anything  about  the  working  class  being 
accessories  before  the  fact  in  every  case 
where  there  is  a  strike,  as  we  do  now. 
(Applause.)  The  capitalist  class  are  so 
interpreting  the  laws  of  this  country  now 
that  they  are  convicting  workingmen  of 
crimes  everywhere  in  the  United  States 
for  being  accessories  before  the  fact. 
Don't  forget  that.  Now,  then,  in  the  in- 
terpretation of  this  word  "Sabotage"  as 
given  by  Delegate  Gaylord,  from  Wiscon- 
consin,  this  morning,  he  said  that  it  meant 
a  destruction  of  property.  Comrades,  I  am 
surprised  that  the  Boston  delegation  did 
not  rise  en  masse,  because  they  comee 
from  a  city  where  the  earlier  patriots', 
destroyed  property  in  the  American  Revo- 
lution. (Applause.)  In  Boston,  when  the 
rebels  threw  the  tea  over  in  the  harbor, 
that  was  Sabotage.  We  have  a  monu- 
ment in  Akron,  Ohio,  built  to  the  mem- 
ory of  John  Brown,  who  was  also  a  rebel. 
Now,  the  capitalist  class  are  interpreting 
the  laws  so"  that  in  every  strike  where 
there  is  any  property  destroyed,  the 
working  men  who  are  out  on  strike  may 
be  indicted  for  being  accessories  before 
ithe  fact  and  be  jailed,  when  they  had  no 
part  in  destroying  this  property  that  was 
destroyed  while  they  were  on  strike.  If 
we  adopt  this  clause,  which  as  Delegate 
Gaylord  interprets  it  means  the  destruc- 
tion of  property,  are  we,  the  Socialist 
party,  going  to  expel  from  the  party  a 
workmgman  convicted  by  the  capitalist 
courts  of  destroying  property?  (Voices, 
"No.")  Now,  don't  let  us  render  any  as- 
sistance to  the  capitalist  class.  They  are 
convicting  the  workers  everywhere  of 
destruction  of  property.  How  can  we  de- 
termine whether  the  workingmen  de- 
stroyed the  property  or  not?  How  can 
we?  I  am  in  favor  of  striking  out  this 
entire  clause  for  this  reason.  I  am  heart- 
ily in  favor  of  this  part  of  Section  1  of  Ar- 
ticle II  that  we  adopted  with  reference  to 
political  action.*  It  says  that  all  who 
subscribe  to  the  principles  of  the  Social- 
ist party,  including  political  action,  shall 
be  eligible  to  membership  in  the  party. 
I  have  no  sympathy  with  anybody  that 
joins  the  party  for  the  purpose  of  using 
tfic  Socialist  party  to  further  the  inter- 
ests of  some  other  organization.  (Ap- 
plause. )  I  do  not  care  whether  that  other 
organization  is  the  A.  P.  of  L.,  the  L  W. 


7/ 


ffW 


128 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


r  W.  or  an  independent  organization  of  any 
kind.  When  we  come  into  the  Socialist 
party  we  fight  the  political  battle.  But 
the  destruction  of  property  will  not  take 
place  by  political  socialists.  As  one  com- 
rade said,  that  will  be  done  in  the  eco- 
nomic organizations.  Now  if  the,  politi- 
cal organization  is  going  to  back  up  the 
Vorking  class  on  the  economic  field,  we 
must  back  them  up  and  we  must  not  dis- 
criminate when  the  capitalist  class  says 
they  have  destroyed  property  somewhere, 
somehow.  Let  us  stick  to  the  working 
class.      (Applause.) 

DEL.  DOBBS  (Ky.):  The  comrade  who 
has  just  preceded  me  has  inadvertently 
given  the  strongest  possible  reason  why 
you  should  le.ave  this  clause  as  reported 
by  the  committee,  when  she  instances  the 
case  of  the  Boston  Tea  Party.  Now,  any- 
one who  knows  the  significance  of  that 
event  knows  that  it  was  an  outburst  on 
the  part  of  John  Hancock  and  a  band  of 
smugglers  who  used  their  own  selfish  in- 
terests to  accomplish  their  purposes.  (Ap- 
plause.) Here  is  just  the  point:  if  you 
fail  to  include  in  the  Constitution  this 
clause  as  reported,  you  are  going  to  fur- 
nish the  basis  for  "provoking  agents."  It 
means  that  if  you  strike  out  the  clause, 
or  if  you  do  not  leave  this  clause  in  there, 
It  mean?  that  the  capitalist  agents  in 
the  organizations  will  start  expeditions 
of  sabotage  and  make  the  working  class 
responsible.  (Applause.)  There  is  the 
point.  There  may  be  exhibitions  of  vio- 
lence as  the  comrade  from  Ohio  has  in- 
stanced, but  they  are  the  exceptions,  and 
we  cannot.,  in  fairness  to  ourselves,  base 
our  actions  on  these  exceptional  outbursts 
which  in  the  dim  future  may  prove  to  be 
approvable.  We,  in  this  convention,  rep- 
resent, it  seems  to  me,  the  high  tide  of 
Socialism.  Heretofore  we  have  been  in 
>•  «-  something  of  a  chaos.  Now  we  have  come 
tn?  to  a  position  where  we  are  a  force  in 
sai-  civilization,  and  if  the  socialist  movement 
lT  is  to  realize  all  that  is  best  in  it,  it  must 
now  and  here  irrevocably  put  the  stamp 
of  its  disapproval  upon  any  anti-social, 
arti-constructive  proceeding.  (Applause.) 
We  have  got  not  only  to  allow  the  old 
members  of  this  party,  who  have  been 
fighting  in  it  from  the  beginning,  to  go 
back  to  our  respective  constituencies  with 
a  declaration  such  as  this  in  the  Consti- 
tution, but  we  have  a  larger  and  wider 
duty.  The  working  class  is  entitle!  ta 
the  best  that  there  is  in  our  civilization, 
and  I  protest  against,  this  attitude  upon 
the  part  of  some  members  of  this  party 
that,  because  there  are  not  more  gool 
things  in  capitalism  and  civilization  as  it 
exists,  therefore,  we  should  repudiate 
capitalism  and  civilization  and  all  its 
work.  The  working  class  is  entitled  to 
the  best,  and  if  the  capitalist  class  de- 
sires to  stain  its  hands  with  fraud  and 
to  practice  violence,  let  us,  who  repre- 
sent a  new  and  constructive  force,  take 
our  stand  in  favor  of  order  as  against 
chaos.      (Applause.) 

DEL.  BENTALL:  I  am  speaking  against 
this  section  because  of  the  discussion  that 
has  arisen.  Not  because  I  am  in  favor 
of  violence,  cr  in  favor  of  any  crime 
against  any  person;  but  I  am  against 
putting  the  Socialist  pafty  in  a  position 
where  we  have  to  put  out  something  like 
this  to  the  world,  throwing  a  suspicion 
over  us:  the  same  as  we  did  two  years 
ago,  or  four  years  ago,  when  we  told 
thi*  world  we  were  neutral  on  religion. 
We  had  no  business  telling  the  world 
that;  they  ought  to  have  known  that  any- 
way. This  year  I  understand  that  is  not 
in  the  platform,   and  nowhere  in  our  lit- 


erature. We  have  learned  a  lesson.  "* 
should  we  now  go  on  record,  doing 
same    fool    thing    over   again. 

The   reason   for   all    this   is   not   bee* 
there   are    some    Socialists   who   stand 
violence,    or   because    there    is   a    tende 
towards    Sabotage    in    the    Socialist    p;! 
— not    for    a    moment.      There     are 
speakers  who  have  not  been  on  the  sqi, 
in     this     business.       They    are    trying 
throw  dust  in  the  fact  of  the  people, 
in    the    face    of    the    rank   and    file    of 
Socialist  party.     This  is  the  kernel  of 
whole    business.     There    is    an    element 
the  Socialist  party  today  that  is  progn 
ive    and    wants    to    go    forward,    wants 
move    and    go    ahead    and    use    the    1 
possible    methods,    so    that    we    may    |l 
something    and    there    is    another    elen| 
that      stands      conservative,      reactions 
monkeying  with  the  old,  outworn  rnacl 
ery.      There   is   the    division   and    you 
talk  for  ten  months,  and  that  is  the  ci 
thing,    and    not    Sabotage    or    violence ' 
anything  of  the  kind.    Now,  come  out  i 
be  square,  every  last  one   of  you  fello 
When  I  was  on  the  board  of  the   Chic. 
Daily  Socialist,   I  fought  against  the  h 
rible   thing    of   violence,   and   mentionet 
specific   instance;   when  a  little   girl  eg 
down    from    her    day's    work    and    scab 
and    in    the   corridor  were    two    great 
men.     They  knocked  in  three  of  her  ri 
they  crushed  her  jaw,  and  put  her  in 
hospital    for    several    months,    and    she 
a  cripple  for  life.     I  said,  "I  stand  agai 
that  sort  of  thing,"  and  every  other  me 
ber    of    the    board    of    the    Chicago    Dj 
Socialist    said:    "Oh,    you    are    foolish; 
on  and  let  them  do  it."     Barney  Berlyr 
member    of    the    board    himseli,    and    G 
Koop,  one  of  them,  and  Mary  O'Reilly, 

DEL.    KOOP:     I    deny    it 

DEL.   O'REILLY:     I   deny  it. 

DEL.   BENTALL:     I    am   not   going 
hind  the  bush. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Stick  to  the  subj( 

DEL.  BENTALL:  This  is  the  subj. 
In  spite  of  the  fact  that  I  have  stood 
all  the  peaceful  means  without  advoc 
ing  the  slightest  violence,  because  I  ad 
cate  this  form  of  organization  that  s 
that  violence  may  be  absolutely  unnec 
sary;  because  of  that,  they  say  that  I 
a  direct  actionist,  and  want  violence.  T 
is  the  reason  that  we  have  to  come 
squarely,  and  not  come  with  things 
throw  dust  in  one  another's  eyes.  So, 
we  have  said  before,  we  stand  for  pol 
cal  action,  and  that  we  stand  for  th 
things  that  make  it  possible  for  us 
gain  our  purpose  through  our  inte 
gence,  through  our  ballot,  through  i 
organization,  and  not  through  bloodst! 
and   you    don't   need   any   of   these   thir 

A     DELEGATE:       Move    to    extend 
time. 

DEL.  BENTALL:  I  don't  need  m 
time.  I  have  done  enough  now  to  k 
the    other    fellows    quiet    for    a    while. 

DEL.  O'REILLY  (111.):  I  rise  to  a  qu 
tion  of  personal  privilege.  When  I  i 
to  a  question  of  personal  privilege 
the  attack  that  was  made  upon  me,  tl 
was  made  upon  the  Daily  Socialist  Bo; 
of  Directors  and  upon  some  of  us  nan 
specifically  and  upon  me  especially, 
won't  be  able  to  talk  upon  the  quest 
now  before  the  house — so  don't  call 
down  for  not  talking  to  the  quest! 
However,  I  shall  come  as  close  to  ta 
ing  to  the  question  as  the  last  comn 
from    Illinois. 

I  say,  as  I  always  have  said,  not  o 
must  we  stand  against  sabotage  and  v 
lence  in  our  platform  and  in  our  priri 
pies,  but  we  must  stand  against  it  in  < 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


129 


ctics  when   we  face  the  practical  issues 
a    the    time   of   the   strikes. 
?  Now  we  had   a  personal  controversy   on 
j  e    Board   of   Directors   of    the   Dally    So- 
*  alist     in     Chicago,     with     which     contro- 
versy   you    have    no    business    to    be    both- 
J'ed  at  this  time,  and  with  which  I  would 
)t   bother   you    were   it   not   for   the   per- 
mal    attack    which   has    been   made    upon 
e  and   which   I  must  answer. 
This   is    the   first  time   Bentall   has   ever 
,ced   me   with   such   a   statement,    such   a 
large,  because  he  dare  not  face  me  with 
rfich      an      accusation     in    Chicago      where 
rerybody  knows  better,  and  knows  that  I 
as    right    in    that    controversy. 
8We    had   a   strike   in   Chicago.      Comrade 
n  entail    blundered   as    editor   of    the   Daily 
Jjj  >ci alist,  not  because  he  took  one  side  or 
ct  ie  other — he  never  takes  sides — he  blun- 
ered  because  he  tried  to  be  on  both  sides 
the    question,    and    because     he     knew 
othing   whatever   of   the   issue. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:     Speak  to  your  ques- 
on    of   personal    privilege. 
DEL.     O'REILLY:       Comrades,     I     have 
leen  attacked,  and  I  would  not  care  at  all 
J'    it  was  merely  an  attack  on  me,  but  you 
re    not    going    to    attack    the    position    of 
ie  Daily  Socialist  on  the  subject  of  labor 
nions;   you   are   not   going   to    attack    the 
oard  of  Directors  of  the  Daily  Socialist; 
ou   are   not    going    to   misrepresent   Mary 
'Reilly    without    my    talking    back. 
At   the  time   of  our  strike,   the  Garment 
Workers'  strike  in  Chicago  I  wpnt  to  Ben- 
all  as  a  friend — I  thought  he  was  a  friend 
f  mine — and  begged  him  not  to  stand  for 
jj  he    labor    leaders    at    the    head     of     that 
Gjtrike.       I     knew     they     were     crooked;     I 
now   it   today.      Robert  Norine,   President 
f    the    Garment    Workers    there    in    Chi- 
cago,   and    their    National    President    were 
he    type    of   leaders    for    which    we    could 
ot    stand.      Bentall    refused    to    take    any 
nformation  from  the  trade  unionists  who 
mew  the  situation.     He  went  from  meet- 
rig    to    meeting    during    that    strike    beg- 
;ing    for    votes    for    the    Socialist    party, 
fou    never    saw    such    catering    to    trade 
mions   in   all   your   life   as   Comrade   Ben- 
all   went    through    during   that   strike. 

THE  CHAIRMAN.  Defend  your  own 
>osition. 

DEL.  O'REILLY:  This  is  my  position. 
Ie  took  an  automobile  and  took  in  Robert 
•Jorine  and  the  crooked  officers  of  the  Gar- 
nent  Workers'  Union,  arfd  with  them  he 
vent  out  vote  begging,  vote  getting  in 
he  cheapest  clap-trap  kind  of  a  way.  He 
lent  that  bill  for  the  automobile  to  the 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Socialist 
)arty  and  after  a  protest  they  paid  that 
till.  Then  he  came  out  in  an  attack  upon 
:he  people  who  had  tried  their  very  best 
;o  save  those  poor  hungry  garment  worker 
yirls  from  being  defeated  by  that  grafting 
irowd  of  trade  unionists,  and  Comrade 
3entall  did  this  because  he  did  not  under- 
stand the  situation.  I  answered  him  in 
he  Daily  Socialist  and  the  Daily  Socialist 
epudiated  the  position  he  had  taken  and 
withdrew  him  from  his  position  on  the 
editorial  committee  of  the  paper.  That  is 
:he  history  of  the  Daily  Socialist  trouble 
that  he  bases  his  attack  on.  I  have  a 
lopy  of  the  article  in  my  hand  in  which 
T  review  the  whole  thing  and  that  was 
printed  in  the  Daily  Socialist.  This  is  the 
flrst  time  Bentall  ever  had  the  nerve  to 
face  me  and  attempt  to  answer,  and  I 
think   it  will   be   his  last. 

DEL.  KOOP  (111.):  I  rise  to  a  question 
It  personal  privilege.  Bentall  attacked 
ae. 

1    THE  CHAIRMAN:     We  have  passed  that 
question    now. 


DEL.  WHITE  (Mass.):  Koop  was  named 
directly   by  Bentall. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  we  are  going  to 
allow  every  person  whose  name  is  men- 
tioned to  rise  to  a  question  of  personal 
privilege  we  may  take  up  all  of  the  time 
of  the  convention,  which  costs  $5  a  min- 
ute, and  we  shall  get  no  business  done. 
We  shall  have  a  big  bill  to  pay  for  these 
personalities.  If  the  convention  wants  the 
Chair  to  allow  all  of  this  dirty  linen  to 
be  washed  in  public,  the  Chair  will  let 
them   wash  it. 

DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):  It  is  not  dirty 
linen.  But  it  is  my  opinion  that  it  is 
going  out  of   the  road  of   this  convention. 

DEL.  KOOP:  If  the  Chair  had  called 
Bentall  down  at  the  start  this  would  not 
have   happened. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  did  call 
him  down  as  soon  as  he  got  into  person- 

fllltlPS 

DEL.  WHITE  (Mass.):  The  other  day  a 
man  who  is  not  a  delegate  here  permit- 
ted the  same  rights  that  Delegate  Koop 
now  asks  for.  I  don't  believe  this  is  a 
washing  of  dirty  linen.  This  had  better 
be  thrashed  now  than  to  be  held  in  abey- 
ance. It  will  have  to  be  thrashed  out 
some  time.  I  think  it  is  only  fair  and 
just  that  a  comrade  who  has  served  in  the 
ranks  as  many  years  as  Koop  should  be 
given  a  hearing  in  this  case.  I  move  that 
Comrade  Koop  be  granted  a  hearing  on 
the    question    of    personal    privilege. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  will  allow  Com- 
rade Koop  the  floor  on  the  question  of 
personal    privilege. 

DEL.  KOOP  (111.):  I  want  to  stand  be- 
fore you  here  and  deny  the  statement 
made  by  Comrade  Bentall  that  we  stood 
for  slugging  a  girl  or  anyone  else.  We 
have  never  advocated  that.  We  have  al- 
ways opposed  it.  Just  now  we  have  the 
example  in  Chicago  where  men  of  wealth, 
the  Lawsons,  the  Hearsts,  who  have  the 
police  department  back  of  .them,  who  have 
the  thugs  that  they  can  buy  with  their 
money  back  of  the  police  courts,  hired 
to  slug  union  printers,  that  are  scabbing 
on  the  pressmen  and  stereotypers  at  the 
present  time.  I  have  seen  this  myself; 
and  you  can't  do  a  thing.  This  rule  as  it 
is  put  forth  by'  the  committee  should  be 
adopted.  The  capitalist  class  have  the 
power;  they  have  the  army,  the  militia, 
the  police  back  of  them  who  will  put 
sabotage  into  use,  not  when  the  I.  W.  W. 
wants  it,  but  when  the  capitalist  class 
wants  it.  Adopt  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee. 

DEL.  BREWER  (Kan.):  On  the  square, 
wouldn't  it  be  a  beautiful  thing  if  we 
should  split  over  a  word  that  only  5  per 
cent  of  us  know  anything  about.  That 
is  exactly  what  this  word  sabotage 
amounts  to  in  this  convention.  If  it  is 
inserted,  or  if  it  is  not  inserted  in  this 
Constitution,  the  capitalist  press  will 
probably  be  compelled  to  notice  it  and 
give  a  definition  of  it  in  explanation.  To 
my  mind  it  is  a  word  that  is  unnecessary 
in  this  document.  It  is  quite  evident  that 
it  is  this  word  that  is  creating  the  fric- 
tion, and  I  want  to  submit  to  Comrade 
Gaylord,  the  man  who  injected  it  here, 
that  yesterday  in  the  constitutional  com- 
mittee meeting  he  practically  endorsed 
the  ideas  that  we  presented  when  we 
agreed  to  eliminate  it  from  our  report. 
My  position  as  a  Socialist  is  quite  clear. 
I  am  sorry  that  there  was  not  placed  in 
our  platform  a  declaration  for  industrial 
unionism,  or  the  industrial  form  of  or- 
ganization; and  yet  I  am  not  a  direct  ac- 
tionist;  I  am  not  an  anarchist;  I  am  not 
in   sympathy  with  many   of  the  tactics  of 


0.r-,13O 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


the  present  I.  W.  W.  But  I  have  found 
myself  confronted  with  this  same  trouble 
that  so  many  other  Socialists  who  have 
traveled  over  the  country  have  found 
themselves  confronted  with.  I  realize 
that  there  is  a  disrupting  element  in  the 
I.  W.  W.  in  the  direct  actionists;  as  there 
is  a  disrupting  element  even  in  the  So- 
cialist party.  But  I  am  convinced  that  if 
this  document  had  been  adopted,  before 
this  discussion  which  has  terminated  in 
personalities,  the  use  of  personal  epi- 
thets, and  going  into  personal  histories 
with  which  this  convention  has  no  con- 
cern, I  believe  that  every  man  and  woman 
in  this  convention  would  have  gone  from 
here  with  a  new-born  hope  in  their  hearts 
regarding  the  onrushing  National  Social- 
ist movement.  I  believe  that  we  would 
have  had  a  keener  feeling  of  fellowship, 
of  comradeship  for  each  other,  than  we 
can  possibly  have  after  this  difficulty  that 
has  been  engendered  by  this  particular 
specific  word,  around  which  so  much 
seems  to  hinge.  Frankly,  I  want  to  say 
that  those  who  have  injected  it  into  this 
report  have  simply  raised  hell.  I  feel 
that  if  this  is  voted  down,  and  if  it  is 
adopted  as  it  stands,  it  will  answer  all 
the  purposes  that  it  is  intended  to  an- 
swer. If  it  is  knocked  out  entirely  I  am 
satisfied  that  there  will  be  a  substitute 
that  will  cover  the  ground  even  better 
than  the   present  one. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  Our  Milwaukee 
movement  is  short  on  phrases,  but  long 
on  action.  Let  us  be  perfectly  sincere 
about  this  matter — perfectly  sincere.  The 
time  has  come  when  the  two  opposite 
trends  of  thought  that  we  have  had  in 
our  party  must  clash  again.  And  the  part- 
ing  of   the   ways    has    come   again. 

There  is  no  bridge  between  Socialism 
and  Anarchism.  There  was  no  bridge 
when  Karl  Marx  and  Bakunim  were  fight- 
ing to  a  finish.  There  never  can  be  any 
such    bridge. 

Those  of  you  who  stand  for  political, 
action  and  for  an  effective  and  sane  eco- 
nomic movement — who  stand  against  the 
bomb,  the  dagger  and  every  other  form 
of  violence — will  know  how  to  vote  on 
this  amendment  without  any  further  par- 
ley. 

Comrades,  the  trouble  with  our  party 
is  that  we  have  men  in  our  councils  who 
claim  to  be  in  favor  of  political  action 
when  they  are  not.  We  have  a  number 
of  men  who  use  our  political  organiza- 
tion— our  Socialist  party — as  a  cloak  for 
what  they  call  direct  action,  for  I.  W.  W.- 
ism,  sabotage  and  syndicalism.  It  is  an- 
archism   by   a   new    name. 

Now,  Comrades,  anarchy  as  such  may 
be  a  beautiful  philosophy.  I  don't  blame 
anybody  for  proclaiming  himself  an  an- 
archist; that  is  his  privilege.  But  he 
ought  not  to  foist  himself  upon  the  So- 
cialist   party. 

I  have  known  John  Most  personally. 
When  nobody  dared  to  preside  in  one  of 
his  meetings  in  Milwaukee  in  1888  after 
the  hanging  of  the  anarchists  in  Chicago, 
and  he  asked  me  to  take  the  chair,  I  did 
so.  I  told  the  audience  that  I  did  not 
agree  with  Most  in  anything,  but  that  I 
believed  in  free  speech.  And  I  give  John 
Most  credit  that  he  did  not  try  to  fasten 
himself  upon  the  Socialist  party.  He  start- 
ed a  group  of  his  own.  Those  who  be- 
lieve in  the  same  principle's  as  John  Most 
did,  should  do  as  he  did — leave  the  So- 
cialist party  and  join  the  Anarchists. 
(Loud    cheers.) 

I  desire  to  say  that  articles  in  the  In- 
dustrial Worker,  of  Spokane,  the  official 
organ  of  the  I.   W.  W.   breathe  the   same 


spirit,  are  as  anarchistic  as  anything  tha 
John    Most    has    ever    written. 

I  want  to  say  to  you,  comrades,  that 
for  one  do  not  believe  in  murder  as  j 
means  of  propaganda;  I  do  not  believe  i; 
theft  as  a  means  of  expropriation;  no 
in  a  continuous  riot  as  a  free  speech  agi 
tation. 

Every  true  Socialist  will  agree  with  m- 
when  I  say  that  those  who  believe  tha 
we  should  substitute  "Hallelujah,  I'm  i 
bum,"  for  the  Marseillaise,  and  for  th< 
"International,"  should  start  a  "Bum  Or 
ganization"  of  their  own.  (Loud  laugh' 
ter  and  great  cheering.)) 

Comrades,  I  have  gone  through  a  nunr 
ber  of  splits  in  this  party.  It  was  no. 
always  a  fight  against  anarchism  in  th* 
past.  In  the  past  we  often  had  to  fighij 
Utopianism  and  fanaticism.  Now  it  is  an- 
archism again  that  is  eating  away  at  tin 
vitals   of  our  party. 

If  there  is  to  be  a  parting  of  the  ways 
if  there  is  to  be  a  split — and  it  seems  thai 
you  will  have  it,  and  must  "have  it — then 
I  am  ready  to  split  right  here.  I  ani 
ready  to  go  back  to  Milwaukee  and  ap. 
peal  to  the  Socialists  all  over  the  coun- 
try to  cut  this  cancer  out  of  our  organi- 
zation. 

The  objection  that  the  word  "sabotage* 
is  not  known  is  a  subterfuge.  We  all  un- 
derstand it.  It  is  a  French  word,  mean* 
ing — willful  destruction  of  products,  oi 
machinery  or  means  of  production.  You 
know  the  French  have  also  given  us  tha 
word  Socialism,  but  they  were  also  the. 
first  to  use  the  word  Anarchism. 

You  Know  where  Anarchism  leads  to. 
You  know  where  it  led  in  1886  in  our 
country.  It  led  to  the  Hay  Market  riots 
and  to  the  gallows.  In  France  in  1894 
the  anarchist  Ravachol  headed  a  band  oi 
highwaymen  and  robbers  in  the  name  ol 
the  proletariat  and  expropriation  for  thd 
benefit  of  his  gang.  You  know  what  an- 
archism has  accomplished  this  year  in 
London  and  in  Paris.  It  made  individual 
brigandage  possible  under  the  cloak  of  afl| 
idea.  I  am  not  willing  that  our  party 
should  stand  godfather  for  any  business 
of  that  kind. 

Some  of  the  comrades  over  there  said, 
that  sabotage  is  a  matter  for  the  indus* 
trial  organization  to  take  up  or  not  tl 
take  up.  They  contend  that  some  mem- 
bers may  have  to  commit  it  because  their 
economic  organization — their  union  wants 
them  to.  My  answer  is  that  any  Socialist 
who  is  willing  to  commit  such  insane  acts 
for  his  industrial  organization,  should  ouit 
our  party.  I  would  rather  have  such  a  man 
belong  to  the  Malitia  of  Christ,  like  the 
McNamaras.  I  would  prefer  that  a  mail 
committing  murder  or  theft  should  have  a 
membership  card  of  the  Knights  of  Co- 
lumbus than  show  the  "red  card."  My 
time  is  up  I  see. 

A  NUMBER  OF  DELEGATES:  Move 
that  the  time  be  extended. 

DEL.  BERGER:  I  don't  need  any  more: 
time.  I  hope  this  convention  will  over-* 
whelmingly  vote  for  the  insertion  of  the] 
word  "sabotage"  in  this  section.  I  want 
to  put  it  up  to  every  delegate  to  take  a 
stand  for  either  one  side  or  the  other. 

DEL.  HOGAN  (Ark.):  Leaving  out  thlft 
word  was  a  most  egregious  mistake.  Ever 
since  this  discussion  arose  I  have  been 
studying  in  my  own  mind  what  would  be. 
the  best  thins?  for  the  Socialist  partv  to' 
do.  But  about  fortv  minutes  ago  I  came 
to  the  conclusion,  and  I  will  give  you  the 
reasons  why  I  have  made  up  my  mind  that* 
the  best  thing  to  do  is  to  strike  out  the", 
wnole  clause. 


N 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


131 


[n  the  flrst  place  the  Socialist  Party  has 
ver  declared  for  violence.  It  has  never 
en  a  party  of  violence.  It  has  never 
en  accused  of  any  such  thing-  by  those 
10  were  acquainted  with  its  history, 
tere  is  no  reason  why  we  should  blazon 
rth  to  the  world  that  we  stand  against  a 
ing  when  there  was  never  a  suspicion 
long  ourselves  or  among  those  who 
ew  us  that  we  stood  for  it.  It  would  be 
ually  ridiculous  as  it  would  be  for  Joty 
irriman's  wife  from  the  glorious  State 
California  to  place  upon  his  back  a 
acard  reading  "My  husband  has  solemnly 
jdged  me  that  he  will  not  get  drunk 
ring  the  National  convention."  If  we 
ould  read  such  a  sign  on  Harriman's 
at  the  suspicion  would  immediately  arise 
at  he  was  in  the  habit  of  getting  drunk, 
ery  time  he  went  away  from  home.  Now 
we  are  going  to  put  the  whole  moral 
de  in  the  constitution  then  I  ask  you  to 
equally  consistent  and  put  in  a  specific 
claration  against  larceny,  put  in  a  speci- 
declaration  against  polygamy,  put  in  a 
ecific  declaration  against  free  love.  We 
.ve  never  stood  for  larceny;  we  have 
iver  stood  for  polygamy;  we  have  never 
ood  for  free  love.  We  have  never  stood 
r  what  some  of  our  friends  are  pleased 
call  direct  action.  This  is  a  political 
rty,  and  this  assertion  has  no  place  in 
r  constitution.  Who  ever  heard  of  polit- 
al  sabotage?  It  is  absolutely  ridiculous, 
friend  Hayes  of  Ohio  made  a  splendid 
>eech  in  favor  of  striking  out  this  whole 
ction,  although  he  didn't  seem  to  realize 
He  stood  here  speaking  for  the  auton- 
ny  of  the  trades  unions  and  the  labor 
lions,  beginning  this  convention  that  we 
ould  not  interfere  with  their  business. 
3t  this  constitutional  committee  comes 
re  and  proposes*  to  tell  the  trade  unions 
hat  they  should  do  and  what  they  should 
)t  do.  I  am  of  the  opinion  it  is  none  of 
ir   business. 

A  DELEGATE:  Read  it  again. 
DEL.  HOGAN:  I  have  read  it  and  I 
in  understand  English.  Now  don't  be 
armed  about  this  threat  of  my  big- 
parted  friend  Berger,  that  he  is  going  to 
^lit.  That  is  a  periodical  threat  of  Berg- 
's at  every  convention.  Every  time 
mething  doesn't  go  to  suit  Comrade 
erger  he  goes  up  in  the  air  and  threatens 
plit.  There  is  no  danger  of  Berger 
jlitting.  He  is  loyal  to  the  American 
cialist  movement  and  so  are  we.  There 
no  need  here  for  acrimonious  discussion, 
here  was  no  need  for  Berger  or  any  other 
leaker  who  got  on  this  floor  to  state  that 
lis  was  an  effort  to  curb  an  anarchistic 
ement.  I  believe  this  is  a  united  party, 
believe  it  stands  for  political  action.  I 
ilieve  it  stands  for  all  that  is  best  in 
ie  working  class.  We  don't  have  to  be 
tbeled  by  a  clause  in  the  constitution.  We 
on't  need  to  tell  people  that  we  stand  for 
iw  and  order. 

DEL.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):  Those  who  in- 
ist  that  we  do  not  understand  the  mean- 
lg  of  this  word  and  therefore  we  ought 
3  take  out  the  planks;  those  who  insist 
hat  by  leaving  it  in  we  will  negatively 
ccuse  ourselves  of  having  stood  for  those 
tiings  previously  and  that  we  are  now  en- 
eavoring  to  get  out  of  it  by  an  apology, 
ntirely  overlook  the  facts  involved.  If 
hey  don't  understand  the  meaning  of  this 
rord  I  am  able  to  quote  for  their  benefits 
rom  a  man  whom  I  believe  they  will  ac- 
ept  as  second,  if  not  first,  in  the  organi- 
sation that  is  alleged  to  practice  these 
lings.  At  least  he  advocates  them  an<f 
■at  ought  to  make  it  plain  to  you  that 
lose  who  use  the  word  have  an  idea  what 
lie  word  means.     Let  us  see  if  I  can  de- 


fine it.  Direct  action  means  exactly  what 
it  says.  A  mechanic  knows  that  in  order 
to  get  the  best  results  the  more  directly 
you  apply  your  power  the  more  successful 
you  will  be.  Direct  action  means  that  the 
workers  shall  be  so  organized  that  they 
can  act  directly  for  themselves  in  the  place 
where  they  are  employed  without  having 
to  depend  upon  any  one  else.  Sabotage  as 
it  prevails  today  means  interfering  with 
the  machinery  of  production,  without  go- 
ing on  strike.  It  means  to  strike  but  stay 
on  the  pay  roll.  It  means  that  instead  of 
leaving  the  machine  the  workers  will  stay 
at  the  machine  and  turn  out  poor  work, 
slow  down  their  work,  and  in  every  other 
way  that  may  be  practicable  interfere  with 
the  profits  of  the  boss,  and  interfere  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  boss  will  have  to 
come  around  and  ask,  what  is  wrong;  what 
can  I  do  to  satisfy  you  people.  That  is  a 
line  of  action  that  is  not  new,  although 
the  term  may  be  new  in  this  country. 
Vincent  St.  John  in  a  speech  in  a  Pitts- 
burgh theater  on  the  27th  of  last  month — 

DEL.  HICKEY  (Tex.):  Does  he  belong 
to   the   Socialist  party? 

DEL.  SLAYTON:  I  don't  know  whether 
he  does  or  not,  but  I  agree  with  the  defini- 
tion of  the  word  as  he  gave  it.  I  am  not 
dealing  in  personalities.  Comrade  Hogan 
says  that  we  have  not  been  accused  of 
these  things.  Comrade  Hogan  ought  to 
have  the  capitalist  papers  on  his  exchange 
list,  for  nearly  all  of  them  try  to  insist  on 
that  very  thing  and  the  hired  man  of  a 
certain  religious  organization  did  insist 
that  it  was  the  philosophy  of  Socialism, 
the  doctrines  preached  by  the  Socialist 
party  that  were  responsible  for  the  acts 
of  the  McNamaras.  I  know  that  the  So- 
cialist party  has  been  accused  of  these 
things  for  years.  We  are  told  that  the 
Socialist  party  ought  not  to  dictate  to  the 
labor  unions  what  they  should  do.  We 
had  a  love  feast  yesterday  in  the  debate  on 
the  party  policy  toward  the  unions,  be- 
cause it  gave  to  those  who  have  been  ask- 
ing us  to  endorse  the  substance  of  their 
form  of  organization  a  general  statement 
with  which  they  could  agree.  But  now  to- 
day when  we  say  if  we  stand  for  you  on 
the  industrial  field,  if  we  back  you  up  in 
your  struggles  regardless  of  the  particular 
organizations  to  which  you  belong,  we 
want  you  to  say  that  you  stand  for  cer- 
tain things  that  we  stand  for.  Then  we 
are  told  that  we  are  dictating.  Suppose 
you  want  me  to  be  a  foster  father  to  a 
child  but  you  tell  me  that  I  must  not  tell 
the  child  what  to  do.  You  want  us  to  go 
to  their  assistance  in  time  of  trouble  but 
when  we  say  here  are  certain  things  which 
we  want  you  to  endorse  we  are  told  that 
we  are  dictating.  When  it  goes  your  way 
you  want  us  to  endorse  your  actions,  but 
when  we  want  you  to  go  our  way  you  say 
we  are  dictating.  The  fact  is  that  these 
things  have  been  done  in  the  industrial 
field,  and  the  fact  is  that  some  men  who 
advocate  doing  them  come  on  our  platform 
after  we  have  billed  the  meeting  and  have 
hired  the  hall,  and  tell  the  people  that  they 
do  not  believe  in  political  Socialism.  We 
political  Socialists  have  the  right  to  tell 
the  world  some  of  the  things  that  we 
don't  stand  for,  some  of  the  things  that  I 
don't  stand  for,  the  things  that  you  don't 
stand  for,  and  among  the  things  that  we 
don't  stand  for  is  that  a  worker  sha.ll  be 
foolish  enough  to  destroy  things.  The 
.other  day  a  comrade  said  "Oh,  what  pro- 
found love  you  have  for  capitalist  prop- 
erty." Well,  I  have  profound  love  for  the 
property  that  the  working  class  has  pro- 
duced and  that  the  capitalist  system  have 
stolen  from  them;  I  have  profound  love  for 


rnr  i32 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


that  property  because  we  want  to  get  it 
back  for  the  working  class.  But  you  can't 
get  it  back  if  you  destroy  it.  You  will 
have  nothing  to  get  back.  I  have  profound 
love  for  the  property  produced  by  the 
working  class.  It  is  a  splendid  thing.  It 
represents  the  crystalization  of  the  world's 
great  labor  power,  the  crystalization  of  our 
civilization.  I  have  respect  for  it.  I  have 
respect  for  the  men  whose  lives  have  been 
crystalized  in  those  machines.  I  don't 
want  men  who  have  put  their  very  life 
into  those  machines  to  destroy  them.  If  I 
was  in  Russia  I  would  be  for  sabotage.  I 
would  be  for  it  there  because  there  is  no 
other  way  to  carry  on  the  fight.  My  sym- 
pathies are  engaged  by  the  struggle  in 
Russia,  but  when  those  people  come  to  this 
country  I  for  one  shall  do  all  in  my  power 
to  keep  the  working  class  as  far  away 
from  the  things  involved  in  this  sort  of 
strife  as  possible. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  I  am  very 
sorry  that  it  has  become  necessary  for  this 
convention  that  yesterday  held  such  a 
beautiful  love  feast  to  get  into  such  a 
state  as  we  are  in  now.  Yesterday  some 
men  in  this  convention  were  telling  you 
how  they  agreed  with  every  other  man  in 
the  convention;  that  the  impossible  had 
happened;  that  men  who  had  fought  each 
other  for  twenty  years  had  shaken  hands 
and  we  were  to  have  harmony  forever. 
Today  they  are  going  on  the  platform  and 
charging  that  a  lot  of  us  are  anarchists. 
Now  I  want  to  divide  my  remarks  into 
two  parts.  First  I  want  to  speak  on  the. 
advisability  of  putting  a  clause  of  this 
kind  in  the  constitution  at  all.  But  if  we 
are  going  to  put  a  clause  in  the  constitu- 
tion saying  that  we  don't  stand  for  some- 
thing that  no  one  has  ever  said  the  So- 
cialist party  did  stand  for,  why  for 
Heaven's  sake  let  us  put  everything  in  the 
constitution  that  the  capitalist  class  has 
ever  charged  us  with,  let  us  say  that  we 
don't  intend  to  break  up  the  home;  that  we 
don't  intend  to  destroy  incentive;  that  we 
don't  believe  in  free  love;  that  we  would 
not  destroy  the  institution  of  marriage, 
and  a  whole  lot  of  other  fool  things  that 
they  say  we  advocate.  If  we  are  going  to 
defend  one  point  let  us  defend  them  all. 
Nobody  has  ever  said  that  the  Socialist 
party  believed  in  sabotage. 

A  NUMBER  OP  DELEGATES:  Oh,  yes, 
they  ha,ve. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  We  are  a  political 
party  trying  to  lay  down  a  working  pro- 
gram for  the  labor  movement,  and  a  great 
many  of  the  speakers  who  have  been  on 
the  platform  this  afternoon  have  taken  a 
slam  at  the  I.  W.  W.  I  want  to  say  That  I 
belong  to  the  Retail  Clerks  Protective  As- 
sociation one  ^f  the  A.  F.  of  L.  organiza- 
tions. T  don't  helonsr  to  the  I.  W.  "W. 
When  T  stand  here  and  take  exception  to 
the  remarks  made  by  some  of  you  people  I 
am  not  doiner  it  as  a  member  of  that  or- 
ganization. You  would  think  that  every 
bit  of  violence  ever  committed  in  the 
United  States  in  working  class  struggles 
have  been  done  by  the  I.  W.  W.;  you  would 
imagine  that  the  McNamaras  were  I.  W.  W. 
men.  Thev  were  not  I.  W.  W.  men.  It  is 
unfair  and  it  is  not  a  pertinent  question 
here  today.  It  is  simply  a  question  before 
the  convention  as  to  whether  we  shall  in- 
terfere with  a  matter  that  belongs  to  the 
labor  organizations.  T  maintain  that  we 
have  not.  We  should  throw  out  the  entire 
thing. 

I  want  to  say  in  regard  to  this  word,  if 
what  Comrade  Haywood  said  is  right  and 
his  idea  is  correct,  that  sabotage  means 
destroying  property,  if  that  is  so.  Comrade 
Gaylord   when    he   went   out   and   appealed 


for  votes  to  be  elected  to  the  Legislat' 
of  Wisconsin  meant  to  go  down  there  i. 
interfere    with    the    established    views 
property  that  the  capitalist  class  had  e 
bodied     in     the    legislation     of    Wiscons. 
then  he  was  guilty  of  sabotage.     It  won 
seem  that  some  of  you  in  this  convent: 
think  it  is  the  duty  of  the  working  class 
permit    the    capitalist    class     to     interft 
with  your  property,   that  is  your  stoma 
to  reduce  the  part  of  the  product  of  yc 
labor  that  you  get  so  much  that  you  si 
fer,    and    that    in    place    of   going    back 
them  and  protecting  yourselves  you  shot! 
just  calmly  and  suavely   submit  to  it  a 
let    them    grind    you    down    without    usi 
any    opportunity    that    you    have    at    yd 
hands    to    defend    your    property    which 
your  stomach.     I  believe  in  political  actii 
first,  last  and  all  the  time.     I  believe  t| 
political  action  is  direct  action. 

DEL.  KRAFFT  (N.  J.):  I  wish  to  1 
quire  whether  the  International  Congre 
declared  against  sabotage  or  not. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  don't  know  an 
thing  about  it. 

DEL.  O'NEAL  (Ind.):  We  are  not  he 
to  defend  ourselves  against  anything  th 
has  been  charged  by  capitalist  politicia: 
or  the  capitalist  press.  The  question 
whether  anything  has  arisen  in  the  lab 
movement  involving  an  endorsement 
acts  that  come  under  the  designation 
sabotage  or  syndicalism;  and  whether  t 
shall  take  a  stand  upon  those  tactics  ■• 
the  extent  of  repudiating  them.  It  hi 
been  said  that  no  one  knows  what  saboi 
age  and  syndicalism  means.  It  seems  3 
me  that  those  of  us  who  have  read  anj 
thing  of  the  development  of  the  Social! 
movement  in  France,  where  those  methoj 
have  had  their  classic  development,  whe; 
the  theoretical  considerations  that  suppq 
them  have  been  analyzed  and  develop] 
will  get  this  one  fact  which  is  fundamen 
al  for  Socialists  that  every  last  one  of  tl 
writers  who  have  formulated  the  theoret 
cal  basis  and  defense  of  .sabotage  and  S3« 
dicalism,  to  the  very  last  man,  is  J 
avowed  anarchist;  is  an  anarchist,  and  o 
posed  to  all  political  action. 

Another  significant  fact  is  that  Jul 
Guesde,  the  foremost  representative  of  w 
Marxian  wing  in  the  French  Social! 
movement  has  been  the  one  man  who  fir! 
last  and  all  the  time  has  been  identify 
with  the  onoosition  to  sabotage  and  sq 
dicalism  in  general.  Furthermore,  the  ta 
tics  supported  by  the  Frenchmen  who  a 
the  foremost  representatives  of  these  prf 
cioles  are  directly  connected  with  the  a] 
archist  ideal  of  society,  a  future  that  W 
absolutely  no  relation  to  the  economic  q 
velopment  of  our  time.  It  is  a  historic 
fact  that  a  number  of  the  men  who  q 
velope'd  criminal  careers — Comrade  Bera 
has  mentioned  one,  Ravachol.  who  hi 
been  guilty  of  two  brutal  murders  in  t] 
Southern  part  of  France,  coming  up  j 
Paris  in  the  early  90's,  when  anarchr 
terrorism  was  at  its  height,  when  bOn 
throwing:  was  of  frequent  occurrence] 
Ravachol,  in  the  name  of  the  revolution, 
the  name  of  sabotage,  in  the  name  of  dird 
action,  became  a  party  to  the  developing 
of  those  tactics,  became  associated  wl 
men  who  were  in  favor  of  them,  and  V 
whole  thing  was  exnosed  when  they  final 
indicted  Ravachol  for  those  murders,  al 
he   was  finallv  executed  for  them. 

Now  to  take  up  another  phase  of  ] 
those  of  you  who  have  read  the  best  woj 
ever  produced  in  the  international  rno^j 
ment  regarding  the  antagonism  betwaj 
anarchism  and  socialism,  that  written  J 
our  Russian  comrade,  Plechanoff.  knfl 
that  he  draws  a  contrast  between  the  ta 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


u  \ 


XX 


s   of  the   Socialist   party   and   the   anar- 
Ists,  and  he  points  out   the  fact   that  in 
s  development   of   tactics   which   lead   to 
itt>lence   it  is  difficult   to   determine  where 
3    direct    actionist   ends    and    the    bandit 
gins.     That  is  what  we  have  got  to  set- 
j  here  this  afternoon.     We  are  a  political 
ganization.     The  adoption  of  this  clause 
es  not  say  to  the  labor  organizations  of 
is  country,  you  shall  do  this,  that  or  the 
her  thing.     It  simply  says  that  if  a  man 
fe|ikes    application    to    the    Socialist    party 
America  for  membership  that  in  making 
yJat  application  he  shall  declare  that  he  is 
siit     in     favor     of     these     tactics     in     any 
k  rt   of  an   organization.      If   he   advocates 
0!  ese  tactics  then  we  simply  will  not  admit 
a  na  to  membership  in   the  Socialist  party, 
si  DEL.    CLIFFORD    (Ohio):     First  I   want 
so     insist    that    the    Socialist    party    is    a 
b.  'litical     party     organized     expressly     to 
ti  rry   out  a  certain   program   with   an   ul- 
tt  nate   object  in  view,   viz.,   the   establish- 
ed  of  a   new   order   of   society.     I   con- 
nd  that  in  no  instance  has  the  Socialist 
irty  been  or  ever  will  be  an  organization 
r  the  suppression  of  crime.     That  is  the 
ity   of  the   present   order   of  society  and 
3    constituted    officials. 

Now,   I  want   to   throw   a  little  light    in 
i  this.     I  want  to  go  back  to  yesterday, 
want    to    remind    the    members    of    the 
>mmittee,  of  which  I  was  a  member,  the 
>mmittee  on  the  Relationship   of  the   So- 
alist    party    to    the    Trades    Union    move- 
ent,  that   when  we  met  as  a  unit  to  re- 
)rt  back  to  this  body,  we  agreed  to  elim- 
ate    other   matters    that   we   expected    to 
port;    in    other    words,    when    we   agreed 
?on  our  report  there  was  only  one  thing 
i  the  hands  of  the  majority,  a  resolution 
ractically    of   the   same   import   as    incor- 
Drated   in    that   resolution    there,    and    we 
the    minority    objected    to    it,    and    we 
repared    a    counter-resolution,    defending 
ir  class  against  the  aspersions  cast  upon 
Now,   we  dropped  these  things  'wester- 
ly  for   the   sake   of   peace   and    harmony, 
nd  today  some  one  has  injected  that  see- 
on   into    this    Constitution    for   a   purpose, 
ow,  I  have  got  something  here  that  per- 
aps  is  going  to  astonish  a  few  members 
C   this   Convention.      I   have   a   matter   of 
jcord   here.     Comrade  Berger  has   a  rec- 
rd     in      this     Magazine,      "The     Common 
ause."     I   am   going   to   show  you,   and   I 
ill   give  Comrade  Berger  an   opportunity 
o  deny  that  he  wrote  this   paragraph.     I 
m   reading   this   for   the   express   purpose 
f  showing  you  that  even  intellectual  so- 
ialists  cannot  at  times  refrain  from  giv- 
ig    their    allegiance,    their    sympathy,    to 
he  working  class  even  when  they  are  go- 
ig  to   commit  actual   violence:      "In   view 
t  the  plutocratic  law-making  of  the  pres- 
ent   day,    it    is    easy    to    predict    that    the 
afety     and     hope     of    this     country     will 
nally   lie   in    one   direction    only — that    of 
violent  and  bloody  revolution,  therefore 
say    that    each    of    the    500,000    socialist 
oters    and    of    the    2,000,000    workingmen 
vho  instinctively  incline  our  way,   should, 
•esides  doing  much  reading  and  still  more 
hinking,    also   have   a   good   rifle   and    the 
lecessary    rounds    of    ammunition    in    his 
tome."     Now,  let  me  repeat  this:     "There- 
ore,    I   say,    each    of   the    500,000    Socialist 
'•oters,    and    of    the    2,000,000    workingmen 
vho  instinctively  incline  our  way,  should, 
>esides     doing     much     reading     and     still 
nore  thinking,  also  have  a  good  rifle  and 
he    necessary    rouncts    of    ammunition    in 
lis  home,  and  be  prepared  to  back  up  his 
jallot  with   his   bullets,   if  necessary.'" 
Now,  I  am  not  accusing  Comrade  Berger 
f  inciting   "sabotage.*'      I   know   he    is    in 
jympathy  with  the  sfruggles  of  his  class. 


I  know  I  have  said  rash  things  myself 
under  provocation.  I  am  one  of  those 
who,  while  I  deplore  violence,  knowing 
its  disastrous  consequences  in  the  out- 
come, yet  if  my  class  does  commit  vio- 
lence, I  am  with  them. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Your  time  is  up. 

The  previous  question  was  called  for. 

Del.  Berger  rose  to  a  question  of  per- 
sonal  privilege. 

Cries  of  "Berger,"  from  all  over  the 
house. 

Motion  for  the  previous  question  was 
put,   and  declared  lost. 

Division  was  called  for  and  the  previous 
question   carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Del.  Berger  rises  on 
a  question  of  personal  privilege.  The  pre- 
vious question  has  been  called  for.  On 
division,  there  is  an  absolute  majority  in 
favor  of  the  previous  question  being  put, 
— 159  in  favor.  Before  the  previous  ques- 
tion is  put  I  will  allow  Comrade  Berger 
the  floor,  on  a  question  of  personal  priv- 
ilege. 

DEL.  BERGER:  Comrades,  what  I  want 
to  explain  is,  that  the  Socialist  movement 
is  undoubtedly  revolutionary;  that  the 
Milwaukee  movement  is  also  revolution- 
ary, of  course,  and  that  if  it  ever  comes 
down  to  do  real  fighting,  we  will  be  there 
without  question.  But  we  do  not  mistake 
a  riot  for  a  revolution,  nor  murder  for 
propaganda.  We  do  not  suggest  theft  as 
a  means  of  expropriation.  We  do  not 
preach  the  revolution  in  that  way. 

I  also  want  to  state  that  my  article  has 
not  been  quoted  as  a  whole.  The  com- 
rade over  there,  I  believe  it  was  Comrade 
Clifford  just  tore  out  a  piece.  I  believe 
that  is  unfair  to   ourselves. 

DEL.  CLIFFORD:  I  will  show  you  the 
Whole  editorial  clipped  out  of  your  own 
paper. 

DEL.  BERGER:  Well,  Tom,  you  didn't 
read  it.  That  editorial  is  good  reading. 
(Laughter.)  But  this  is  not  a  time  to 
read  my  editorials.  This  is  the  time  to 
draw  the  line  between  a  real  Socialist 
revolution  on  one  side  and  anarchy,  mur- 
der and   sabotage,   on  the  other. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  recognize  Del. 
Harriman  to  speak  for  the  insertion  of 
the  word  sabotage. 

DEL.  HARRIMAN:  In  reply  to  Clifford, 
it  is  true  there  were  other  resolutions  be- 
fore the  committee  when  we  made  our  re- 
port yesterday,  and  we  postponed  those 
resolutions  until  the  committee  should 
meet.  That  committee  has  not  yet  had  a 
session,  and  the  resolutions  are,  there- 
fore, in  the  air.  In  the  meantime,  thf 
question  arose.  When  I  opened  the  argvto 
ment  yesterday,  I  said  we  had  had  maion 
weary  hours  over  the  discussion  'Of  ov«- 
differences,  arid  that  the  excitement  pre*s 
vailing  just  before  I  took  the  platform1"- 
was  the  evidence  of  a  fundamental  dif- 
ference here.  There  is  a  difference  here. 
Don't  you  think  it  is  sugar-coated  over 
in  the  words  of  that  resolution.  What 
we  did  yesterday  in  that  resolution  was 
to  gobble  up  industrial  unionism  with 
the  variations  as  they  are  provided  in 
the  labor  movement  of  today.  There  is 
industrial  unionism  and  industrial  union- 
ism. There  is  a  difference  between  them. 
What  we  did,  I  want  to  call  vour  atten- 
tion to  ft,  men,  and  to  call  it  plainly, 
there  is  a  reason  for  this  difference.  I 
told  you  yesterday.  I  repeat  it;  it  is 
caused  by  the  separation  of  the  two  igreat 
movements  of  America.  They  are  weak; 
and  tbe  weakness  begets  a  hopelessness, 
and  the  hopelessness  begets  the  fight. 
There  you  are.  Every  blessed  man  who 
doesn't  want  this  "sabotage"  in  our  plat- 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


ygm  form  or  in  our  constitution,  comes  in — 
not  every  one  of  them  but  many  of  them 
— comes  into  our  party  and  teaches  it  on 
the   platform. 

Now,  listen,  boys.  You  cannot  find  a 
trades  union  Constitution  in  America  that 
puts  it  in  there.  Why?  They  don't  dare 
to  put  their  sabotage  in,  but  you  pro- 
pogate  it  upon  our  platform,  you  commit 
the  great  Socialist  party  to  it,  and  we 
must  defend  ourselves  against  it,  because, 
between  the  two  movements,  is  being 
born  today  the  Syndicalist  movement.  I 
tell  you  the  heart  and  the  soul  and  the 
blood  of  the  Syndicalist  movement  is 
sabotage.  There  isn't  a  man  that  believes 
in  it  that  dares  to  stand  up  and  say  I  did 
it.  Of  course  not.  I  know  what  the  con- 
ditions are;  I  know  that  the  men  oft- 
times  have  to  fight  for  their  lives,  and 
when  the  struggle  is  on  there  is  no  telling 
what  will  be  done,  but  we  must  say,  we 
cannot  teach  it,  nor  countenance  it.  If 
you  do,  and  you  permit  it  to  absorb  you, 
it  will  dissolve  you  and  destroy  you.  Just 
look  at  it  for  a  moment,  look  at  what  you 
are  up  against.  On  top  of  it  comes  the 
detective,  back  of  it  the  police,  back  of 
it  the  judge  to  construe  the  law;  all  the 
evidence  would  be  against  us.  You  are 
expecting  us  to  stand  for  a  thing  that 
not  only  will  dissolve  us,  but  that  will  put 
all  the  weapons  in  the  hands  of  the  other 
man.  Why  is  it,  men,  that  the  great 
German  movement  has  practically  no  syn- 
dicalism? Why  is  it?  One  of  my  friends 
here  last  night  laughed  and  said  it  was 
because  they  were  of  the  Teutonic  race, 
and  the  other  fellow  was  of  the  Italian 
race?  Partly  yes,  but  not  all.  Whenever 
you  are  separated,  whenever  you  are 
weak,  any  weapon  is  a  weapon  of  the 
man  in  despair,  and  this  is  the  weapon  of  * 
the  boys  that  have  lost  hope  in  political 
action  and  are  losing  hope.  The  evidence 
is,  that  they  stand  here  between  us  strik- 
ing at  political  action,  as  they  cheered 
yesterday  when  I  made  the  statement 
against  striking  it  out.  They  have  lost 
their  hope  and  the  birth  of  Syndicalism  is 
right  here  in  our  convention  if  we  do  not 
understand  the  facts. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  recognize  Dele- 
gate Hickey  who  will  speak  on  the  motion 
to  strike  out  the  whole  paragraph. 

DEL.  HICKEY  (Tex.):  There  is  a  feel- 
ing through  the  convention  at  this  mom- 
ent that  I,  Clifford,  a^d  Tom  Lewis  are 
bad  bridge  builders,  and  the  logic  and 
philosophy  that  kept  Harriman  and  my- 
self apart  for  twenty  years  seems  to  be 
still  working  through  its  usual  channels. 
.  Yesterday  after  leaving  this  platform  I 
Jrid  that  Indianapolis  will  be  historic  in 
fiis,  that  it  had  two  unity  conventions, 
j,nd  T.  still  hope  that  this  is  going  to  be  a 
second  unity  convention.  The  impossible 
happened  yesterday;  we  had  come  to- 
gether, and  Gaylord  of  Wisconsin,  said 
that  there  was  very  smooth  work.  Well, 
I  didn't  find  any  smoothness.  I  didn't 
write  a  line;  I  didn't  dictate  a  paragraph, 
not  even  a  semi-colon.  All  came  from 
the  other  side  that  has  injected  this  thing 
now.  Why?  Well,  if  we  had  nominated 
our  candidate  for  the  presidency  at  3 
o'clock  this  thing  would  not  have  hap- 
pened at  all.  Peanut  politics,  that  is 
what  it  is  of  course.  Now,  then,  I  don't 
know,  I  cannot  understand  the  spirit  that 
underlies  that  resolution,  that  section.  I 
cannot  understand  it.  I  have  had,  with 
the  other  two  Toms,  to  fight  it  from  the 
start,  and  I  will  show  ypu  why.  .  Tt  was 
practically  proposed  the  other  night  at  a 
quarter  to  12,  that  we  should  repudiate 
violence  and  advise  the  working  class   to 


u 


»t  ev  r 

vaukr: 
-sevff 
s   frcf 


that  end.     I  picked  up  the  resolution  an< 
said:  "Why  don't  you  advise  the  capital 
class    not    to    use    violence?"      Sabotage 
who  can  define  it;  why,  they  are  not  ev 
able  to  pronounce   it,   with   the  Milwaul 
accent.      Sabotage;     there    are    fifty-s< 
different  varieties  of  pronunciations 
the    intellectual    variety    that    says    "sab 
tage"   right  down   to  the  Irish   pronunci 
tion    that   says    "sabbatage."      The    fact 
that  sabotage  is  in  the  air  and  sometim 
it  is  down  on  the  ground  very  strong,  an 
we  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.     We  are' 
political   party,    and   in   the   course    of   o<\ 
development  we  come  to  have  men  of  t) 
times    upon    labor    committees,    upon    co;, 
stitutional    committees    that    have    earnt; 
the   right   to   sit   upon   them   by   belongir 
to  organized  labor,  and  then  they  will  n< 
produce    the   anaemic    things   that   the    ii 
tellectuals  have  produced  this  afternoon. 

However,  and  this  is  not  from  "Tr.| 
Common  Cause,"  "in  view  of  the  plutocrc 
tic  law  making  of  the  present  day  it 
easy  to  predict  that  the  safety  and  hop 
of  this  country  will  finally  lie  in  one  d 
rection  only,  that  of  a  violent  and  blood 
revolution." 

(Signed)     "Victor   L.    Berger." 

This  is  from  the  Social  Democrat 
Herald. 

I  object  to  the  introduction  of  this  en, 
tire  section.  I  object  to  anything  tha 
says,  we  warn  the  working  class  agains 
anything.  It  is  the  working  class,  th 
class  that  has  patiently  carried  the  cros 
through  the  centuries.  I  say,  you  hat 
better  cut  it  all  out  and  destroy  tha 
paragraph.  I  make  the  suggestion  tha 
Bill   Haywood   say  a  word   or   two. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  In  behalf  of  the  com 
mittee,  I  wish  to  state  that  with  the  ex 
ception  of  Comrade  Brewer  who  spoke  01 
the  subject  and  expressed  his  own  beliefs 
the  committee  unanimously  accepts  th< 
amendment  to  insert  the  word  "sabotage1 
instead  of  the  words  "against  the  person.' 
The  committee  is  opposed  to  the  amend 
ment  to  strike  out  the  entire  clause, 
will  tell  you  why  in  a  minute.  Before  w< 
proceed  to  that,  however,  I  want  to  stafc 
that  the  committee  is  not  wantonly  in 
jecting  this  subject.  The  section  unde 
consideration  is  an  enlargement  of  th' 
section  we  have  had  in  the  constitutiol 
now  in  force.  We  have  had  the  provisiol 
that  a  member  who  opposes  political  ac 
tion  shall  be  expelled  from  the  party.  W> 
have  added  the  definition  of  political  ac 
tion.  We  have  added  the  provision  agains 
advocating  crime,  or,  as  it  will  now  b€ 
"sabotage,"   or   other  methods   of  violence 

Del.  Brewer  raised  a  point  of  order  tha 
Del.  Hillquit  was  now  speaking  for  th 
report  of  the  Committee,  and  Del.  Harri 
man  had  already  done  so. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  had  a  distinct  under 
standing  with  the  Chairman  that  I  woul< 
have  the  closing  word  in  support  of  thi 
paragraph,  and  have  therefore  refr'aine* 
from  trying  to  get  the  floor  in  the  mean 
time. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  chairman  of  th 
Committee  is  correct  in  his  statemenl 
with  this  exception:  he  did  not  Inform  th 
chairman  of  the  meeting  that  the  Com 
mittee  had  accepted  the  word  "sabotage. 
Had  that  been  the  case,  Comrade  Hillqui 
should  have  had  the  floor  in  the  first  in 
stance  in  place  o'f  Comrade  Harriman. 
rule  that  the  point  of  order  made  by  Com 
rade  Brewer  is   well   taken. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  From  which  I  dul; 
appe.-;]. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  An  appeal  is  take: 
frcra  the  decision  of  the  Chair.  The  Chai 
rules  that  inasmuch  as  the  committee  ha 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


ijliccepted  the  amendment  using  the  word 
^'sabotage"  as  a  part  of  its  original  mo- 
tion, and  inasmuch  as  Harriman  has  al- 
ready spoken  on  that  side  of  the  ques- 
tion, the  chairman  of  the  committee  has 
v,io  right  to  discuss  that  side  of  the  ques- 
tion  at   this   time. 

ab  DEL.  HILLQUIT:  Which  side  of  the 
4  luestion? 

I  THE  CHAIRMAN:  What  you  are  flo- 
Dl  ng.  The  committee's  position  has  already 
Jaeen   stated. 

o,  DEL.  HILLQUIT:  In  support  of  my  ap- 
d  jeal  I  will  say  that  I  do  not  know  of  any 
:oi  procedure     by     which     the     Chairman     can 


i)lace    a    delegate,    not    a    member    of    the 
ommittee,    to    state    the    position    of    the 


I    do    not    know    of    anything 
the     Chairman     which     would 


„,  jommittee. 
j.  stated     by 
,  show    that    by    any    act    or    assent    I    had 
n  ivaived    the   right   of   the   committee    to    be 
,  leard    last    on    the    subject.      On    the    con- 
trary,   it   is   admitted   that   we   had   a   spe- 
;ific    agreement    that    I    should    have    the 
ast    word    on    the    subject;    and    I    claim, 
Comrades,  since  there  have  been  so  many 
nsinuations     against     the    action     of     the 
jommittee    in    submitting    that    report    to 
/on,    it    is    no    more    than    fair    that    you 
should    hear    from    the    committee    on    the 
nodification   and   on  tlie   meaning   of  this 
slause. 

Tbe  appeal  was  sustained  and  the  de- 
jision    of   the   Chair   reversed. 

A  "DELEGATE:  Now  that  Comrade 
'rlillquit  is  speaking  on  this  section  as 
imended, ,  will  one  delegate  who  is  in 
favor  of  the  report  as  it  originally  stood, 
De   allowed   to   speak   on    it. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No;  the  action  of 
:he  committee  in  accepting  Garver's 
imendment  takes  the  original  paragraph 
put    of   the    discussion    of    the    convention. 

DEL.  HDLLQUIT:  It  is  important  that 
we  get  to  understand  each  other  before 
pve    take    a   vote. 

I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  the 
act  that  an  attempt  has  been  made  here 
\o  interpret  the  language  before  you  as 
ipplying  only  to  the  Socialist  party  plat- 
orm,  in  other  words,  several  delegates 
lave  stated  that  all  those  who  favor  or 
idvocate  crime,  sabotage,  or  other  meth- 
)ds  of  violence  as  a  weapon  in  the  work- 
ns? '  class  struggle,  may  advocate  this 
nethod  in  union  meetings,  but  not  on  a 
Socialist  party  platform.  I  want  it  to 
xo  on  record  that  there  is  no  such  un- 
lerstandins:  of  the  committee  which 
Irafted  this  clause,  as  far  as  I  know.  It 
rohibits  the  advocacy  of  crime  or  sabo- 
:asre  or  violence  as  a  method  of  working 
lass  struggle,  under  any  and  all  cir- 
umstances,  and  everywhere.  We  cannot 
De  Socialists  within  the  Socialist  party 
tnd  anarchists  on  other  occasions.  I  wish 
irou  to  understand  that,  while  you  vote 
pn  it.  There  has  been  an  assertion  here 
hat  in  adopting  or  approving  this  clause, 
we  attempt  to  dictate  to  the  working 
lass  or  to  the  labor  movement,  the  use 
:>f  its  methods  or  weapons.  We  do  not. 
We  are  dealing  here  with  members  of 
pur  own  party  and  with  no  one  else.  We 
■nerely  attempt  to  lay  down  a  rule  as  to 
tvho  shall  be  qualified  to  hold  member- 
hip  in  this  political^  organization  of  ours. 
We  do  not  attempt  to  prescribe  anything 
o    labor    unions. 

Some     comrades     also     claim     that     the 

mere    mention    of    sabotage,    violence    and 

rime   would   lead   to   the   imputation    that 

he  Socialist  members  may  be  advocating 

that.      That   is   why   they  want  it   stricken 


out.  How  about  the  paragraph  we  ha, 
just  adopted,  prohibiting  distinction  o. 
race,  color,  creed,  etc.  Why  didn't  they 
raise  an  objection  then?  Why  didn't  they 
move  to  strike  that  out  for  fear  it  might 
otherwise  be  supposed  that  the  Socialists 
^have  race  or  class  or  religious  prejudices; 

I  will  state  furthermore,  comrades,  of 
the  labor  unions;  let  us  be  frank  with 
each  other  on  the  subject.  If  there  had 
not  been  any  Socialists  advocating  these 
measures  we  would  not  be  discussing  it 
here  now.  Is  it  a  pure  accident  that  all 
these  comrades  who  think  the  word  "sa- 
botage" irrelevant,  happen  to.be  the  same 
who  may  perhaps  be  suspected  of  a  fond- 
ness for  these  matters?  I  know  person- 
ally of  instances  where  prominent  mem- 
bers of  the  party  on  public  platforms  did 
advocate  just  these  things.  Everyone  of 
you  knows.  Why  hide  from  it?  I  fear 
that  our  self-styled  revolutionary  com- 
rades haven't  always  grot  the  courage  of 
their  convictions.  Why,  comrades,  if 
this  is  so  absolutely  improper  for  a 
Socialist  constitution,  why  don't  you 
simply  vote  against  it?  Why  do  you 
want  to  strike  out  the  section  entirely? 
Why  don't  you  put  it  to  the  test?  Why 
don't   you   stand    up    for   it? 

Now,  comrades  I  will  say  this:  This 
is  an  exceedingly  serious  matter  and 
should  not  be  straddled.  Vote  it  up 
or  vote  it  down,  but  express  yourselves 
on  it.  It  has  taken  this  movement  about 
thirty-five  years  to  come  to  the  point 
where  we  are  beginning  at  last  to  see 
the  fruit  of  a  generation's  work,  and  I 
say,  i£  there  is  one  thing  in  this  coun- 
try that  "cair--»^w,-^ch*eckr"*'or2:  disrupt  the 
SocTalIsF~Tn~b'vemenT,  it  is  not  the  capi- 
talist class,  it  is  not  the  Catholic  Church; 
it^OanrT  "own  injudicious  friends  from 
within. 

DeL  Cumbie  of  Oklahoma  moved  that 
the  vote   be   taken   by   roll    call.     Carried. 

On  motion  of  Del.  Bruce  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  delegates  in  the  corridor  were 
notified  that  there  was  to  be  a  vote  by 
roll   call. 

DEL.  CAREY  (Mass.):  Three  of  the 
Massachusetts  delegates  are  compelled  to 
leave  in  fifteen  minutes,  and  we  would 
like    to    be    recorded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  will  rule 
that  in  the  calling  of  the  roll,  the  call 
will  be  made  by  states  and  the  spokes- 
man   of  each   state   will   record    the   vote. 

The  decision  of  the  Chair  was  appealed 
from,    and   reversed. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  to 
strike  out  the  whole  paragraph,  Section 
6  of  Article  II;  that  is  the  question  be- 
fore the  house.  The  vote  yes,  strikes 
it  out.  To  vote  no,  does  not  strike  it 
out;    it    retains    it. 

DEL.  ENDRES  (N.  Y.):  If  we  vote  no, 
not  to  strike  out,  does  that  mean  that 
the    word    "sabotage"    is    stricken    out? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  will  make  this 
ruling:  The  vote  is  on  the  committee's 
recommendation  which  fncludes  the  word 
"sabotage."  The  substitute  motion  is  to 
strike  out  tfie  whole  section.  You  either 
strike   it   out  or  you   do  not   strike  it  out. 

DEL.  BARNES  (Pa.):  Is  it  the  under- 
standing of  the  Chair  that  this  vote  will 
be  succeeded  by  another  vote  on  the 
adoption  of  the  committee's  report?  We 
want  to  know  whether  there  will  be  an 
onportunity  to  vote  for  the  adoption  of 
the    report    as    originally    presented. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Except  later  by 
agreement?     No. 


$2 


/ 

r  mr 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


t.  The 


roll    call    was    then    taken    and    re- 
ulted   as   follows: 


Ala. 
Ariz. 
Ark. 

Cal. 


Yes. 

Erma  H.  Allen 
Ida  Callery 
Dan  Hogan 


Colo. 


Conn. 


Dela. 
D.  of  C. 
Fla. 

Ga. 
Ida. 


111. 


Fred  Stanley 

A.  F.  Castlebury 
G.  W.  Beloit 


J.  O.  Bentall 
J.  R.  Burge 
J.  C.  Sjoden 
F.  T.  Maxwell 


Ind. 


Iowa 
Kan. 

Ky. 

La. 

Me. 
Md. 

Mass. 


Jas.  Baxter 
Margaret  D.  Brown 
Lee  W.  Lang 
Oscar  H.  Blase 
A.  W.  Ricker 
Geo.  D.  Brewer 
S.  M.  Stallard 


J.   R.  Jones 


C.  W.  Staub 


No. 
G.    L.    Cox 
E.   Johnson 
A.    R.    Finks 
J.    A.    C.    Meng 
A.    E.    Briggs 
E.   A.   Cantrell 
G.    W.    Downing 
Mary    E.    Garbutt 
Job    Harriman 
E.    H.   Mizner 
R.  A.  Maynard 
A.    W.    Harris 

E.  L.    Reguin 

N.   A.    Richardson 
H.   C.    Tuck 
J.    W.    Wells 

F.  C.   Wheeler 
Ethel   Whitehead 
T.  W.   Williams 
J.    Stitt   Wilson 
Frank   E.    Wolfe 
H.   C.  Wright 
W.   P.   Collins 

A.  H.  Floaten 
Mary  L.  Geffs 
Thos.  M.  Todd 
John    Troxell 

S.   E.   Beardsley 
E.  Berger 

E.  P.    Clarke 
Chas.   T.   Peach 
Jasper  McLevy 

F.  A.   Houck 
W.   J.   Ghent 

J.    S.    Alexander 
C.  C.  Allen 

Thos.    Coonrod 
S.   W.   Motley 
I.  F.  Stewart 

B.  Berlyn 

L.    F.    Haemer 
J.   C.   Kennedy 
M.   E.    Kirkpatrlck 
Geo.   Koop 
J.    P.    Larsen 
Caroline  A.   Lowe 
Mary   O'Reilly 
W.    E.    Rodriguez 
Seymour    Stedman 

G.  N.    Taylor 
Guy  Underwood 
S.    S.    Condo 

W.   W.    Farmer 
Janet  Fenimore 
S.   C.   Garrison 
W.   H.   Henry 
James   Oneal 
S.   M.   Reynolds 
Wm.    Sheffler 
Florence  Wattles 
J.   J.   Jacobspn 
I.   S.   McCrillis 

May    Wood-Simons 
Benj.    F.   Wilson 


Chas.   Dobbs 
W.    Lanfersiek 

Geo.  A.  England 
A.   E.   Hartlg 
Dr.   J.   Rosett 
James  F.   Carey 
Alex.  Coleman 
Chas.  E.  Fenner 
J.    M.    Caldwell 
Robert   Lawrence 
Patrick  Mahoney 
Rose  Fenner 
G.    E.    Roewer,   Jr. 
Dan  A.   White 
John  Ohsol 


Mich. 


Miss. 
Mo. 


Mont. 


Neb. 


Nev. 
N.  H. 


N.  J. 


N.  M. 
N.  Y. 


N.  C. 
N.  D. 


Ohio 


Okla 


Yes. 
Jas.  Hoogerhyde 
H.  S.  McMaster 
Etta  Menton 
J.  H.  McFarland 
Marietta  F.  Fournier 
Morris  Kaplan 
J.  G.  Maatala 
A.  O.  Devoid 


Lewis  J.  Duncan 
C.    A.    Smith 
Jacob   M.    Kruse 
James   B.    Scott 
P.   H.   Christian 


C.  J.  Cosgrove 
W.  B.  Killingbeck 
Gustave  Theimer 


Henry  Slobodin 
E.  Lindgren 
Albert  Pauly 


Benj.  T.  Tiller 


J.  L.  Bachman 
M.   J.   Beery 
Wm.   Bessemer 
Max  Boehm 
T.  Clifford 
D.   Lewis  Davis 

D.  J.    Farrell 

E.  J.    Jones 
W.   Hinkle 

F.  N.    Prevey 
Dan  McCarten 
Wm.   Patterson 
Edgar  E.   Powell 
Marguerite  Prevey 
Chas.    M.    Priestap 
C.   E.  Ruthenberg 
Anna  Storck 
Lawrence  A.   Zitt 
John  G.  Wills 


No. 
Frank  Aaltonen 
Guy  H.   Lockwoo 
J.  A.   C.   Menton 

J.   H.   Grant 
Nels  S.   Hillman 
J.   S.   Ingalls 
Olaus  Jacobson 
T.   E.   Latimer 
David   Morgan 
Jay   E.    Nash 
O.   S.  Watkins 
M.   E.   Fritz 
E.   T.   Behrens 
Wm.    L.    Garver 
Caleb  Lipscomb 
Geo.    W.    O'Dam 
Otto    Vierling 
W.  NA.    War* 


Fred  J.  Warren 
C.  R.  Oyler 
Clyde  J.  Wright 
Grant   Miller 
John   P.   Burke 
Wm.    A.    McCall     j 
M.    C.   Jones 
George   H.    Gpebel 
Harry    F.    Kopp 
Frederick    Krafft 
James  M.    Reilly 
J.   B.    Lang 
C.    J.    Ball,    Jr. 
Fred   Bennetts 
Theresa    Malkiel 
William    Burckle 
Jas.    A.    Mansett 
Edward   F.    Cassid 
Wm.   E.    Duffy 
Otto  L.   Endres 
C.   L.   Furman 
Morris    Hillquit 
Algernon  Lee 
Meyer  London 
Herbert   M.    Merri! 
Clinton   H.    Pierce 
G.   Rothmund 
Chas.   E.    Russell 
H.   A.   Simmons 
U.    Solomon 
Gustave    A.    Strebt 
Joshua  Wanhope 

A.   E.   Bowen,   Jr. 
Robert    Grant 
Chas.   D.    Kelso 
Arthur  LeSueur 
Max  S.   Hayes 
F.   G.    Strickland 


Ernest    Schilling 
O.    F.    Branstetter 
Allen  Fields 
J.   T.   Cumbie 
R.   E.  Dooley 
L.  B.   Irvin 
Patrick   S.    Nagle 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


Yes. 


M.  E.  Dorfman 
John  Hayden 
Tom  J.    Lewis 
Floyd  C.   Ramp 
C.  W.  Sherman 
L.  R.  Bruce 
Gertrude  B.  Hunt 
C.  W.  Ervin 
F.  H.  Merrick 
Edward  Moore 
William  Parker 
C.  F.  Foley 
A.  G.  Ward 


No. 
Geo.   E.   Owen 
Oscar   Ameringer 
M.  F.  Parker 


George   W.   Bacon 
J.    Mahlon   Barnes 
Cora  M.  Bixler 
Dan   M.    Caldwell 
Anna  Cohen 
Jos.   E.   Cohen 
Frank   A.    Davis 
Lewis  Goaziou 


Robert  J.  Wheeler 

R.  L.  Grainger 
James   C.   Hogan 
W.    A.    Prosser 
C.    A.    Maurer 
J.  H.  Maurer 
R.   B.   Ringler 
John  W.    Slayton 
David   Williams 
L.  B.   Wilson,  Jr. 
John  C.  Young 
I        Not  Voting 

C.  Wm.   Eberhard 

D.  Benjamin   Dempsey 
nn.       C.   G.   Harold 

xas      Ed.  A.  Green  Richey   Alexander 

Thos.  A.  Hickey  Geo.    C.   Edwards 

Ernest  R.  Meitzen       Chas.    A.    Byrd 
Will  S.  Noble  L.   L.   Rhodes 

J.  C.  Rhodes  M.   A.   Smith 

J.   C.   Thompson 
B.    Williams 
Homer  P.   Burt 
James  A.   Smith 
Wm.   M.  Wesley 
John  Spargo 
G.   M.    Norris 
ash.     Leslie  E.  Aller  Edwin    J.    BroWn 

Adam  H.  Barth  Wm.    H.    Way  nick 

Frans  Bostrom  Emma  D.   Cory 

Kate  Sadler  H.    C.    Cupples 

Samuel  Sadler  Anna   A.    Maley 

Hulet  M.  Wells  Henry   Hensefer 

.  Va.    H.  W.  Houston         .  C.   H.  Boswell 
E.  H.  Kintzer 

Victor  L.   Berger 
is.  Dan  W.  Hoan 

W.    R.   Gay  lord 
W.   A.   Jacobs 
Thomas  Minklein 
Emil  Seidel 
Eliz.    H.   Thomas 
Carl   D.   Thompson 
jro.       Paul  J.  Paulsen  Antony    Carlson 

J.   Suaja 
The  motion  to  strike  out  was  declared 
5t,     the    vote    standing    90     for    to    191 
ainst.  „    _ 

On    motion    of   Del.    Brewer    of    Kansas, 
e    original    motion    to    adopt    the    report 
made   by   the   committee,    was   put  and 
rried.  _ 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  hour  set  by  the 
les  of  the  convention,  for  adjournment, 
s  arrived,  and  unless  there  is  a  motion 

sxispend    the    rules 

DEL.  CALDWELL  (Mass.):  I  move  that 
e  rules  be  suspended  and  that  we  pro- 
ed  to  the  regular  order  of  business  for 
lich  this  convention  was  called,  the 
mination  for  candidates  of  President 
d  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
DEL.  BERGER:  I  rise  to  a  point  of 
der  and  I  want  a  ruling  upon  it.  Under 
e  rules  we  adjourn  at  5:30,  and  the 
3tion  just  made  is  not  in  a  nature  to 
spend  the  rules.  It  requires  a  two- 
irds    vote    to    suspend. 

DEL.  WARD  (Miss.):  I  move  that  we 
journ   to   8  o'clock. 


The  motion  was  put  and  lost. 
NOMINATIONS. 

DEL.  BARTH:  I  move  that  the  con- 
vention suspend  the  rules  and  proceed  to 
the  nomination  of  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  before 
the  house  is  that  we  proceed  to  nominate. 

It  was  moved  to  amend  that  the  con- 
vention continue  in  session  until  the 
nominations    have    been    completed. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  now  be- 
fore the  house  is  that  we  proceed  to 
nominate  candidates  for  President  and 
Vice-President. 

DEL.  BARNES  (Pa.):  And  that  the 
roll  of  states  be  called  and  each  state  be 
given    a    chance    to    nominate. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  It  is  moved  that  the 
roll  be  called  and  each  state  be  given  an 
opportunity    to   make    its   nominations. 

The  motion    was  carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  as 
amended  is  before  you,  that  we  suspend 
the  rules  and  proceed  to  the  nominations 
of  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  that  the 
roll  of  States  be  called  and  each  state 
given  an  opportunity  to  name  its  candi- 
date, and  that  the  convention  remain.  In 
session  until  the  nominees  shall  have  been 
selected. 

DEL.  COLLINS  (Colo.):  There  are  dele- 
gations   that  are    divided. 

(Cries   of   "Nominate   them   all.") 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  When  a  state  Is 
called  any  delegate  will  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  nominate  a  candidate.  Any  state 
not  wishing  to  nominate  or  electing  to 
give  their  time  to  some  other  state  may 
do   so. 

The  roll  call  for  nominations  for  can- 
didates for  President  of  the  United  States 
was  then  had  and  resulted  in  the  nomina- 
tion of  Eugene  V.  Debs,  Emil  Seidel  and 
Charles   Edward    Russell. 

A  DELEGATE:     It   has  been   circulated 
in    the    hall    that   Gene    Debs    is   in   physi- 
cal  ill   health.     I   want  to   know   whether 
■  there    is    any    truth   in    that   report? 

DEL.  HILLQUIT  (N.  Y.):  A  point  of 
order.  The  rule  prohibits  nominating 
speeches  but  does  not  prohibit,  and  on 
the  contrary  encourages  the  discussion  of 
nominees  and  their  respective  merits  and 
availability  when  the  nominations  are 
completed. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Nominating  speeches 
will   not  be  allowed. 

DEL.  BERGER  (Wis.):  A  point  of  T5r- 
der.  If  we  can  not  make  nominating 
speeches  we  can  discuss  the  respective 
merits    of    the    candidates. 

DEL.  MILLER  (Nev.):  I  have  been  as- 
sured by  a  dozen  men  that  Debs  is  all 
right. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  rules  that 
no  nominating  speeches  or  discussions  of 
the  merits  of  candidates  is  in  order  under 
the    rules    of    the    convention. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  appeal  from  the 
ruling  of  the  Chair. 

THE  VICE-CHAIRMAN:  State  the 
ground    of    the    appeal. 

(Cries   of   "roll   call.") 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  delegates  will 
be    in    order.      We    will    hear    the    appeal. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  You  will  not  howl 
me  down.  I  have  taken  an  appeal  from 
the  Chair  for  this  reason:  A  motion  was 
made  to  cut  out  nominating  speeches,  and 
for  a  very  good  reason,  because  nominat- 
ing speeches  are  in  most  instances  of  such 
a  character  as  to  turn  the  convention 
from  a  deliberative   body   into  a  howling 


/ 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


mob.  But  I  claim  there  is  no  word  in 
the  rule  against  the  discussion  of  the 
merits  of  the  candidates,  and  on  the  con- 
trary if  we  want  to  carry  out  the  spirit 
of  the  rule  in  not  making  nominating 
speeches  which  is  that  we  want  to  be  a 
deliberative,  sensible  body,  then  I  claim 
that  I  have  the  right  to  discuss  on  the 
floor  of  the  convention  whether  one  or 
the  other  of  the  members  whose  names 
have  been  placed  before  us  would  be  the 
best  standard  bearer  for  the  Socialist 
party.  I  claim  that  I  owe  this  to  my  con- 
stituents who  have  instructed  me  on  this 
matter. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  stands 
simply  on  the  rules  of  the  convention  and 
their  interpretation  in  what  he  believes 
to  have  been   the  spirit  of  those  rules. 


The  motion  to  sustain  the  Chair  w 
carried. 

It  was  then  moved  and  seconded  th 
the  roll  call  be  made  of  the  individu 
delegates.      The   motion   was   carried. 

A  DELEGATE:  How  are  we  to  kno 
that   Comrade   Debs   will   accept? 

DEL.    BERGER:       Before    we    vote 
ought    to    know    whether    Comrade    De 
will   accept. 

THE    CHAIRMAN:       The    question    h 
been  asked  whether  there  is  any  certain 
whether    Comrade    Debs    will    accept    til 
nomination.      It    is    stated    positively    tha 
he    will    by    people    who    claim    to    knou 
what    they    are    talking    about. 

DEL.    BERGER:      Do    they? 

THE   CHAIRMAN:      They   do. 

The  roll  call  on  the  vote  upon  the  noral- 
nations  was   then  had   as  follows: 


Alabama — 
Arizona — 


Arkansas — 


California — 


Colorado — 


Connecticut- 


Georgia— 
Delaware— 

d.  of  a— 

Florida — 
Idaho — > 


Illinois- 


Indiana/— 


ROLL  CALL  FOR  NOMINATIONS  FOR  PRESIDENT. 


DEBS. 
G.  L.  Cox 
E.  H.  Allen 
E.  Johnston 
Ida  Callery 
Dan  Hogan 
J.  A.  C.  Meng 
A.  R.  Finks 
Edw.  A.   Cantrell 
H.  C.  Tuck 
H.  E.  Wright 


W.  P.  Collins 
Mary  L.  Geffs 
Thomas  M.  Todd 
John  Troxell 


Iowa — 


Fred  Stanley 
G.   W.  Beloit 
Thos.  J.  Coonrod 
Sidney  W.  Motley 
Isaac  F.  Stewart 
J.  0.  Bentall 
Joseph  R.  Burge 
Louis  F.  Haemer 
John  C.   Sjoden 
Caroline  A.  Lowe 
J.  C.  Kennedy 
M.    E.   Kirkpatrick 
Geo.  Koop 
George  North  Taylor 

■>3J\  T.  Maxwell 
Guy  Underwood 
S.  S.  Condo 
W.  W.  Farmer 
Janet  Fenimore 
Stephen  C.   Garrison 
Wm.    H.    Henry 

-James  Oneal 
S.  M.  Reynolds 
William  Sheffler 
Florence  Wattles 
Jas.  Baxter 
Lee  W.  Lang 


SEIDEL. 


A.  E.  Briggs 
Geo.  W.   Downing 

■  Job  Harriman 
E.  H.  Mizner 
R.    A.    Maynard 
A.   W.  Harris 
Ernest  L.   Reguin 
N.   A.   Richardson 
J.   W.  Wells 
Fred  C.  Wheeler 
Ethel  Whitehead 
Thos.  W.  Williams 
-J.  Stitt  Wilson 
Frank   E.    Wolfe 


A.    F.    Castleberry 
Frank   A.    Hcuck 
•W.    J.    Ghent 
C.    C.    Allen 


Jas.  P.  Larsen 
Mary  O'Reilly 
W.   E.   Rodriguez 


John   J.    Jacobsen 
Margaret  D.  Brown 
Irving    S.    McCrillls 


RUSSELL. 


Mary  E.   Garbutt 


A.    H.    Floaten 


S.    E.    Beardsley 
Ernest  Berger 
E.    P.   Clark 
Chas.  T.  Peach 
Jasper  McLevy 


Bernard  Berlyn 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  ills 


Kansas — 


Kentucky — 

Louisiana — 
Maine — 
Maryland — 


Massachusetts — 


Michigan — 


Minnesota- 


Mississippi- 
Missouri— 


Montana- 


Nebraska — 


Nevada- 


DEBS. 
Oscar  H.  Bias* 
Geo.   D.   Brewer 
A.  W.  Ricker 
May  Wood-Simons 
S.   M.   Stallard 
Benj.    F.    Wilson 
Chas.  Dobbs 
Walter  Lanferslsk 
J.    R.    Jones 


Alex  Coleman 
Chas.  E.  Fenner 
J.  M.   Caldwell 
Dan   A.   White 
Rose   Fenner 
J.  G.  Ohsol 
Frank  Aaltonen 
Jas.  Hoogerhyde 
Guy  H.  Lockwood 
H.   S.   McMaster 
Etta  Menton 
J.  A.  C.  Menton 
Jas.  H.  McFarland 
Marietta  E.  Fournier 
John  H.  Grant 
J.  S,Ingalls 
Olaus  Jacobson 
Morris  Kaplan 
Thos.  E.   Latimer 
J.  G.  Maattala 
A.  O.  Devoid 
O.  S.  Watkins 
M.  E.  Fritz 


Lewis  J.  Duncan 
Clarence  A.  Smith 
Jacob  M.  Kruse 
James  B.  Scott 
Fred  J.  Warren 
C.  R.  Oyler 
Clyde  J.  Wright 
Grant   Miller 


■XIDSL. 


JtUSSXLL. 


Nels  S.  Hillman 
David   Morgan 
Jay  F.  Nash 


E.  T.  Behrens 
Wm.   L.   Garver 
Caleb  Lipscomb 
George  W.   O'Dam 
Otto  Vierling 
W.  A.  Ward 


New  Hampshire — John  P.  Burke 
Wm.   A.    McCall 


New  Jersey 


New  Mexico- 
New  York— 


J.  R.  Jones 

Christopher  J.  Cosgrove 
George  H.    Goebel 
W.  B.  Killingbeck 
Harry  F.  Kopp 
James  M.  Reilly 
Gustave   Theimer 
J.   B.  Lang 
E.  Lindgren 
Albert  Pauly 


Frederick   Kraflt 


North  Carolina — 

North  Dakota —    A.  E.  Bowen,  Jr 
Robert   Grant 
Chas.  D.  Kelso 
Arthur    LeSueur 


Geo.  A.  England 
Chas.  B.  Backman 
Dr.  J.  Rosett 
C.  W.  Staub 
Robt.   Lawrence 
G.  E.  Roewer,  Jr. 


Philip  H.  Christian 


Hsnry  Slobodln 
C.  J.  Ball,  Jr. 
Fred  Bennetts 
Theresa  Malkiel 
Wm.  Burckle 
Jas.   A.   Mansett 
*~Ed.  F.   Cassidy 
Wm.   E.  Duffy 
Otto  L.  Endrea 
C.  L.  Furman 
-Morris  Hillquit 
.-Algernon  Lee 
-Meyer  London 
H.  M.  Merrill 
C.  K.   Pierce 
G.  Rothmund 
H.   A.  Simmons 
U.  Solomon 
Gustave  A.   Strebel 
Joshua  Wanhope 
Benjamin  T.  Tiller 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Oklahoma- 


Oregon — 


Pennsylvania — 


Rhode  Island — 

South  Carolina- 
South  Dakota — 
Tennessee — 
Texas— 


DEBS. 
Jacob  L.  Bachman 
M.   J.   Beery 
Wm.  Bessemer 
Max   Boehm 
T.  Clifford 

D.  J.    Farrell 
Edw.   J.  Jones 
F.  N.   Prevey 
Dan  McCarten     - 
Wm.  Patterson 

E.  E.  Powell 
Marguerite  Prevey 
C.   M.    Priestap 

**U.   E.  Ruthenberg 
Anna  K.  Storck 
Lawrence  A.  Zitt 
John   G.   Wills 
M.   F.  Barker 


Maurice  E.   Dorfman 
John  Hayden 
Tom  J.  Lewis 
Floyd   C.    Ramp 
C.  W.  Sherman 
G.   W.   Bacon 
J.   M.   Barnes 
Cora  Mae  Bixler 
Leroy  R.  Bruce 
Anna  Cohen 
Jos.   E.   Cohen 
Lewis  Goaziou 
Richard  L.  Grainger 
James  C.  Hogan 
Gertrude  B.   Hunt 
■  J.    H.    Maurer 
C.  W.   Irvin 
F.  H.  Merrick 
Edward  Moore 
Wm.  Parker 
C.   F.    Foley 
J.  W.  SI  ay  ton 
A.  G.  Ward 
R.  J.  Wheeler 
David  Williams 
John  C.  Young 
James  P.  Reid 
E.  W.  Theinert 


Utah- 


Vermont — 
Virginia- 
Washington — 


West  Virginia- 
Wisconsin — 

Wyoming — 


C.  G.  Harold 
Ed.   A.  Green 
T.   A.   Hickey 
E.   R.  Meitzen 
W.   S.   Noble 
J.  C.  Rhodes 
L.  L.  Rhodes 
M.  A.  Smith 
J.  C.   Thornpsom 
B.  Williams 


G.  M.   Norris 
L.  E.  Aller 
A.  H.   Barth 
Frans  Bostrom 
Emma  D.   Cory 
Kate  Sadler 
Samuel  Sadler 
Hulet  M.  Wells 
C.   H.  Boswell 
H.  W.  Houston 
E.    H.   Kintzer 


Antony  Carlson 
Paul   J.   Paulsen 
J.  Suaja 


SEIDEL. 
D.   L.   Davis 
M.   S.   Hayes 
F.   G.    Strickland 


RUSSELL. 
W.   Hinkle 


O.  Ameringer 
Otto  F.  Branstetter 
R.  E.   Dooley 
Patrick  S.   Nagle 
Geo.  E.  Owen 
Allen  Fields 


J.    T.    Cumbie 
L.    B.    Irvin 
E.    Schilling 


Dan  M.  Caldwell 
Frank  A.  Davij 
*Chas.   H.   Maurer 
L.    B.    Wilson,   Jr. 
W.  A.  Prosser 


Wm.  Eberhard 


R.   Alexander 
G.  C.  Edwards 
C.  A.  Byrd 


B.  Dempsey 


H.  P.  Burt 
J.   A.  Smith 
W.  M.  Wesley 
John  Spargo 


E.  J.   Brown 
W.    H.   Waynick 
H.    C.    Cupples 
Henry  Hensefer 


^Victor  L.  Berger 

Dan  W.  Hoan 
W.  R.  Gaylord 

W.   A.  Jacobs 

T.   Minklein 

Elizabeth  H.  Thomas 

Carl   D.   Thompson 


Emll  Seldel 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


141 


The  roll  call  showed  the  following  re- 
sults: 

Eugene  V.  Debs,  165;  Emil  Seidel,  56; 
Charles    Edward    Russell,    54. 

DEL.  SEIDEL  (Wis.):  I  wish  to  thank 
those  that  cast  their  votes  for  Seidel,  as 
suggested  by  Wisconsin,  for  the  confi- 
dence that  they  have  placed  in  the  Wis- 
consin spirit.  On  the  other  hand,  in  be- 
half of  Mrs.  Seidel,  I  wish  to  thank  those 
who  have  voted  against  me,  because  Mrs. 
Seidel  wished  that  I  should  not  be  nomi- 
nated. I  desire  to  make  a  motion  at  this 
time,  which  I  believe  will  be  seconded 
by  Comrade  Russell,  that  we  make  the 
nomination    of    Comrade    Debs   unanimous. 

DEL.  RUSSELL  (N.  Y.):  I  never  had 
greater  joy  in  my  life  than  I  have  when 
I   second    that   motion. 

On  the  motion  being  put  the  nomina- 
tion of  Comrade  Debs  was  made  unani- 
mous. >. 

DEL.  BERLYN  (111.):  I  move  that  a 
despatch  be  sent  to  Comrade  E.  V.  Debs 
notifying   him    on    his    nomination. 


It  was   so   ordered. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  I  move  that  we  now 
proceed  with  the  nomination  for  Vice- 
President  in  the  same  manner  that  we 
nominated  for  President. 

The    motion    was    carried. 

The  roll  call  on  nominations  for  Vice- 
President  and  resulted  in  the  nomination 
of  Dan  Hogan,  J.  W.  Slayton  and  Emil 
Seidel. 

DEL.  RUSSELL  (N.  Y.):  In  order  to 
save  the  time  of  this  convention  which 
has  now  grown  somewhat  valuable,  let 
me  say  that  for  reasons  which  I  can 
state  but  which  I  would  prefer  not  to 
state,  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to 
accept  this  nomination,  although  I  ap- 
preciate very  much  the  kindness  of  those 
who  have  urged  it  upon  you. 

All  of  the  nominees  declined  except 
Delegates    Seidel,    Slayton   and   Hogan. 

The  roll  was  then  called  for  the  selec- 
tion of  the  vice-presidential  candidate. 


\ 


Alabama- 
Arizona— 


Arkansas- 


California — 


HOGAN. 


Ida  Callery 
J.  A.  C.  Meng 
A.   R.   Finks 
Ernest  L.  Reguin 


NOMINATIONS   FOR    VICE-PRESIDENT. 
SLAYTON. 


Coloradc 


Connecticut- 


Delaware— 
D.  of.  C.— 
Florida- 
Georgia — 
Idaho — ■ 

Illinois- 


Illinois—* 


Fred  Stanley 


G.  W.  Belolt 
I.  F.  Stewart 
J.  O.  Bentall 


Indian 


SEIDEL. 
G.   L.   Cox 
Erma  Hyatt 
E.   Johnson 


A.    E.    Brigga 
E.     A.     Cantrell 
G.   W.    Downing 
Mary    E.    Garbutt 
Job  Harriman 
E.    H.    Mizner 
R.    A.    Maynard 
A.    W.    Harris 
N.    A.    Richardson 
H.    C.   Tuck 
J.    W.    Wells 
Fred  C.   Wheeler 
Ethel  Whitehead 
T.    W.    Williams 
J.   S.  Wilson 
Frank    E.    Wolfe 
H.   E.   Wright 
W.  P.  Collins 
A.    H.    Floaten 
Mary  L,.  Geffs 
Thos.  M.  Todd 
John  Troxell 
Sam  E.   Beardsley 
Ernest  Berger 

E.  P.    Clarke 
Chas.   T.   Peach 
Jasper  McLevy 
Frank  A.  Houck 
W.  J.  Ghent 

A.  F.   Castleberry 
T.  J.  Coon  rod 
S.  W.  Motley 
Bernard  Berlyn 
J.  R.  Burge 
J.  C.  Sjoden 
J.  C.  Kennedy 
M.  E.  Klrkpatrlck 
George  Koop 
James  P.   Larsen 
Caroline   A.   Lowe 

F.  T.    Maxwell 
Mary    O'Reilly 
W.   E.    Rodriguez 
Seymour    Stedman 

G.  N.  Taylor 
Guy  Underwood 
Samuel   Condo 

W.  W.  Farmer 
Janet  Fenimore 
S.   C.   Garrison 


143 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


HOGAN. 


■LATTON. 


Iowa— 


Kamai — 


Kentucky — 
Louisiana — 
Maine — ■ 
Maryland — 

Massachusetts — 


Michigan — 


Minnesota- 


Oscar  H.  Blase 
Geo.  D.  Brewer 
S.   M.   Stallard 


Charles  E.   Fenner 
Rose  Fenner 


Frank   Aaltonen 
Jas.   Hoogerhyde 
Guy  H.    Lockwood 
H.    S.    McMaster 
Etta  Menton 
Jas.  H.   McFarland 


Mississippi—* 
Missouri— 


Montana- 


Nebraska- 


Lewla  J.  Duncan 
Clarence  A.   Smith 
Jacob   M.    Kruse 
James    B.    Scott 
Philip  H.   Christian 


Nevada- 
New  Hampshire — J.   P.  Burke 
New  Jersey —  C.   J.   Cosgrove 

W.  B.   Killingbeck 


New  Mexico — 
New  York — 


Not  Voting 
Henry   Slobodln 
Theresa  Malkiel 
E.   Lindgren 
Albert  Pauly 


North  Carolina- 
North  Dakota — 


Ohio- 


Jacob  L.   Bachman 
M.   J.   Beery 
Wm.  Bessemer 
Max  Borhm 
T.    Clifford 
Demlniak  J.   rarrell 


A.   W.   Ricker 


A.  R.  Hartig 
C.  W.  Staub 
J.   M.   Caldwell 


J.   A.    C.   Menton 


W.    A.    McCall 


Fred  Bennetta 
C.    L.   Furman 
Clinton  H.  Pierca 
G.  Rothmund 


Arthur  LieSueur 
F.  G.  Strickland 


SEIDEL. 
Wm.    H.    Henry 
S.     M.     Reynolda 
Wm.    Sheffler 
Florence    Wattles 
Margaret  D.  Brown 
J.    J.    Jacobsen 
Lee    W.    Lang 
Irving    S.    McCrillis 
Benj.    F.    Wilson 
May    Wood-Simons 

Chas.    Dobbs 
J.    R.    Jones 
G.    A.    England 
Dr.    J.    Rosett 

Alex.    Coleman 
Robt.     Lawrence 
G.    E.    Roewer,    Jr. 
Dan   A.    White 
J.    G.   Ohsol 


M.    F.    Fournier 
J.   H.   Grant 
N.   S.    Hillman 
J.   S.   Ingalls 
Olaus   Jacobson 
Morris  Kaplan 
Thos.    E.    Latimer 
J.    G.    Maattala 
David    Morgan 
Jay   E.   Nash 
A.    O.   Devoid 
O.    S.    Watkins 
M.    E.    Fritz 
E.    T.    Behrena 
W.    L.    Garver 
C.    Lipscomb 
G.  W.   O'Dam 
Otto  Vierling 
W.   A.   Ward 


F.    J.    Warre» 
C.  R.  Oyler 
Grant    Miller 

J.    R.    Jonea 
H.     F.     Kopp 

F.  Krafft 

J.   M.   Rellly 
Gustave  Thelmer 

Wm.    Burckle 
Jas.    A.    Mansett 
E.     F.    Cassldy 
Wm.    L.    Duffy 
O.   L.   Endres 
Morris  Hillquit 
Algernon  Lee 
Meyer   London 
H.  M.  Merrill 

C.  E.   Russell 
H.   A.   Simmoni 
U.  Solomon 

G.  A.   Strebel 
J.   Wanhope 
B.    T.    Tiller 

A.    E.    Bowen,    Jr. 
Robert  Grant 
Chas.   D.    Kelso 

D.  L.     Davia 
M.    S.    Hayes 
W.    Hinkle 
Marguerite    Prevay 


AFTERNOON  SESSION.  MAY  17.  1912 


HOGAN. 
E.   J.  Jones 
P.    N.    Prevey 
Wm.    Patterson 
Chas.   M.    Priestap 
C.    E.    Ruthenberg 
Anna  K.    Storck 
Lawrence    A.    Zitt 
Dan  McCartan 


:Iahoma — 


•egon— 

Tom  J.  Lewis 

mnsylvania — 

Leroy  R.  Bruce 

James  C.  Hogan 

C.   W.   Ervin 

F.   H.   Merrick 

Wm.   Parker 

A.   G.    Ward 

R.  J.  Wheeler 

node  Island — 

>.  Carolina — 

».  Dakota — ■ 

Benjamin  Dempsey 

jnnessee — 

C.    G.    Harold 

ixas — 

E.   A.   Green 

T.   A.   Hickey 

E.   R.   Meitzen 

W.    S.    Noble 

J.   C.   Rhodes 

L.    L.   Rhodes 

M.    A.    Smith 

J.   C.    Thompson 

B.    William 

tah — 

Wm.    M.    Wesley 

ermont— 

irginia — • 

Washington — 

Leslie  E.  Aller 

A.   H.   Barth 

Frans  Bostrom 

Kate  Sadler 

Samuel  Sadler 

rest  Va.— 

H.  W.  Houston 

Wisconsin-— 

Emil  Seidel 

SLAYTON. 


G.  W.  Bacon 
Dan  M.  Caldwell 
Frank  A.   Davis 
Lewis  Goaziou 
Chas.   A.   Maurer 
R.   B.   Ringler 
John  C.   Young 

James   P.    Reld 
E.   W.    Theinert 


Hulet  M.  Wells 


E.  H.  Kintzer 


SEIDEL. 


Tyoming- 


Paul  J.  Paulsen 
J.  Suaja 


E.  Schilling 

O.    F.    Branstetter 
S.   T.    Cumbie 
R.   E.   Dooley 
L.    B.    Irvin 
P.    S.   Nagle 
G.    E.    Owen 
Oscar  Ameringer 
M.  F.  Barker 
J.    G.    Wills 
M.    E.    Dorfman 
J.   Hayden 

F.  C.    Ramp 

C.  W.  Sherman 
Cora     M.     Bixler 
J.     E.     Cohen 
R.  L.  Grainger 
Jas.    H.    Maurer 
J.    W.     Slayton 
David    Williams 
L.    B.     Wilson,    Jr. 
W.    A.    Prosser 


Wm.     Eberhard 


Richey    Alexander 
G.    C.    Edwards 
C.    A.    Byrd 


John    Spargo 
G.    M.    Norris 
E.    J.    Brown 
W.    H.    Wing 
Emma    D.    Cory 
H.   C.  Cupples 
Anna    A.     Maley 
Henry  Henseler 
C.    H.    Boswell 
Dan    W.    Hoan 
W.  R.  Gay  lord 
W.  A.  Jacobs 
Thos.    Minklein 
Elizabeth  H.  Thomas 
C.  D.  Thompson 
Antony   Carlson 


143 


The  result  of  the  roll  call  was  an- 
Gunced  as  follows:  Emil  Seidel,  159; 
>an    Hogan,    73;    John    W.    Slayton,    24. 

DEL.  HOGAN:  Appreciating  the  unex- 
ected  honcxr  given  me  by  the  73  com- 
ities who  voted  for  me  for  the  second 
lace  on  the  ticket  I  move  that  the  nomi- 
ation    of    Emil    Seidel    be    made    unani- 

10US. 

DEL.  SLAYTON:  I  need  not  repeat 
fhat  Comrade  Hogan  has  said.  The  honor 
o  me  is  not  quite  so  large  in  numbers, 
ut  then  he  is  a  larger  man.  I  second 
he  motion  to  make  the  nominution  of 
,'omrade    Seidel    unanimous. 

•The  motion  was  unanimously  carried. 

A  DELEGATE:  I  move  that  we  ad- 
ourn  and  join  the  parade. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  With  all  deference  to 
ae  local  comrades  that  have  arranged  this 
•arade,  I  submit  that  parading  the  streets 
a  less  important  to   the  party  than  doing 


the  business  for  which  we  have  been 
called  together.  Most  of  us  have  arranged 
so  that  we  must  get  through  tomorrow 
night.  Some  of  our  most  important  com- 
mittees' have  not  yet  reported.  We  have 
still  the  immigration  matter  and  three- 
quarters  of  the  Constitution  to  adopt.  I 
move  as  an  amendment  that  we  adjourn 
until    9:30    o'clock    tonight. 

At  this  point  there  were  cries  for  a 
speech  from  Comrade  Seidel,  who  at  the 
request  of  the  Chairman  took  the  plat- 
form. 

DEL.  SEIDEL:  I  do  not  intend  to  de- 
lay you  for  any  length  of  time.  But  I 
want  to  make  it  clear  to  you  that  I  shall 
do  everything  in  my  power  to  give  the 
opposition,  the  capitalist  parties,  as  warm 
a  fight  as  they  have  ever  had.  From  what 
I  know  of  Comrade  Deb-  I  believe  that 
he  will  be  heart  and  so»il  with  me  in  this. 
The    little    differences    that    we    have    had 


144 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


on  tne  floor  of  the  convention  only  con- 
cern themselves  with  questions  of  tac- 
tics. Let  me  say  that  I  believe  that  the 
Washington  comrades  as  well  as  the  Cali- 
fornia comrades  and  the  comrades  of  Ohio, 
as  well  as  those  of  Pennsylvania,  New 
York  and  Wisconsin,  all  stand  together 
for  that  one  big  thing,  the  final  abolition 
of  this  wage  slave  system.  We  differ  a 
little  bit  in  the  way  of  getting  there.  We 
of  Wisconsin  believe  that  we  should  try 
to  do  everything  that  we  can  to  strength- 
en our  class.  Some  of  the  other  com- 
rades, quite  as  sincere,  believe  that  we 
dissipate  our  forces  if  we  pay  any  atten- 
tion to  the  immediate  questions  before  us. 
But  whatever  our  differences  on  that  line 
let  us  see  that  the  enemy  get  no  comfort 
out  of  those  differences.  While  I  believe  in 
fighting  for  the  immediate  things,  as  well 
as  the  ultimate  goal  let  me  say  that  I 
stand  squarely  on  the  platform.  Every 
one  of  the  Wisconsin  comrades  hopes  and 
works,  and  those  that  pray,  pray  for  the 
final  and  absolute  dissolution  of  this  wage 
system,  for  the  day  when  we  may  see 
the  manhood  and  womanhood  made  free  to 
develop  into  a  higher  and  better  man- 
hood and  womanhood.  We  hope  for  that 
and  we  all  work  for  that.  When  thia 
convention  is  over  let  us  go  out  and  be- 
gin the  fight.  Let  us  show  the  enemy 
that  there  is  the  same  spirit  of  liberty 
In  our  ranks;  let  them  understand  that 
they  cannot  yet  have  everything  their 
own  way;  le't  them  understand  that  the 
American  working  class  is  developing  its 
Intelligence,  is  growing  in  strength  nu- 
merically and  that  the  day  is  rapidly 
coming  when  that  Working  class  will  get 


control   of   all   that   it   shduld   control  i 
get  for   itself  all  that  it  produces. 

Now    I    am    not   going    to    make    a   c< 
palgn  speech  here.     We  must  reserve 
strength    for    the    enemy.      We    must 
fight  each   other   too   hard   in   the  few 
maining    hours,    but   reserve    our   stren 
for    the    enemy.     Let    us    have    our    li 
squabbles,  and  when  we  are  through  v 
them    get    together    and    pitch    right    1 
the  middle  of  the  battle. 

I  want  to  thank  you  one  and  all 
this  vote  of  confidence  that  you  have  < 
for  a  Wisconsin  nominee,  for  I  don't  c 
sider  it  a  personal  victory;  but  I  do  pr< 
ise  you  that  everything  that  I  can  do  si 
be  done  to  make  this  next  campaign 
liveliest  fight  the  enemy  has  ever  kno 

I    thank    you    one    and    all. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  \ 
before  the  house  is  on  the  motion  of  C< 
rade  Spargo  that  we  adjourn  to  meet 
nine    o'clock   tonight. 

DEL.    MERRICK    (Pa.):       Is    it    unc 
stood  that  we  may  also  take  part  in 
parade? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  may  <!o  ti 
you  please  about  the  parade. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  If  a  parade  has  h 
arranged  it  is  discourteous  to  the  1< 
committee  to  ignore  them.  I  move 
amend  that  we  meet  at  8:30  for  the 
rade  and  to  hear  speeches  from  our  pi 
idential  and  vice-presidential  Candida 
at  the  end  of  which  time  we  shall  resi 
the  business  of  the  convention. 

The  amendment  as  offered  by  Deleg 
Bessemer  was  carried  and  the  convem 
adjourned   to  meet  at  8:30  o'clock. 


EVENING  SESSION. 


Chairman  Duncan  called  the  convention 
to   order  at   8:30   p.   m. 

Consideration  of  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Constitution. 

CONSTITUTION. 

Article  III  of  the  Constitution  was  read 
by  the  Secretary,  and  there  being  no  ob- 
jection it   was  adopted. 

Article  IV  was  read. 

DEL.  RUTHENBERG  (Ohio):  I  move 
that  the  words  "shall  consist  of  the  State 
Secretaries  of  all  organized  states  and 
territories"  be  stricken  out  and  the 
words  "or  major  fraction  thereof"  be  in- 
serted after  "3,000  members."  (Seconded.) 
In  order  to  get  the  amendment  clear,  I 
simply  want  to  return  to  the  former  sec- 
tion, Article  IV,  Section  1.  If  the  Secre- 
tary will  take  the  old  Constitution.  I  will 
read  it  so  as  to  make  it  clear:  "Sec.  1. 
Each  organized  state  or  territory  shall  be 
represented  on  the  National  Committe  by 
one  member  and  by  an  addition  member 
for  every  2,000  members  or  major  frac- 
tion thereof  in  good  standing  in  the  par- 
ty." The  object  of  this  amendment  is  to 
take  the  State  Secretaries  off  the  Na- 
tional Committee.  I  do  not  believe  it  is 
good  policy  to  make  the  State  Secretaries 
members  of  our  National  Committee. 
When  we  select  a  man  in  a  state  to  serve 
us  as  State  Secretary,  we  select  him  be- 
cause of  his  executive  ability  and  not  par- 
ticularly because  of  his  knowledge  in  re- 
gard to  the  organization  at  large  in  the 
entire  country.  And  I  submit  that  the 
average  State  Secretary,  at  least  in  a 
state  where  there  is  a  large  organization 
such  as  we  have  in  Ohio,  is  too  busy  to 
keep  in  touch  with  and  study  the  affairs 
national   organization,   because  his 


hands  are  full  with  the  affairs  of  the  1< 
organization.  I  do  not  believe  we  she 
elect  a  man  to  one  office  and  impose 
him  the  duties  of  another  office, 
should  select  our  National  Committeei 
because  we  think  they  are  fitted  for  1 
office,  and  not  for  State  Secretary,  as 
provision  which  the  committee  has  s 
mitted  to  us  implies.  I  believe,  theref 
that  we  should  return  to  the  old  provit 
and  strike  out  the  reference  to  State  £ 
retaries. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  wish  to  s 
port  the  amendment  of  the  comrade  cfj 
gate  from  Ohio.  Further  on  in  this  C 
stitution  large  and  extended  and  imj 
tant  powers  are  given  to  the  Natk 
Committee,  if  the  proposals  of  the  Of 
mittee  carry,  and  I  believe  that  it  is 
the  greatest  importance  that  the  n* 
able  and  qualified  men  in  each  state,  J 
that  are  intimate  with  the  whole  m<j 
ment,  not  only  of  the  state,  but  of 
nation,  should  find  their  way  eventui 
to  the  National  Committee.  Hitherto,  } 
National  Committee  of  our  party  has  1} 
comparatively  a  perfunctory  body.  7 
duties  may  be  specified,  but*  they  h 
been  formal  duties.  They  have  not 
responsibility  placed  upon  them.  By  1 
new  Constitution,  the  intention  is  to  m 
the  National  Committee  the  real  adnr 
istrative  body  of  the  Socialist  party.  N 
in  some  states — in  all  our  states — we 
looking  more  and  more  for  the  best  qu 
fled  executives;  men  that  can  handle 
tails:  men  that  are  intimate  with  all. 
little  things  that  arise  in  the  state  ad$ 
istration;  men  of  capacity  for  local  w< 
In  the  State  of  California  we  have 
cently  revised  our  State  Constitution 
making  our  State  Secretary  appointive 


I 


EVENING  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


145 


ate  Board  of  Control,  and  not  elect- 
>r  the  purpose  of  finding-  a  capable, 
jtic,  administrative  official.  I  be- 
hat  it  would  be  a  misfortune  to  have 
.e  State  Secretaries  of  the  United 
of  America  on  the  National  Com- 
s.  I  hope  that  the  amendment  of 
elegate  from  Ohio  will  pass,  and 
ye  will  return  to  the  old  Constitu- 
n  this  respect,  with  the  change  of 
to  3,000  in  order  that  it  shall  be 
id  to  the  growing  conditions  of  the 

j.  SOLOMON    (N.  Y.):  As  one  of  the 

Secretaries  who,  by  virtue,  of  the 
ions  of  this  new  Constitution,  will 
part    of    the    National    Committee,    I 

to  support  the  amendment  offered 
mrade  Ruthenberg.     While  I  do  not 

with  the  comrade  in  so  far  as  the 
r  of  the  State  Secretaries  and  their 
edge  of  the  organization  outside  of 
own  state  is  concerned,  at  the  same 
[,  nevertheless,  fail  to  see  any  rea- 
hatever  why  they  ought  necessarily 
made  members  of  the  National  Com- 
j.  I  contend  that  in  many  places 
tate  Secretary,  if  he  wishes  to  be  a 
er  of  the  National  Committee,  can 
>  the  election  in  his  own  state  with- 
iaking  it  necessary  by  a  mere  Con- 
conal  provision  to  make  him  a  de 
member  of  the  committee,  whether 
ink  and   file  of  the   state  desire  him 

a  member  of  the  committee  or  not. 
eve,  in  view  of  the  extraordinary 
to  be  conferred  on  the  National 
ittee,  and  the  fact  that  this  corn- 
»  is  to  become  a  real,  active  body 
d  of  a  mere  figurehead  under  our 
ization,  it  is  very  important  to  make 

member  of  that  committee  elected 
e  referendum  vote  in  their  respect- 
ates;  and  also  in  view  of  the  fact 
n  some  states,  in  fact  the  most  im- 
lt  states,  the  State  Secretary  is  not 
d  by  referendum  vote,  but  his  mem- 
p  in  the  State  Committee  is  subject 
;all  by  the  state,  it  is  not  a  very 
move  to  have  him  become  a  mem- 
t  the  National  Committee;  because, 
inderstand   it,   it   is  making   the   Na- 

Committee  elected  by  the  rank  and 
ubject  to  recall  by  the  rank  and 
nd  from  the  fact  that  a  number  of 
tate    Secretaries    are    appointed    in- 

of   being    elected    by    th#   rank    and 

is  not  very  advisable  to  make  them 
|ers    of    the    National    Committee, 
previous     question    was    then    or- 

_  PANKIN  (of  the  Jewish  Agitation 
u):  I  believe  it  a  very  unwise  thing 
l  to  make  it  mandatory  by  the  Con- 
>on    that    the    state    officers    of    the 

in  the  different  states  shall  consti- 
he  National  Committee.  It  seems  to 
at  the  State  Secretaries  have  suffi- 
jwork  to  do  in- their  respective  states 
lit  burdening  them  with  the  work  of 
ational    Committee,    and    therefore    I 

favor  of  the  amendment  made  by 
ilegate  from  the  state  of  Ohio  that 
ve  a  body  entirely  different  from  the 

Secretaries    to    constitute     the    Na- 

Committee.  Let  us  not  turn  over 
arty  to  the  petty  officers  of  the 
Let  us  have  it  managed  by  the 
jdes   at   large. 

j.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):  I  want  to  beg 
ja  to  go  very  slow  in  voting  for  the 
Iment.     As    far    as    I    am    concerned 

think  I  speak  for  every  member  of 
>mmittee.      If  you   adopt   the   amend- 

we   say   to   you,   "Tear  up   the   Con- 
on.     You   have   taken    the   heart   out 
Don't    say    no.      For   twelve   years 


Hillquit  and  certain  other  members,  and 
myself  and  certain  other  members  have 
been  on  opposite  sides.  Hillquit  and  oth- 
ers have  claimed  in  tlfe  name  of  effi- 
ciency that  we  wanted  to  do  away  with 
a  certain  amount  of  the  referendum.  On 
the  other  hand,  I  have  always  stood,  and 
others  with  me,  for  giving  all  power  into 
the  hands  of  the  rank  and  file.  Now,  we 
compromised  and  we  got  together  because 
we  thought  we  found  a  way  of  putting 
the  national  organization  into  direct  touch 
and  control  of  the  rank  and  file,  and  at 
the  same  time  getting  efficiency.  Now, 
you  comrades  and  you  State  Secretaries, 
you  go  slow  before  you  vote  in  favor  of 
this  amendment.  Time  and  time  again 
we  have  had  complaint  of  lack  of  har- 
mony between  the  state  offices  and  the 
national  offices.  We  have  had  open  con- 
flict, or  we  have  had  indifference  on  the 
part  of  the  State  Secretaries.  Under  our 
plan  we  make  the  state  organization  and 
the  national  organization  one  as  far  as 
being  able  to  get  in  touch  with  each  other 
and  understand  each  other.  What  do  we 
propose?  Once  a  year  a  gathering  of 
those  men,  in  the  first  place,  that  are 
able  to  talk  for  their  states  because  no 
man  in  the  state  like  the  State  Secretary 
knows  that  movement  in  that  state.  He 
knows  the  workers.  The  comrade  who 
proposed  this  amendment  said  they  elect- 
ed for  their  State  Secretaries  men  of  ex- 
ecutive ability.  That  is  exactly  what  we 
are  trying  to  put  on  this  National  Com- 
mittee; not  the  men  who  happen,  because 
they  are  speakers  or  writers,  to  be  the 
best  known  in  the  state  and  be  able  to 
get  elected  on  the  National  Committee; 
but  the  men  that  are  on  the  job,  the 
Jimmy  Higginses,  the  Billy  Baxters,  that 
know  the  crowd  because  they  are  in  touch 
with  the  crowd,  we  want  them  on  that 
National  Committee  so  that  when  they 
meet  once  a  year  when  it  comes  to  the 
question  of  routing  speakers  or  the  best 
distribution  of  literature  and  a  better  way 
of  carrying  on  the  work  and  getting 
every  possible  dollar's  worth  of  value  for 
every  penny  we  spend,  we  will  have  a 
man  that  can  within  a  week  go  out  of 
that  town  and  arrange  a  national  meet- 
ing, that  will  arrange  for  practically  an 
entire  years'  work  and  who  will  under- 
stand the  plan  because  he  helped  to  make 
the  plan.  .  I  beg  you  not  to  stand  for  this 
amendment,  because  if  you  do  stand  for 
this  amendment  you  are  only  going  back 
to  the  time  when  every  Tom,  Dick  and 
Harry  could  be  elected  to  the  National 
Committee  and  you  did  not  know  any- 
thing about  the  condition  of  things.  The 
National  Committeemen  have  the  duties 
of  planning  the  general  work.  Yes,  and 
who  can  do  it  better  than  the  State  Sec- 
retaries. What  are  their  duties?  To  talk 
to  the  men  and  women  as  National  Secre- 
taries, to  run  the  party  between  meet- 
ings, who  is  better  acquainted,  better  able 
to  judge  as  to  who  will  make  a  good  Na- 
tional Secretary  than  those  men  and  those 
women  who  as  State  Secretaries  have 
learned  what  a  National  Secretary  ought 
to  be;  people  who  know  how  to  do  it? 
There  is  another  thing  we  have  in  mind. 
Gradually  as  this  party  develops  we  are 
going  to  develop — not  the  speakers,  for 
we  have  speakers;  not  necessarily  the 
writers,  but  the  fellows  that  know  how 
to  organize  and  take  the  forces  and  put 
them  together.  We  are  hoping  that  out 
of  this  we  will  get  a  method  of  promot- 
ing and  bringing  up  the  work  and  gradu- 
ally developing  it  until  we  have  experts 
along  every  line.  Now,  as  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  I  am  only  one  and  I  have  only 


/  i46 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


v 


the  voice  and  influence  of  one;  but  hav- 
ing sat  on  this  committee  and  worked 
over  it  as  we  have  done  in  the  commit- 
tee, I  want  to  say  that  when  you  adopt 
the  amendment  I  take  no  further  heart  in 
the  thing,  because,  now,  we  have  taken 
the  old  machine  with  the  old  inefficiency, 
and  in  addition  to  that  we  have  taken 
the  control  of  the  national  organization, 
out  of  the  rank  and  file;  because  the  only 
thing  that  connects  that  directly  with  the 
rank  and  file,  after  all,  are  these  State 
Secretaries.  They  are  in  daily  touch  with 
the  rank  and  file.  That  was  the  rea»on 
I  was  willing  to  accept  it;  that  was  the 
reason  Comrade  Brewer  was  willing  to 
accept  it;  because  we  said  these  men  are 
right  in  touch  with  the  rank  and  file.  We 
have  through  them  a  daily  referendum,  a 
weekly  referendum,  a  monthly  referen- 
dum. I  beg  of  you  to  vote  down  the 
amendment.  You  have  appointed  men  to 
do  this  work  of  revising  the  Constitution. 
There  is  not  a  line  there  but  what  is  re- 
lated to  every  other  line.  We  do  not  take 
one  paragraph  by  itself,  we  build  this 
thing  like  you  build  a  house  from  the 
basement  to  the  roof.  Try  out  the  plan, 
and  if  it  don't  work  out  in  a  year,  then 
it  will  be  time  to  make  the  changes  that 
my  comrade  over  there  presents  for  you 
to   make.     (Applause.) 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the 
amendment  of  Del.  Ruthenberg,  and  the 
amendment  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  65  to 
153. 

DEL.  J.  E.  COHEN  (Pa.):  I  move  that 
in  place  of  the  first  sentence  of  Section  1 
the  following  be  substituted:  "The  Na- 
tional Committee  shall  consist  of  100 
members,  to  be  apportioned  among  the 
states  and  territories  in  the  following 
manner:  State  Secretaries  from  all  organ- 
ized states  and  territories,  and  additional 
members  in  proportion  to  the  average 
national  dues  paid  by  the  organization  in 
such  states  and  territories  during  the 
preceding  year.  (Seconded.)  On  Page  9, 
Section  4  of  Article  IX,  reads:  "Delegates 
to  be  apportioned  among  the  states,"  etc. 
That  is  a  very  good  proposition  because 
it  comes  from  Pennsylvania,  was  adopted 
by  the  Pennsylvania  convention,  and  the 
delegates  were  instructed  to  vote  to  that 
effect.  I  think  it  is  a  very  good  propo- 
sition that  the  National  Committee  shall 
consist  of  a  definite  number  who  shall  be 
competent  to  do  the  executive  work,  and 
not  of  a  number  that  varies  from  year 
to  year  according  to  how  the  member- 
ship changes.  And  therefore  I  hope  that 
you  will  vote  for  this  new  proposition 
making  a  definite  number  who  shall  be 
competent  to  do  the  executive  work  of 
the  party  from  year  to  year,  to  be  re- 
viewed by  the  National  Convention,  which 
is  a  much  larger  number  and  which  meets 
only  once  in  four  years;  and  thereby  your 
work  will  be  done  in  an  efficient  man- 
ner as  the   Constitution   desires. 

Del.   Smith    (Mont.)    took   the   floor. 

DEL.  GOEBEL  (N.  J.):  Permit  me  to 
make  a  statement  that  may  have  some- 
thing to  do  with  Comrade  Smith's  talk.  I 
want  to  say  that  we  figured  out  the  prob- 
able number  of  members  we  would  have 
on  the  committee.  At  the  beginning  we 
will  have  from  68  to  74,  and  we  figured 
that  with  the  present  rate  of  progress, 
when  the  next  National  Convention  meets 
it  will  be  about  95  to  100,  which  is  prac- 
tically what  you  want,  without  changing 
this  as  we  have  it  in  the  Constitution 
there. 

DEL.  SMITH  (Mont):  I  seconded  the 
amendment  chiefly  because  discussion  was 
stopped    on    the    previous    amendment.      I 


wish  to  discuss  the  principle  Involved 
the  plan  outlined  by  this  new  Consti 
tion,  and  not  particularly  in  favor  of  •< 
particular  or  specific  change  in  the  p 
as  outlined;  except  that  I  shall  supp 
the  amendment  proposed  by  the  comri 
here  because  no  other  change  is  provi 
at  this  time.  I  should  be  in  favor  of 
amendment.  The  plan  as  outlined  by 
Committee  on  Constitution  is  this;  * 
we  cannot  discuss  any  part  of  that  p 
without  understanding  and  consider: 
the  entire  plan.  The  plan  is  that  the  I 
tional  Committee 

DEL.  EDWARDS  (Tex.):  A  point 
order,  that  we  are  discussing  the  amei 
ment,  with  a  motion  to  adopt  the  sect 
as  a  whole,  and  not  discussing  this  amei 
ment  which  he  manifestly  states  he  1 
not  much  interest  in. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  comrade  s{ 
he  will  link  up  the  support  of  this  amei 
ment  to  the  matters  he  is  presenting  n( 

DEL.  SMITH:  The  proposition  is  tl 
the  State  Secretaries  shall  constitute 
National  Committee;  that  the  Natioi 
Executive  Committee  of  five  membi 
shall  be  selected  by  the  National  Comm 
tee,  which  is  composed  of  the  State  Sec 
taries.  The  Executive  Secretary  shall  a 
be  selected  in  like  manner.  Now,  I  want 
say  that  not  only  are  the  National  Sec: 
taries  not  all  elected  by  referendum  vo 
the  State  Secretaries  are  not  all  eled 
by  referendum  vote,  as  has  been  sho 
by  the  comrade  from  New  York,  bul 
want  to  show  another  evil  in  this  systt 
The  Executive  Committee,  while  it 
elected  by  the  National  Committee,  is  1 
subject  to  recall  by  the  membership 
large. 

DEL.   HOAN    (Wis.):     It   is. 

DEL.  SMITH:  Show  me  where.  Here 
the  proposition  that  Comrade  Goebel  ca 
attention  to:  The  members  of  the  Exe< 
tive  Committee,  Woman's  National  Co 
mittee  and  Executive  Secretary  and  g< 
eral  correspondent  may  at  any  time  1 
On  proper  motion  be  temporarily  suspei 
ed  from  office  by  the  National  Committ 
and   by  nobody   else. 

DEL.  HOAN:  There  is  another  pi 
vision. 

DEL.  SMITH:  Members  of  the  Exec 
tive  Committee,  Woman's  National  Ca 
mittee,  the  Executive  Secretary,  Gene] 
Correspondent,  etc.,  may  be  recalled] 
any  time  by  the  membership  in  the  par 
and  may  be  temporarily  suspended  d| 
ing  the  initiation  and  taking  of  a  natioi 
referendum.  I  confess  I  am  wrong  on  tl 
point,  which  is  due  to  not  having  read  i 
entire  thing  through.  (Applause.)  No 
I  trust  you  will  have  patience.  This1 
the  first  time  during  this  convention  tlj 
I  have  asked  for  the  privilege  of  the  floi 
and  it  is  not  because  I  want  to  show  nj 
self,  but  because  I  am  interested  in  tl 
proposition.  Now,  I  want  to  call  your  i 
tention  to  the  chief  points  involved  1 
this  proposition.  The  State  Secretaries' 
the  Socialist  party  are  the  executives ' 
the  party  within  their  respective  statj 
They  are,  as  has  been  stated  here,  ■ 
daily  communication  with  the  majority] 
the  state,  and  without  regard  to  the  gd 
faith  of  the  different  state  organizatio] 
they  are  the  persons  who  have  a  t| 
mendous  personal  influence  with  tht 
states.  They  are  the  ones  whose  decislj 
on  any  referendum,  should  they  becol 
interested  on  either  side  of  a  referenda 
would  have  great  influence  in  carryfl 
that  referendum  out  or  defeating  it, 
the  case  might  be.  These  people  are  j 
the  people  who  should  constitute  the  1 
tional    Committee    of    the    Socialist    pan 


EVENING  SESSION,  MAY  17,  1912 


e   National   Committee    of   the    Socialist 
rty     should     consist     of     such     men     or 
imen,   as    the   case   may   be,   as   have   no 
eater  influence  with   the  membership  in 
j    state,    by   virtue    of   any    official    posi- 
.n,   than  any   other  members   of   the   bo- 
ilist      party      within      their      respective 
Ues       Now,    we    will    suppose    that    the 
tional     Executive     Committee,     selected 
the   National   Committee   of   State   bec- 
aries,     should     pursue     a     course     that 
eht   be   contrary   to   the   judgment   of   a 
ee   proportion   of  members   within   cer- 
n  states  and  they  would  be  required  to 
tiate    a    referendum    against    it.      Then 
would    be    confronted    with    this    situ- 
on-    The   State   Secretaries,    who   consti- 
te   the  National  Committee  and  who   are 
strumental  in  electing  the  National  Ex- 
ative  Committee,  would  be  charged  with 
=»  work  of  taking  a  referendum  against 
eir    own    policies,    and    I    maintain    that 
solute   impartiality   could   not  be   main- 
ied    under    those    circumstances.       We 
ht  not  to  have  referendums  conducted 
people  who  are  interested  particularly 
.those     referendums    (applause),    espe- 
uly    by    people    who    are    in    daily    com- 
inication    with    the    entire    membership 
the  party  throughout  the  entire  nation. 
.   of   the   State   Secretaries   are    in    com- 
inication    with    all    of    the    members    of 
e  entire  Socialist  party,   and  I  maintain 
at  a  machine  can  be  built  up  by  a  Na- 
>nal  Executive  Committee  and  a  major- 
of  the   National    Committee,    composed 
State   Secretaries,    which   no    power    on 
rth  can  break  down.     (Applause.)    Com- 
des,   I   say   this   from   having   had   expe- 
mce  as  Secretary  of  an  organization,    i 
l  not  going  to  say  what  organization  it 
or    anything   about   it,    but   I   have    had 
fficient    experience    to    know     that     the 
cretary  of  an   organization   can   wield  a 
?mendous    influence.      The    chairman    of 
is  committee  has  already  called  your  at- 
ntion  to  the  fact  that  the  National  Sec- 
tary, simply  because  he  is  National  Sec- 
tary,   can   be    re-elected   National    Secre- 
ry  unless  there  are  some  very  extraor- 
lary    circumstances    connected    with    the 
iction  or  the  nominations.     It  is  almost 
possible  to  defeat  a  National  Secretary, 
a   State    Secretary,    I    might    add,    even 
ough    he    did    not    use    undue    influence, 
d   I   want   to   say   that   when    all    of   the 
fluence  that  a  State  Secretary  may  have 
=ty    be    used,    there    is    no    power    in    tne 
cialist   party   that   can   defeat   the    State 
cretary   or    the    measures    in    which    the 
ate    Secretary    may    be    interested. 
DEL.    PATTERSON    (Ohio):     I    wish    to 
'er    an    amendment    f$    the    amendment. 
here  it  says  that  the  National  Commit- 
s    shall    consist    of    State    Secretaries,    I 
sh  to  add  in   there  "or  such   other  per- 
ns  as   the   state   may   designate. 
THE    CHAIRMAN:       This    is    hardly    an 
lendment    to    the    amendment.      That    is 
the   nature   of   an    original    amendment 
the    proposition    of    the    Committee. 
DEL.  PATTERSON:     What  I  want  to  do 
to    leave    this    part    optional    with    the 
site 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  will  have  an 
portunity  to  present  that  later,  but  it 
not  in  the  nature  of  an  amendment  to 
e    amendment. 

The  previous  question  was  ordered  on 
e  amendment  offered  by  Del.  Cohen, 


DEL.  SPARGO:  I  am  opposed  to  the 
Idea  of  making  it  a  condition  of  the  mem- 
bership of  the  National  Committee  tnat 
the  representatives  shall  be  the  State  Sec- 
retaries. I  am,  in  other  words,  opposed 
to  making  the  State  Secretary,  by  virtue 
of  his  position  as  State  Secretary,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  National  Committee.  I  believe 
that  is  a  very  dangerous  power  and  a  very 
dangerous  precedent  to  set  in  our  party. 
DEL.  HILLQUIT:  Just  two  points  about 
the  amendment  and  the  motion  before  you 
leaving  the  State  Secretaries  as  members 
of  the  National  Committee.  The  only  thing 
the  Cohen  amendment  seeks  to  do  is  to 
fix  the  membership  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee. Now,  the  Constitution  Committee 
did  not  deem  that  expedient,  for  this  rea- 
son: That  on  the  basis  proposed,  one  com- 
mitteeman for  every  three  thousand  mem- 
bers, will  have  today  about  seventy-five 
members  of  the  National  Committee.  There 
is  no  reason  why  we  should  today  in- 
crease it  to  100.  That  will  simply  mean 
more  expense  and  a  little  more  cumber- 
some machinery  when  the  party  has 
grown  till  it  automatically  reaches  the 
100  mark,  and  when  it  threatens  to  be- 
come unwieldy,  as  our  conventions  be- 
gui  to  threaten  already,  then  we  can  al- 
ways limit  it.  At  present  there  is  no  such 
danger.  I  may  also  say,  although  the 
question  is  not  directly  involved  but  was 
nearly  brought  up,  that  we  considered 
very  carefully  the  danger  or  alleged  dan- 
ger that  may  come  from  the  influence  of 
the  State  Secretaries,  and  we  came  to  this 
conclusion,  that  the  State  Secretaries  rep- 
resent the  interests  of  their  states,  md 
whe^n  a  majority  of  the  State  Secretaries 
come  together  on  any  one  plan  or  propo- 
sition it  is  no  more  a  clique,  it  is  an  ex- 
pression of  the  will  of  a  majority  of  a 
majority  of  the  party,  and  they  are  wel- 
come  to  it.      (Applause.) 

The  Cohen  amendment  was  then  put  to 
a  vote  and  was  lost. 

At  this  point,  on  motion,  consideration 
of  the  Constitution  was  suspended  and 
Comrade  Emil  Seidel,  of  Milwaukee,  nom- 
inee for  "Vice-President,  and  Comrade 
Charles  Edward  Russell,  Delegate  from 
New  York,  were  called  on  and  addressed 
the   convention   and   visitors. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign 
speeches,  the  convention  resumed  consider- 
ation of  the  Constitution. 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (Ohio.):  In  the  first 
section  it  says  the  national  committee  shall 
consist  of  state  secretaries,  and  so  on.  I 
wish  to  offer  the  following  amendment: 
"The '  national  committee  shall  consist  of 
one  representative  from  each  state,  and 
an  additional  delegate  for  every  2,500  mem- 
bers, or  major  fraction  thereof."  (Sec- 
onded.) 

Del.  Branstetter  made  a  point  of  order 
that  substantially  the  same  proposition  had 
been  voted  down.  The  point  of  order  was 
sustained   by   the   Chair. 

DEL.  STITT  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  move  an 
amendment,  as  follows:  "The  national  com- 
mittee shall  consist  of  the  state  secretaries 
of  all  organized  states  and  territories,  or 
such  other  persons  as  the  members  of  the 
party  in  the  states  shall  elect  by  referen- 
dum vote,"   and  so  on.      (Seconded.) 

At  this  point,  on  motion  of  Del.  Hogan 
(Ark.)  the  convention  adjourned  until  9:00 
o'clock  Saturday  morning. 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


7"' 


SEVENTH  DAY'S  SESSION. 


The  convention  was  called  to  order  at 
9  a.    m.   by   Chairman  Duncan. 

The  following-  were  nominated  as  chair- 
man  for  the  day: 

Goebel,  N.  J.;  Killingbeck,  N.  J.;  Hogan, 
Ark.;  Thompson,  Wis.;  Gaylord,  Wis.;  Slay- 
ton,   Pa. 

All  declined  excepting  Comrades  Gaylord, 
Goebel  and  Slayton. 

The  vote  resulted  as  follows:  Gaylord, 
61;   Goebel,   62;   Slayton,   19. 

Comrade  Goebel  of  New  Jersey  was  de- 
clared elected  chairman  of  the  day. 

CHAIRMAN  GOEBEL:  On  the  last  day 
of  the  convention  there  is  always  a  rush 
and  pressure  of  business.  We  have  the 
Constitution  Committee  report  to  finish, 
the  report  of  the  Woman's  Committee,  the 
Committee  on  Party  Owned  Press,  and 
many  other  important  matters.  We  also 
have  the  rule  adjourning  this  convention 
at  midnight  tonight.  This  all  means  that 
we  must  be  as  quick  as  possible,  and  very 
likely  the  chairman  in  trying  to  get 
through  with  business  at  times  will  seem 
to  be  arbitrary.  If  you  think  injustice  is 
done  I  want  you  to  appeal  at  once  from 
the  Chair.  I  am  going  to  do  the  best  I  can 
to  complete  the  business  of  the  convention 
and  I  want  you  all  to  help  me  out. 

Nominations  for  vice  chairman  were  then 
made  as  follows:  Thompson,  Wis.;  Slay- 
ton, Pa.;  Strebel,  N.  Y.;  Hogan,  Ark.;  Ru- 
thenberg,   Ohio;   Collins,  Colo. 

Delegates  Ruthenberg  and  Collins  were 
the   only  delegates   who  accepted. 

The  vote  resulted   as   follows:   ; 

Ruthenberg,  59;  Collins,  57.  Delegate 
Ruthenberg  was  elected  vice  chairman  of 
the  day. 

On  motion  the  roll  call  and  the  reading 
of  minutes  were  dispensed  with. 

The  secretary  reported  that  John  Ed- 
ward Russell  had  been  seated  by  the  New 
York  delegation  as  alternate  for  Charles 
Edward  Russell. 

C.  L.  Brunier  was  seated  in  place  of  E:  L. 
Reguin   of   California. 

S.  A.  Benbrook  was  seated  in  place  of 
M.  A.  Smith,  Texas. 

COMMUNICATIONS. 

Communications  were  read  from  Caspar 
Bauer,  San  Diego. 

J.  D.   Osborn,   Oakland,  Cal. 

Young  People's  Socialist  Educational  and 
Dramatic  Club,  Brooklyn. 

Workmen's  Circle,  New  York. 

Board  of  Directors,  Labor  League,  Bos- 
ton, Mass. 

Jacob  S.  Rosenberg,  Worcester.   Mass.   ( 

Branch  4  Socialist  Party,  Worcester, 
Mass. 

Local  Rochester,  New  York. 

Bohemian   Daily,   New  York. 

Bohemian  Workingmen's  Gymnastic 
Union  of  America. 

G.  E.  Daniels,  Augusta,  Ga. 

William  Voss,  Chairman,  Winnipeg:,  Man. 

A.  C.  Wyman,  Boston,  Mass. 


Organizer   E.    Kaplan,    Hartford,    Conn. 

N.    Mahlon,    Pittsburg,    Pa. 

Syracuse  Local,  N.  Y. 

Educational  League,   Cleveland,  Ohio. 

C.  R.  Metcalfe,  Sioux  City,  la. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  next  order  oi 
business  is  the  report  of  the  Committee 
on  Constitution,  Article  4,  Section  1. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  propose  th< 
following  amendment:  "The  National  Com- 
mittee shall  consist  of  the  state  secretaries 
of  all  organized  states  and  territories,  oi 
in  place  of  said  secretaries  such  other 
parties  as  the  members  of  that  state  shall 
elect  by  referendum  vote." 

The  rest  to  follow  as  it  is  in  the  re 
port. 

DEL.  BRANSTETTER  (Okla.):  A  poll 
of  order.  Yesterday  they  voted  down 
amendment  that  made  it  optional  to  sele< 
a  member  in  place  of  the  state  secretary. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     The  point  of  order 
made    that    this   amendment   is    in   effect 
duplication  of  the  amendment  defeated  las 
evening.      I    rule    that    Comrade    Branstet 
ter's  point  is  well  taken  and  the  amendmei 
is  out  of  order. 

DEL.   WILSON:     Will  you  permit  me 
word  my  amendment  in  another  way. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Let  the  Chair  sj  . 
that  he  will  not  accept  any  amendment  bj 
which  the  state  secretaries  are  excluded. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont.):  I  appeal  fror 
the  decision  of  the  Chair,  and  the  grounc 
for  my  appeal  is  that  the  chairman  has  nc 
right  to  gag  an  amendment  to  this  articl 
in  any  respect.  The  amendment  now  oi 
fered  is  not  the  same  as  the  amendmei 
offered  yesterday.  I  think  the  conventk 
should  demand  that  every  possible  point 
view  should  be  given  an  opportunity  to 
heard  and  the  proposal  voted  upon. 

THE  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair's  positioi 
is  that  this  very  matter  involved  in  thi 
amendment  was  debated  and  voted  upoi 
Chairman  Duncan  yesterday  ruled  precisel 
as    the    chairman    has    ruled    this    morning 

(Cries  of  "Oh,  no.") 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Oh,  yes,  he  did.     Tl 
proper    method    of   procedure    would    be 
move  to  re-consider. 

On  a  vote  the  Chair's  ruling  was  not  sus 
tained  and  the  amendment  offered  by  Dele 
gate  Wilson  was  declared  in  order. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  am  very  loat 
to  offer  an  amendment  here  after  the  cor 
sideration  that  has  been  given  to  this  mat 
ter  by  the  seven  wise  men.  They  hai 
labored  over  this  and  have  doubtless  pr 
pared  a  better  instrument  than  the  or 
with  which  we  have  been  working.  Bi 
I  fear  that  this  is  lodging  altogether  t< 
much  power  in  the  hands  of  state  secrets 
ries.  This  national  committee  will  consis 
of  probably  65  or  70  members  to  begil 
with  and  between  40  and  50  of  them  wil 
be  state  secretaries.  The  various  state 
differ  in  their  method  of  electing  state  set 
retaries.  Some  are  elected  by  a  referei 
dum  of  the  entire  stat«  membership.  Soi 


S3 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


149 


re  elected  by  nine  or  ten  committeemen  of 
he  state.  Some  of  them  are  appointed  by 
he  state  boards  of  control.  In  the  state 
f  California  we  follow  the  method  of  hir- 
ag  for  our  state  secretary  a  man  specially 
apable  of  handling  the  details  of  the  office. 
Ve  hire  him  and  fire  him  by  a  vote  of  a 
Lmited  number  of  people  whom  we  elect 
o  carry  on  the  policy  of  the  party  in  the 
tate. 

There  is  another  point  in  this.  The  Na- 
ional  Committee  always  meets  in  national 
onvention  years.  That  will  mean  that  in 
he  national  convention  every  state  secre- 
ary  will  be  a  delegate  to  the  national  con- 
ention.  That  will  not  do.  People  will  not 
end  some  one  else  to  this  convention,  they 
vill  f  ave  the  fare  of  one  man  and  the 
ian  vho  will  have  to  come  will  be  the 
tate  secretary,  with  the  result  that  we 
hall  have  fifty  state  secretaries  in  our 
text  national  convention.  That  is  a  dan- 
erous  concentration  of  power  in  those 
nen  and  it  ought  to  be  voted  down. 

There  is  still  another  point.  Under  this 
tew  constitution  the  state  secretaries,  if 
hey  form  a  majority  of  the  national  com- 
nittee  would  elect  the  national  executive 
ommittee.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  na- 
ional  executive  committee  could  be  selected 
rom  the  state  secretaries  and  very  likely 
t  would  be.  If  the  state  secretaries  are  the 
nost  capable  men  for  the  national  commit- 
ee  by  the  same  reasoning  five  or  six  or 
even  state  secretaries  are  likely  to  be  the 
nost  capable  men  for  the  national  executive 
lommittee.  Now,  I  submit  to  you  that  the 
tate  secretaries  are  not  necessarily  the 
nen  most  capable  of  determining  the  policy 
f  the  national  movement  of  the  national 
ocialist  party.  They  are  not  elected  in 
ur  states  to  determine  policies.  They  are 
•lected  to  carry  out  the  policies  determined 
)y  the  state;  they  are  elected  we  may  say 
s  our  clerks,  not  as  determining  factors  in 
ur  policies.  In  California  when  they  seek 
o  determine  our  policy  we  determine  them 
ut  of  office.  Have  we  not  had  to  disci- 
)line  state  secretaries  all  over  this  nation 
or  assuming  power  and  trying  to  deter- 
nine  the  policy  of  the  Socialist  party.  So 
!  say  to  you  that  fifty  of  these  secretaries 
n  the  national  committee  would  not  be  men 
[ualified  to  determine  the  policy  of  the 
lational  party  when  they  are  not  the  men 
;lected  to  determine  our  policy  in  the  sev- 
eral states.  I  hope  that  you  will  not  per- 
nit  this  section  of  the  constitution  as  rec- 
ommended by  the  committee  to  stand. 

A  DELEGATE:  Tell  us  what  your  motion 
s. 

DEL.  WILSON:  "The  National  Committee 
shall  consist  of  the  State  Secretaries  of  all 
organized  states  and  territories  or  such 
other  person  as  the  members  of  the  party 
n  the  state  shall  elect  by  referendum 
^ote."  I  will  add  one  provision  with  the 
consent  of  my  second.  "Provided  that  the 
State  Secretary  shall  always  by  virtue  of 
lis  office  be  a  nominee  for  election  to  the 
STational  Committee."  That  will  make  it 
possible  for  the  state  membership  to  elect 
he  State  Secretary  if  they  see  fit.  I  be- 
ieve  if  my  second  will  consent  this  will 
lave  us  from  a  difficulty  that  is  involved. 
:  would  like  to  see  men  as  familiar  with 
■>ur  affairs  as  are  the  State  Secretaries  on 
:*his  National  Committee  but  to  pack  the 
STational  Committee  with  State  Secretaries 
s  a  dangerous  concentration  of  power. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Does  the  second  ac- 
:ept    the   addition? 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (O.):  I  refuse  to 
iccept    the    amendment. 


DEL.  BRANSTETTER  (Okla.):  Don't  be 
deceived  by  this  cry  of  bosses  or  boss  ruie 
because  the  constitution  expressly  states 
that  no  member  of  the  National  Committee 
is  eligible  on  the  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT  (N.  Y.):  No. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Will  Comrade  Bran- 
stetter  read  the  clause  that  he  thinks  is 
there. 

DEL.  BRANSTETTER:  That  was  my 
understanding.  It  is  stated  that  we  have 
perhaps  a  better  constitution  than  the  one 
we  have  been  working  under.  If  we  have 
a  better  constitution  it  is  because  the  state 
organizations  and  the  National  Committee 
and  the  National  Executive  Committee  are 
to  be  brought  into  closer  touch  and  har- 
mony with  each  other  than  ever  before. 
The  trouble  with  our  present  organization 
is  that  there  is  constant  friction  between 
the  state  organizations,  between  the  state 
secretaries  and  the  executive  committee, 
between  the  state  secretaries  and  the  na- 
tional secretary.  The  purpose  of  this  pro- 
posed constitution  is  to  get  harmonious 
work  between  the  state  and  national  organi- 
zation. Some  one  has  said  that  about  the 
only  purpose  of  the  national  organization 
is  to  administer  affairs  between  the  states. 
There  is  nobody  so  well  fitted  to  represent 
the  interests  of  the  separate  states  as  the 
State  Secretaries.  They  are  in  actual  touch 
with  the  state  affairs.  In  the  smaller 
states  with  only  one  or  two  thousand  mem- 
bers the  State  Secretary  is  not  a  clerk 
merely  hired  to  keep  the  books,  but  in  all 
the  smaller  state  organizations  he  is  the 
man  who  more  than  any  other  does  know 
the  needs  of  that  organization.  He  is  not 
a  clerk,  he  is  their  spokesman,  he  is  their 
organizer.  In  the  smaller  states  the  State 
Secretary  is  generally  the  only  man  in  the 
state  who  knows  the  needs  of  the  or- 
ganization. Where  the  state  has  ten  or 
twelve  thousand  members,  where  the  State 
Secretary  may  be  largely  a  clerk,  hired  for 
his  executive  ability,  there  will  be  three 
or  four  others  as  representatives  on  the 
National  Committee,  and  therefore  no  in- 
justice will  be  worked,  while  in  the  smaller 
states  the  most  efficient  man  will  be  elected. 
It  has  been  said  here  that  the  State  Secre- 
taries will  arrogate  power  to  themselves. 
That  can  be  attended  to  by  the  state  organ- 
ization. If  you  have  a  man  in  your  state 
that  you  can't  unseat  the  rest  of  us  can't 
help  you.  But  I  am  sure  that  when  the 
rest  of  the  members  are  ready  to  unseat 
him  he  will  be  unseated.  But  so  long  as  he 
is  the  State  Secretary  and  so  long  as  the 
transactions  between  the  state  and  national 
bodies  are  carried  on  by  the  State  Secre- 
taries it  will  help  towards  a  harmonious 
relationship  if  this  is  adopted.  I  believe 
a  majority  of  the  state  will  remove  a  sec- 
retary who  is  not  satisfactory  when  the 
time  opmes. 

Again  they  argue  that  many  of  the  State 
Secretaries  are  only  executive  officers. 
What  is  this  National  Committee?  We 
haven't  formed  a  committee  to  control  the 
policies  of  the  organization.  The  national 
convention  and  the  referendum  declare  the 
policy  of  the  party.  The  purpose  of  the 
National  Committee  is  not  to  declare  the 
principles  of  this  organization.  The  pur- 
pose of  the  National  Committee  is  to  carry 
out  the  plans,  dictated  by  referendum  and 
by  our  national  conventions.  And  I  do  not 
know  anybody  so  well  fitted  to  help  in  car- 
rying out,  to  formulate  methods  of  carrying 
out  the  plans  of  the  national  organization 
as     the      State     Secretaries     under     whose 


150 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


dir-ction    in    the    respective    states     those 
plans  are  to  be  carried  out. 

The  previous  question  was  moved  and 
carried. 

DEL.  STRICKLAND  (Ohio.):  It  seems 
to  me  that  one  point  has  been  overlooked. 
In  the  acceptance  of  this  amendment  we 
are  still  going  out  from  here  if  it  is 
adopted,  in  that  form,  with  the  committee 
already  elected,  but  we  are  merely  leaving 
it  optional  to  the  states  to  make  a  change 
afterwards  if  they  desire.  We  are  not 
spoiling  the  plan;  we  are  not  taking  the 
heart  out  of  the  constitution,  but  we  are 
making  it  optional  with  the  states  to 
change  that  requirement  if  -later  they  find 
it  necessary  or  desirable.  We  go  out  from 
here  with  the  plan  in  force  if  this  be 
adopted  by  the  referendum  vote  following 
the  convention,  as  it  will  undoubtedly  do. 
Then  the  committee  is  already  elected,  at 
least  the  State  Secretaries  are  elected  and 
you  already  have  your  National  Committee 
under  the  new  plan.  Now  under  the  plan 
of  state  autonomy  if  later  any  state  desires 
to  change  the  arrangement  and  choose  a 
different  member  of  the  committee  by  ref- 
erendum they  have  the  right  to  do  it.  Not 
only  that  but  in  the  larger  states  they  have 
to  do  it  any  way.  So  we  are  not  spoiling 
the  plan,  but  we  are  allowing  larger  scope 
for  state  autonomy,  and  we  are  allowing 
the  comrades  in  every  state  an  opportunity 
to  adapt  themselves  to  this  plan  in  the  very 
best  way.  We  are  not  spoiling  the  plan. 
We  are  making  it  possible  for  all  the 
states,  regardless  of  the  method  by  which 
they  elect  a  State  Secretary,  we  are  giving 
each  state  the  chance  to  thoroughly  co- 
operate with  the  plan  that  has  been  offered 
by    the    seven    wise    men    on    the   platform. 

DEL.  KELSO  (N.  D.):  Suppose  a  State 
Secretary  is  elected  a  member  of  the  Na- 
tional Committee,  can  he  be  recalled  as  a 
member  of  the  National  Committee?  If  he 
is  not  recalled  as  State  Secretary  and  is 
recalled  as  National  Committeeman  what 
condition  are  you  in? 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  As  the  National 
Committeeman  he  is  an  officer  of  his  state, 
not  of  the  national  organization.  He  could 
be  recalled  by  his  state  but  not  by  general 
referendum. 

DEL.  RICHARDSON  (Cal.):  There  is 
a  good  deal  of  undue  excitement  about  this. 
Every  point  that  has  been  mentioned  here 
was  thrashed  out  from  A  to  Z  in  the  com- 
mittee. Some  one  brought  up  every  one 
of  these  objections.  See  some  of  the  mis- 
takes that  have  been  made.  The  comrade 
that  spoke  last  tells  you  that  these  secre- 
taries go  into  office  at  once.  That  is  be- 
cause he  hasn't  read  the  constitution.  It 
provides  that  between  the  time  when  this 
constitution  takes  effect  and  the  first  day 
of  April,  1913,  all  the  state  organizations 
shall  elect  members  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of 
this  constitution.  They  do  not  come  in  un- 
til the  regular  term  of  office  is  up.  Com- 
rade Wilson  tells  you  that  nobody  would 
go  to  the  conventions,  or  to  meetings  of  the 
National  Committee  except  the  State  Sec- 
retaries because  the  states  would  want  to 
save  the  fare  and  would  not  send  anybody 
but  the   secretary. 

DEL   WILSON  (Cal.):  I  didn't  state  that. 

DEL.  RICHARDSON:  Very  well,  you 
said  they  would  be  the  only  ones  that  would 
go.  Now  the  fares  are  paid  for  the  na- 
tional committeemen. 

Now  it  is  said  that  the  State  Secretaries 
would  constitute  a  majority.  I  have  looked 
over  a  great  many  votes  that  have  been 
taken  on  important  questions  and  if  you 
are  as  familiar  with  that  as  I  am  you  know 


on  the  average  of  50  per  cent  do  not  vot 
They  don't  know  anything  about  the  que 
tion.  Now  we  want  these  things  in  tl 
hands  of  men  who  will  pay  attention 
what  is  going  on,  men  through  who; 
hands  all  this  business  must  go.  Tl 
State  Secretary  is  in  touch  with  the  bus 
ness  of  the  national  office.  He  necessari] 
has  to  be  in  touch  with  it.  He  is  tt 
man  who  knows  most  about  it. 

Another  thing,  we  know  what  wrangling 
have  been  going  on  between  the  state 
some  of  them  almost  seceding  because  t 
lack  of  harmonious  action.  If  we  can  brin 
these  State  Secretaries  together  once 
year  and  let  them  compare  notes  it  wi 
do  more  for  harmonious  work  between  th 
states  than  anything  else  that  could  occui 

Your  committee  thrashed  out  all  thea 
points  and  we  know  what  we  are  talkin 
about. 

Again  Comrade  Wilson  speaks  of  the  n< 
cessity  of  firing  them  out  of  office  some 
times.  There  is  nothing  to  prevent  thai 
There  is  nothing  to  prevent  thp  stati 
firing  its  National  Committeeman.  An 
about  one-third  of  the  states  should  fir 
their  National  Committemen  now  for  no 
attending  to  business  that  is  submitted  t 
them.  We  want  a  live,  active  committee,  ii 
touch  with  the  work  and  the  needs  of  th 
Socialist  party  which  will  bring  abou 
harmonious  work  throughout  the  natioi 
and  you  will  get  that  through  the  Stat 
Secretaries.  They  will  not  be  a  majorit; 
of  the  committee,  but  they  will  be  a  liv 
energetic  part  of  the  committee,  they  wi] 
know  what  has  to  be  done. 

We  hope  you  will  support  this.  We  bfl 
lieve  it  is  right;  that  it  is  best  for  th 
party.  There  is  no  danger  of  concentrat 
ing  power.  The  Executive  Committee  cal 
be  recalled  either  by  the  National  Commit 
tee  or  the  membership.  All  the  membetf 
of  the  National  Committee  can  be  recallei 
by  their  States.  If  you  were  going  to  b 
afraid  of  the  power  that  is  vested  in  thos 
bodies  where  in  the  name  of  heaven  wil 
you  vest  power?  The  committee  are  no 
afraid  of  it.  Consider  it  wisely  and  vot 
for   this    section. 

A  division  was  called  for  upon  tn 
amendment  offered  by  Delegate  Wilson 
The  amendment  was  carried  by  a  vote  0! 
Ill  aye  to  73  no. 

DEL.  MENG  (Ark.):  I  move  that  \*i 
reconsider  the  vote  by  which  the  Stati 
Secretaries  are  members  of  the  Nationa 
Committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  motion  is  ou 
of  order  until  such  time  as  other  businesi 
has  intervened. 

DEL.  CUPPLES  (Wash.):  I  move  to  re» 
commit  this  section  and  have  the  commit 
tee  bring  in  a  report  in  favor  of  a  yearlj 
conference  of  the  State  Secretaries  instead 
of  making  the  State  Secretaries  member! 
of   the   National    Committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  shall  have  to  ru« 
your  motion  out  of  order  as  not  relevant 
to  this  paragraph.  J 

DEL.  CUPPLES:  I  appeal  from  the  do 
cision  of  the  Chair. 

THE  VICE-CHAIRMAN:  State  tIM 
ground  for  your  appeal.  J 

DEL.  CUPPLES:  I  appeal  from  the  de- 
cision on  the  ground  that  I  want  thU 
auestion    re-committed    with    instructions— 

THE  VICE-CHAIRMAN:  State  your  par- 
liamentary grounds. 

DEL.  CUPPLES:  That  is  a  parliamentary 

grDEL."  GOEBEL:  My  understanding  oJ 
the  rules  is  that  the  order  under  which  w< 
are    proceeding    is    this    particular    section 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


151 


that  that  motion  would  pertain  to  an- 
er  subject. 

n  a  vote  the  Chair  was  sustained, 
he   previous   question   was   then  ordered 
n  the  paragraph  as  amended. 
EL..    MENG:      I   want   to   speak   against 

paragraph.      It    should   not    meet   with 

approval   of   the   majority   of   this    con- 

tion.      Del.    Goebel   said   that   we    should 

tinker  with  this  constitution  because 
nine  wise  men  of  the  committee  had 
?n  it  such  deep  consideration,  had 
ghed  and  considered  everything  and  we 
t  have  respect  for  their  superior  abil- 
and  be   very  careful   how  we  approach 

holy  of  holies,  that  we  must  take  off 
shoes  and  approach  softly,  for  the  wise 

have, spoken.  Why  did  he  say  that? 
re  is  a  reason,  as  Comrade  Charley  Post 
Dor.  t  attack  this  beautiful  structure, 
s  built  from  the  ground  up.  He  is  a 
center.  He  knows  how  to  build  a  con- 
ution,  so  don't  touch  it.  There  is  a  good 
on  why  we  should  not  touch  it.  It  is 
t  on  a  foundation  of  sand.     If  you  touch 

is  gone;  and  they  know  it.  I  have  all 
>ect  and  reverence  for  these  most  potent, 
/e  and  reverent  seniors  who  have  under- 
n  to  draft  this  constitution.  I  tajke  off 
hat   to   the   famous   gentlemen   that   we 

here.  I  believe  every  delegation  is 
Dsed  to  making  the  State  Secretaries  the 
h    Bas    of    the    Socialist    movement,    the 

lord  everything  else.  In  our  State  we 
3  had  one  man  who  is  the  whole  thing. 

State  Secretary  is  a  clerk.  He  has 
lgh  to  do  if  he  does  that  well.  I  want 
hange  this  to  say  if  he  is  State  Secre- 

he  shall  not  be  eligible  to  the  office 
vTational  Committeeman. 
EL.  HILLQUIT:  The  committee  at  this 
t  desires  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
gates  to  this  fact,  that  we  are  on  the 
nd  page  of  a  sixteen-page  document, 
this  is  Saturday,  the  last  day  of  the 
ention. 

EL.  HICKEY  '(Tex.):  What  will  you 
vith  that  proposition  in  a  State  where 
e  is  no  State  Secretary?  In  our  State 
had  to  kill  the  State  Committee,  the 
e  Executive  Committee  and  are  pre- 
d  to  fire  the  State  Secretary.  Therefore 
int  to  know  what  you  are  going  to   do 

State  where  there  is  no   State   Secre- 

§L.  HILLQUIT:  I  must  say  that  the 
mittee  has  had  Texas  in  view.  The  only 
ble  with  us  was  we  didn't  know 
ther  Texas  would  fire  its  National  Com- 
eeman. 

IE  CHAIRMAN:     The  motion  is  on  the 
tion  of  this  paragraph. 
|D.  SLAYTON:     I  move  as  a  substitute 
the  whole  matter  be  adopted  as  it  now 
ds,  the  whole  sixteen  pages, 
le  motion  was   seconded. 
IE    CHAIRMAN:      The   Chair    will    not 
rtain    that    motion,    but   the    Chair    will 
rtain  the  motion  to  adopt  the  whole  of 
2le  4,  and  in  order  to  do  that,  you  would 

to  call  for  the  reading  of  the  article. 
3L.    SLAYTON:      Then    I    ask    for    the 
ing  and  adoption  of  this  article, 
ctions  3,  4  and  5  of  Article  4  were  then 
by  the  Secretary. 

gL.  SLAYTON:  My  motion  is  that  that 
le  as  read  be  adopted. 
•  e  motion  was  duly  seconded. 
SI,,  HILLQUIT:  I  do  not  think  the 
nittee  will  be  at  all  favorable  to  this 
on.  I  think  it  is  not  a  very  wise  pro- 
fe  after  wasting  four  hours  on  one  sec- 
then  to  swallow  the  whole  of  the  rest 
:  without  consideration  or  discussion, 
ink   we   shall   do    very   much   better   to 


have  every  section  read  in  order  and  if 
there  is  no  objection  adopt  it  and  pass  to 
the  next.  There  are  important  questions 
in  the  rest  of  this  constitution  that  should 
be   considered   and   discussed   seriously. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  matter  before 
the  house  is  this:  The  original  motion  is 
that  we  adopt  Section  2  of  Article  4.  Del. 
Slayton  offers  as  a  substitute  that  we  adopt 
the  entire  Article  4  as  read. 

DEL.  SLAYTON:  The  reason  for  my  mo- 
tion is  that  in  debating  other  matters  here 
on  the  floor  at  times  in  amending  part  of 
an  article  we  run  up  against  a  contradic- 
tion in  another  part.  I  do  not  believe  that 
we  should  do  as  much  injury  if  we  would 
adopt  the  whole,  try  to  work  it  out,  and 
then  come  back  another  time,  or  by  refer- 
endum, change  and  amend  where  it  has 
been  found  by  experience  to  be  necessary 
to  change  and  amend. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (O.) :  I  wish  to  offer 
an  amendment  to  Section  2. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  should  have  to  de- 
cide that  amendment  out  of  order.  Comrade 
Slayton's  motion  is  a  substitute. 

DED.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  I  wish  to  en- 
dorse Hillquit's  proposition.  I  think  this 
discussion  now  is  the  best  proof  that  in- 
stead of  expediting  matters  you  are  going 
to  delay  them.  I  don't  think  there  is  any- 
body going  to  make  an  objection  to  many 
of  these  paragraphs,  and  I  think  if  we 
vote  this  down  and  get  through  with  it, 
adopting  each  section  or  defeating  each 
section  as  it  comes  up  without  unnecessary 
discussion,  we  shall  get  through  much  more 
quickly. 

The  motion  of  Delegate  Slayton  was  de- 

DEL.  STRICKLAND:  Why  can't  we 
adopt  the  rule  that  was  followed  yesterday 
that  in  considering  this  seriatim  when  a 
section  is  read  it  be  considered  adopted  if 
there  is  no  objection  without  a  motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  will  so 
rule  hereafter. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  wish  to  move  an 
amendment  to  Section  2.  I  wish  to  add 
after  the  last  word  "Persons  who  have  been 
elected  to  political  offices  shall  not  be  eligi- 
ble." 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  am  opposed  to  any 
of  our  elective  officials  having  any  power 
in  the  organization.  I  believe  that  when 
we^lect  officials  from  the  Socialist  party 
we  are  simply  electing  servants  of  the  So- 
cialist party,  and  I  believe  that  the  rank 
and  file  should  be  in  a  position  to  instruct 
those  men  that  we  elect  in  any  way  what- 
soever that  we  wish  and  they  should  be  de- 
prived of  any  power  to  instruct  themselves 
at  all.  Therefore  I  believe  this  amendment 
should  be  carried.  I  believe  that  a  Con- 
gressman or  a  Senator  or  the  Mayor  of  a 
city  elected  by  the  Socialist  party  is  there 
as  a  servant  of  the  people  and  the  whole 
power  of  instructing  him  should  be  in  the 
hands  of  the  rank  and  file,  and  I  think  this 
should  be  passed  unanimously  without  dis- 
cussion. 

DEL.  ENDRES  (N.  Y.) :  The  delibera- 
tions in  this  convention  during  the  past 
week  have  impressed  me  very  favorably. 
But  I  have  found  that  almost  every  one 
who  gets  on  the  floor  has  some  kind  of  sus- 
picion against  some  other  member.  This 
is  not  acting  in  a  comradely  spirit.  Here 
we  are  wrangling  about  things  and  do  not 
come  to  any  conclusions.  We  have  been 
monkeying  around  with  this  thing  for 
about  seven  hours.  Now  in  regard  to  the 
motion  made  by  our  comrade  from  Ohio,  I 
want  to   tell  you   this,   that  if  nominations 


152 


NATIONAL,  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


are  made  by  any  local  body  for  public  office 
they  are  going  to  select  those  in  whom  they 
have  confidence  to  carry  out  the  work  of 
the  comrades  in  that  locality.  The  larger 
the  territory  from  which  that  comrade  is 
to  be  elected  the  more  capable  he  is  ex- 
pected to  be.  We  should  take  the  force 
that  has  developed  in  the  party  to  do  the 
work  of  the  party.  This  proposition  is  that 
we  should  take  them  out  of  the  active  work 
of  the  party  when  it  comes  to  our  own  or- 
ganization. Now  just  take  a  look  at  Ger- 
many. Wherever  there  is  any  important 
party  work  to  be  done  you  will  always  find 
that  it  is  the  men  who  have  been  prominent 
in  the  Reichstag  or  who  have  filled  other 
important  elective  public  offices  who  are 
called  upon  to  do  that  work.  Vote  this 
thing  down  here.  Let  us  place  confidence 
in  the  men  to  whom  we  give  the  power,  and 
in  the  remainder  of  this  discussion  let  us 
be  harmonious  and  not  acrimonious,  let  us 
not  be  so  suspicious  of  each  other. 

The  previous  question  was   then  ordered. 

DEL.  HICKEY:  One  of  the  most  prom- 
inent members  in  this  convention  discussed 
this  matter  with  me,  or  rather  sought  to 
discuss  this  matter  with  me  last  evening, 
and  I  absolutely  refused  to  discuss  it,  be- 
cause there  are  certain  things  that  can  not 
be  discussed.  This  proposition  that  a  man 
holding  a  political  office  shall  not  also  hold 
executive  office  is  such  an  elementary  prop- 
osition in  democracy  that  sane  men  should 
not  waste  two  minutes  over  it.  Now  in  a 
little  story  of  sixteen  columns  that  I 
pulled  off  about  this  national  convention 
last  week  I  pointed  out  that  any  one  elected 
by  this  convention,  or  rather  elected  to 
office  and  also  held  an  office  in  the  Socialist 
party  would  be  liable  tQ  punishment  under 
the  Texas  law  because  in  Texas  the  primary 
law  provides  a  penalty  for  holding  execu- 
tive and  political  office  at  the  same  time. 

A  DELEGATE:  Is  that  a  good  election 
law? 

DEL.  HICKEY:  Don't  ask  such  foolish 
questions.  I  am  not  concerned  with  what 
they  do  in  Germany.  I  am  concerned  with 
an  elementary  principle  of  democracy  that 
is  recognized  in  every  portion  of  the  United 
States.  I  believe  with  the  delegate  from 
Ohio  that  the  rank  and  file  should  attend  to 
this  thing  of  political  offices  being  in  a 
place  to  criticise  themselves  and  instruct 
themselves. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  think  if  this  motion 
were  put  in  a  sensible  form  it  should  read: 
"Every  member  of  the  party  elected  to  pub- 
lic office  shall,  ex-officio,  be  a  member  of 
the  National  Committee."  The  party  in 
Germany  has  that  provision.  And  when 
Comrade  Hickey  says  that  he  is  not  con- 
cerned with  Germany  but  he  is  concerned 
with  Texas,  I  simply  wish  to  call  Comrade 
Hickey's  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  So- 
cialist comrades  in  Germany  have  made 
somewhat  better  progress  than  the  com- 
rades in  Texas.  We  can  well  afford  to  imi- 
tate the  comrades  in  Germany  rather  than 
those  in  Texas. 

The  trouble  with  our  ultra-democratic 
friends  is  that  they  haye  set  forms  of 
words  and  phrases.  If,  for  instance,  Com- 
rade Hickey  would  consider  that  we  are 
not  speaking  about  two  offices  within  the 
same  organization,  an  executive  office  and 
a  legislative  office  in  the  Socialist  party. 
But  we  are  speaking  of  offices  in  the  Social- 
ist party  organization  and  a  political  office 
in  a  municipality,  in  a  State  Legislature  or 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  Where 
is  the  contradiction?  What  he  has  in  mind 
is  the  separation  of  powers  and  functions, 
the   system   of  checks   and  balances,    all   of 


which  have  been  accepted  Ion*  ago  by 
sensible  democracy,  and  he  mixes  up 
Socialist  party,  the  National  governn 
the  capitalistic  State  government  in 
common  pot.  Now  that  is  the  contri 
tion.  We  have  been  in  the  habit  of  d 
this  highly  democratic  thing,  We  firsi 
lect  our  officers,  our  servants,  and  whei 
have  elected  them  the  presumption  th< 
that  they  are  thieves  and  scoundrels  I 
they  prove  the  contrary.  Every  one  of 
officials — when  we  want  to  be  really  d' 
cratic — we  frown  upon  them.  We 
"You  have  the  power  now  to  steal; 
you  prove  that  you  haven't  stolen  or 
you  don't  steal."  That  is  not  democi 
We  are  not  in  this  party  for  power, 
are  not  in  this  party  for  self-enrichn 
The  men  elected  to  our  National  Execi 
Committee,  the  men  elected  to  our 
gress,  the  men  elected  to  our  State  L 
lature,  the  men  that  we  elect  to  be  ma 
or  councilmen,  the  men  that  we  elec 
dog  catchers  or  the  men  that  we  elec 
local  Secretaries,  all  serve  the  part; 
their  various  capacities  and  they  do 
solutely  nothing  more,  and  the  more 
have  of  active,  competent  men  in  all  p 
ble  fields  of  usefulness,  the  better  for 
Socialist  party.  You  speak  about  the  pi 
of  these  men.  What  about  the  powe 
the  party  press?  How  about  our  newsp 
editors,  Comrade  Hickey?  As  oppose 
this  proposition,  why  not  adopt  the 
that  no  editor  of  a  Socialist  party  pi 
the  man  who  has  power  to  mold  the  < 
ion  of  delegates,  should  ever  be  a  dele 
to  a  National   Convention. 

DEL.  HICKEY:  I  wish  to  say  th 
accept  that. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio):  I  accept 
proposition. 

(Cries  of  "Vote,  vote.") 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  Besse 
you  are  out  of  order. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  simply  rise  foi 
purpose  of  accepting  the  proposition  i 
wants   to  make  it. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  matter  b< 
the   house   is   this   amendment. 

THE  SECRETARY:  The  amendmei! 
offered  by  Bessemer  of  Ohio.  "Perj 
who  have  been  elected  to  or  who  hold  j 
lie    offices    shall   not   be    eligible." 

The  motion  of  Comrade  Bessemer  j 
lost. 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (Ohio):  I  mov 
incorporate  into  that  section  a  provj 
suggested  by  Comrade  Hillquit  bai 
from  membership  in  the  convention  i 
tors    of   Socialist   newspapers. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  shall  rule  yod 
of  order.  Del.  Hillquit's  opinions  onj 
question  are  not  pertinent  to  this  sect 
This  section  does  not  refer  to  the  qj 
fications  of  delegates  to  the  National  1 
venfion.  That  question  is  covered  bjl 
other  section. 

Section    2   was   then  adopted   as    read 

The  Secretary  then  read  Section  i 
Article  IV. 

DEL.  BARNES  (Pa.):  I  move  to  si 
out  from  the  fourth  line  all  that  foil 
the  word  "held."  I  want  to  strike  outi 
words  'in  which  years  it  shall  holcu 
session  in  conjunction  with  the  con) 
tion."  I  do  not  believe  in  having  two] 
ganizations  assembled  at  the  same  J 
when  it  appears  that  they  will  prott 
conflict.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  holdla 
National  Committee  meeting  in  the  ] 
in  which  the  National  Convention  is  1 
We  can  slip  that  year. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  I  second) 
amendment. 


\ 


MOx^NING  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


THE  SECRETARY:  Delegate  Barnes 
moves  to  make  Article  IV,  Section  3,  read: 
"The  National  Committee  shall  meet  in 
regular  session  on  the  first  Sunday  after 
the  first  Monday  in  May  in  each  year,  ex- 
cept in  years  when  National  Conventions  of 
the  party  are  to  be  held." 

DEL.  BARNES:  That  would  mean  that 
in  that  year  they  would  not  hold  any  an- 
nual meeting.  I  contend  that  it  would 
not  result  well  for  the  National  Commit- 
tee to  meet  in  conjunction  with  the  Na- 
tional Convention.  They  would  conflict. 
When  the  convention  is  in  session  we  do 
not  need  a  meeting  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee. The  National  Convention  can  take 
care  of  all  questions. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT  (N.  Y.):  Comrade 
Barnes'  proposition  would  be  a  very  wise 
one  if  the  National  Committee  were  not 
charge  .  with  certain  specific  duties,  which 
duties  it  must  perform  annually,  such  as 
the  el€  tion  of  an  Executive  Committee,  of 
a  Secrt  ary,  of  a  Woman's  Committee  and 
the  Secretary  of  that  committee.  The  Na- 
tional Committee  also  has  to  render  a  re- 
port to  the  National  Convention.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  National  Committee  will  in  all 
likelihood  also  be  delegates  to  the  conven- 
tion. The  only  result  then  will  be  that  a 
small  portion  of  the  National  Committee- 
men who  are  not  delegates  to  the  conven- 
tion will  come  to  that  meeting.  There  can 
be  no  conflict  since  the  National  Conven- 
tion is  always  supreme.  On  the  other 
hand  we  can  not  do  away  with  the  com- 
mittee for  the  reason  that  it  has  impor- 
tant   specific    functions    to    perform. 

DEL.  BARNES:  May  I  ask  a  question? 
Does  the  phrase  "in  conjunction"  mean  to- 
gether? 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  It  means  at  the  same 
time.  We  state  that  it  shall  be  held  at 
definite  times  except  in  convention  years 
when  it  shall  hold  its  session  in  ^conjunc- 
tion  with,  or  at  the  same  time  with  the^ 
convention. 

DEL.  BARNES:  Not  meet  together. 
With  this  construction  the  point  in  my 
amendment  is  gone,  and  therefore  with  the 
consent  of  my  second  I  withdraw  my  mo- 
tion. 

Section  3  was  then  adopted  as  read. 

Section  4,  Article  IV,  was  then  read  and 
adopted. 

Section   5,  Article  IV,  was  then  .read. 

DEL.  KOOP:  I  move  to  insert  $4  in 
place   of   $2.50   in   Section    5. 

DEL.  BROWN  (Wash):  I  move  to 
amend  by  making  it  read  "The  members  of 
the  National  Committee  attending  the 
meetings,  and  the  delegates  to  the  regu- 
lar National  Convention  shall  be  paid  from 
the  Treasury  their  railroad  fares  and  $2.50 
per  day  to  cover  expenses,  but  such  pay 
and  railroad  fares  shall  not  be  paid  until 
the  committee  meeting  or  the  convention 
has   adjourned." 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  have  a  separate 
clause  on  conventions.  Suppose  you  just 
make  your  motion  to  refer  to  the  members 
of  the  National  Committee  because  under 
the  head  of  the  convention  there  is  a 
clause  that  the  delegate  shall  be  paid  on 
the  same  basis  as  members  attending  the 
National   Committee  meeting. 

DEL.  BROWN:  Does  that  appear  later 
on? 

DEL.  KOOP:     I  had  a  motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Was  Comrade  Koop's 
amendment  seconded? 

DEL.  EDWARDS  (Tex.):  The  point  will 
be  raised  that  we  have  consumed  more  than 
four  hours  on  this  report.     We  shall  then 


have  to  amend  the  rules  in  order  to  con- 
tinue, and  I  should  like  to  present  this 
mCvion  first:  That  the  Secretary  read  the 
report  now  entirely  through;  second,  that 
we  debate  for  one  hour  thereafter;  that  at 
the  end  of  that  hour  we  vote  on  the  propo- 
sition. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Your  amendment  is 
not  in  order  at  this  time.  It  relates  to  the 
rules  of  the  National  Convention.  We  are 
discussing  this  section. 

DEL.  EDWARDS:  My  motion  refers  to 
the   whole   matter   before   the   house. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  are  right.  The 
Secretary    will    read    the    motion. 

The  motion  of  Comrade  Edwards  >was 
read  by   the   Secretary. 

DEL.  EDWARDS:  Many  points  that  have 
been  raised  have  been  decided  in  favor  of 
the  committee  by  their  pointing  out  that 
those  very  points  have  been  covered  in 
other  paragraphs  of  the  proposed  consti- 
tution. It  is  apparent  that  at  least  a  ma- 
jority of  us  have  not  read  this  report 
through.  I  happen  to  have  read  it  through, 
so  I  am  not  pleading  laziness  on  my  own 
part.  An  alternate  section  to  any  one  of 
these  sections  may  be  presented  to  go 
along  with  the  referendum  by  one-fourth 
of  the  delegates.  In  the  hour  that  I  sug- 
gest it  would  be  possible  to  present  many 
amendments  on  all  important  points  as  we 
read  through  the  propositions.  And  finally 
it  has  all  got  to  be  submitted  to  a  refer- 
endum vote  at  the  end.  Therefore  I  be- 
lieve we  will  get  all  the  important  objec- 
tions and  features  brought  out  in  our  de- 
bate and  we  will  be  able  to  go  on  and  do 
the  rest  of  our  business.  I  submit  this  as 
a  last  point,  that  already  the  delegates 
have  begun  to  go  home  and  many  of  us 
are  extremely  desirous  of  getting  away  to- 
night and  therefore  if  we  are  going  to 
do  much  important  business  that  is  before 
us  this  will  be  as  good  a  method  of  at- 
tending to  this  matter  as  we  can  devise  in 
the   short  time  at  our  disposal. 

The  motion  of  Delegate  Edwards  was 
carried. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  Questions  are  being 
asked  on  the  floor  as  to  whether  amend- 
ments can  be  offered  while  the  reading 
proceeds.  My  understanding  was  the  con- 
stitution was  to  be  read  through,  (hen 
amendments  were  to  be  offered  and  at  the 
end  of  an  hour's  discussion  the  whole  mat- 
ter was  to  be  disposed  of. 

DEL.  STRICKLAND:  The  Secretary 
wishes  to  state  that  his  understanding  of 
the  motion  is  that  the  clerk  sJhall  read 
the  remaining  portion,  that  at  the  end  of 
the  reading  there  will  be  discussion  for  an 
hour  on  any  amendments  offered  and  then 
the   vote  will   be   taken. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  wish  the  Chairman 
would  make  a  ruling  so  that  afterwards 
the  convention  will  know  what  powers  it 
has. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  As  the  only  way  to 
avoid  a  tangle  I  will  rule  as  Comrade  Hill- 
quit  has  suggested. 

The  Secretary  then  proceeded  to  read  the 
remaining    sections    of    the    constitution. 

Before  the  reading  of  Section  2,  of  Arti- 
cle V,   Delegate   Hillquit   said: 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  The  next  section  is 
It  should  read:  "The 
shall  elect  an  Execu- 
tive members  and  a 
Committee  of  sevon 
members;  no  two  members  of  either  of 
these  committees  shall  be  from  the  same 
state." 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  reading  the  com- 
mittee made   the  following  explanation: 


not  properly  printed. 
National   Committee 
tive    Committee    of 
Woman's     National 


1 


j4 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


DEL.  HILLQUIT:  We  have  made  no 
recommendation  as  to  party  press,  or  for- 
eign-speaking organizations  because  there 
are  special  committees  on  those  matters. 
As  to  the  foreign  speaking  matters,  this 
committee  has  adopted  the  report  of  that 
committee,  and  the  recommendations  will 
be  included  in  the  constitution.  I  don't 
suppose  another  reading  of  that  is  desired. 

There  has  also  been  submitted  a  resolu- 
tion providing  for  nominations  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice  President  by  a  general  ref- 
erendum of  the  party.  Your  committee 
has  not  passed  upon  the  subject  and  has 
no  recommendation  to  offer.  It  has  drafted 
an  amendment  which  embodies  the  idea  so 
that  if  it  is  desired  by  the  convention  to 
adopt  the  principle  suggested  the  commit- 
tee recommends  that  it  be  adopted  in  the 
form  to  be  read  before  you.  The  commit- 
tee itself  is  not  opposed  to  it  or  favoring 
it;  it  is  not  passing  upon  it  one  way  or 
the  other.  It  has  decided  to  submit  it  to 
you  as  a  subject  worthy  of  consideration 
by  this  body.  Comrade  Strickland  will 
please  read  this  proposed  amendment. 

The  Secretary  then  read  the  proposed 
Section  9,  of  Article  IX,  action  on  which 
was  taken  at  the  afternoon  session,  which 
will  be  found  in  the  report  of  that  session. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  reading,  Dele- 
gate Strickland  moved  that  only  such  sec- 
tions of  the  constitution  be  read  a  second 
time  as  were  requested  by  the  delegates. 
Adopted. 

DEL.  GOAZIOU  (Pa.):  I  want  to  ask 
whether  this  was  the  intention  of  the  com- 
mittee, as  to  Section  4,  Article  6:  It  says 
that  the  National  Committee  shall  meet 
at  headquarters.  Does  that  mean  that  the 
committee  shall  meet  at  headquarters  in 
Chicago  although  the  National  Convention 
may  meet  in  some  other  city?  Is  it  the 
intention  that  the  National  Committee  shall 
go  to  one  city  and  the  National  Convention 
may  go  to  another  city.  That  will  be  the 
case  unless  the  National  Convention  meets 
where    the    National    headquarters    are. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  think  the  Section 
may  be  misinterpreted,  and  I  suggest  that 
we  cure  it  by  saying  "Except  in  conven- 
tion years  when  it  shall  meet  at  the  same 
time  and  place  as  the  National  Conven- 
tion." 

DEL.  GOAZIOU:  Then  you  will  have 
to   change   this. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  The  wording  can  be 
changed    to    meet    that    situation. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  T.):  I  move  to 
amend  Article  5,  Section  1,  clause  d,  by 
striking  out  the  word  "require"  and  insert- 
ing the  word  "request,"  so  that  it  will  read 
"such  States  and  Territories  as  may  re- 
quest interference  on  the  part  of  the  Na- 
tional organization."  My  motion  is  to  leave 
that  question  to  the  State  to  say  whether 
they  wish  such  interference  on  the  part 
of  the  National  organization. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont):  I  move  that 
we  first  receive  notices  of  desire  to  amend; 
that  a  record  of  these  requests  to  amend 
be  made  by  the  clerk  in  the  order  of  the 
Articles  to  be  amended,  and  that  all  these 
proposed  amendments  be  received  before 
discussion  begins,  and  then  be  taken  up 
in    the   order    in    which    they    are   proposed. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  is  no  ob- 
jection,  the   Chair   will    so   rule. 

DEL.  ENDRES  (N.  Y.):  I  would  like 
to  propose  in  addition  to  that,  that  they 
be  handed   in   in   writing. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  is  no  objec- 
tion, the  Chair  will  rule  that  we  proceed 
along  the  line  suggested  by  Comrade  Dun- 
can. 


A    DELEGATE:      Do    I    understand    the 
ruling  to   be   that   the   Chair   will   now  calif 
for   any   and   all   amendments    to   Article    5, 
and    when   we    are    through    with    that,    for 
amendments    to    Article    6,    and    so    on? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Secretary  will 
read  off  simply  the  numbers,  the  number 
of  the  Article  first,  and  the  numbers  of 
the  Sections  as  they  follow,  and  any  one 
having  an  amendment  to  present  will  pre- 
sent  it. 

AMENDMENTS    PROPOSED. 

ARTICLE    V. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  I  have  two 
amendments  to  Article  V.  In  Sec.  1,  clause 
(d),  strike  out  the  word  "require"  and 
insert  in  place  thereof  the  word  "request." 
In  Sec.  12,  after  the  words,  "no  more  than 
one  hundred  dollars,"  insert  the  words  "at 
one    time." 

DEL.    BURKLE    (N.    Y.):      In   Article    V,  ' 
Sec.  12,  I  move  to  substitute  $300  for  $100.  3 

DEL.  ROSETTE  (Md.):  I  move  to  add  a 
new  section  at  the  end  of  the  article,  as 
follows: 

Sec.  13.  The  National  Committee  shall 
publish  a  monthly  bulletin  of  Socialist 
information,  which  shall  contain  such  in- 
formation as  may  be  of  interest  to  Social- 
ists. The  bulletin  shall  be  sold  by  sub- 
scription, and  its  scope  increased  in  pro- 
portion   to    the   income    from    subscriptions. 

The  National  Committee  shall  maintain, 
in  connection  with  the  National  Bulletin, 
a  Bureau  of  Information  which  shall,  on 
request  furnish  party  members  such  in- 
formation as  they  may  need  in  the  furth- 
erance   of    Socialist    propaganda. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  All  of  this  belongs 
to    ARTICLE    VII. 

DEL.  GARVEY:  I  want  information  on 
ART.    IX,    Sec.    4. 

DEL.  MERRICK:  I  move  that  we  take 
them  up  in  regular  order. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair,  if  you  re- 
call, tried  to  rule  that  we  take  them  up 
in  regular  Torder. 

The  Chair  will  now  rule  that  the  read- 
ing clerk  will  call  off  the  numbers  on  the 
Constitution,  and  those  who  have  amend- 
ments will  make  them  before  we  go  on. 
ARTICLE     V     is     under     consideration. 

DEL.  MERRICK:  I  move  to  amend  Sec. 
2  of  ART.  V  by  striking  out  the  word 
"five"  and  inserting  the  word  "seven,"  so 
that  the  National  Executive  Committee 
shall  be  composed  of  seven  members  in- 
stead  of  five. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  I  move  an  addition 
to  Sec.  6,  to  read  as  follows:  Persons 
holding  elective  political  positions  shall  not 
be  eligible  to  membership  on  the'  National 
Committee,  National  Executive  Committee, 
employee  of  the  National  Office,  Organizer, 
or  delegate  to  the  National  Convention. 
This    will    be    Clause    2. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  That  amendment  is 
out   of  order.      It   has   been   acted   upon. 

DEL.  OHSOL  (Mass.):  I  offer  as  an 
addition  to  Sec.  2:  All  members  of  the 
Executive  Committee  shall  make  their  res- 
idences in  the  city  where  the  National 
Headquarters    are    located. 

DEL.  OYLER  (Neb.):  I  wish  to  intro- 
duce Sec.  13:  That  the  National  Committee 
shall  have  power  to  publish  a  Party  news- 
paper   or    newspapers. 

DEL.  GRANT  (Minn.):  I  wish  to  have 
inserted  in  Sec.  (e),  following  the  end  of 
the  fourth  line:  A  press  service  that  will 
furnish  patent  and  plate  matter  for  So- 
cialist papers. 

DEL.  PREVEY  (Ohio):  The  National 
Committee  shall  not  publish  nor  delegate 
any   official   organ. 


V 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


155 


3EL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  I  move  to  amend 
j.  12  by  striking  out  the  words:  "No 
re  than  one  hundred  dollars  shall  be  ap- 
priated  to  any  organization  other  than  a 
^division    of    the    party." 

ARTICLE   VI. 
Sec.   1.     No    amendments. 
Sec.  2.     Del.    Merrick    moved    to    add    at 
end    of    Sec.    2:      "And    a    stenographic 
ort    of    all    discussions    taking    place    in 
Committee   shall   be  kept  for  reference 
the   National   Committee." 
Sec.  3.     No.  amendment. 
Sec.  4.     No  amendment. 

ARTICLE   VII. 
Sec.  1.     Del.   Floyd  moved  to  amend  Sec. 
by   strikin  r  out   $1,500    and   substituting 
200. 

Sec.  2.     N»    amendment. 
3ec.  3.     Nc  amendment. 

ARTICLE  VIII. 
3ec.  1.     Stands. 
3ec.  2.     Stands. 

Sec.  3.  Del.  Merrick  of  Pennsylvania 
)ved  to  strike  out  the  last  sentence  and 
sert  instead  the  following:  They  shall 
;ct  a  chairman  of  the  group  who  shall 
t  under  instructions  of  the  National  Com- 
ttee  on  all   matters. 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  wish  to  amend 
c.  2  by  adding:  "Or  by  general  refer- 
dum  of  the  Party." 

ARTICLE    IX. 
Bee.  1.     Del.    Zitt   moved    to    amend   Art. 

by   striking  out  Sections   1   and  3. 
Sec.  2.     Del.    Barker  of  Oklahoma  moved 

amend  by  inserting  the  word  "majority" 
fore  "general  vote"  in  the  second  line. 
Sec.  3.  Motion  to  strike  out. 
Sec.  4.  Del.  Krafft,  of  New  Jersey,  asked 
r  information  from  the  Committee  on 
e  computation  of  the  delegates. 
THE  CHAIRMAN  (HILLQUIT):  It  shall 
composed  of  300  delegates,  one  from 
ch  State  and  Territory,  and  the  remain- 
r  in  proportion  to  the  average  national 
es  paid.  Assume  that  we  have  a  mem- 
rship  of  200,000.  Let  us  assume  that 
ere  are  50  organized  states.  That  will  take 
/ay  50  delegates,  at  one  for  each  state, 
d  leave  250  to  be  elected  on  a  basis  of 
e   delegate   for  every   800    members.      Let 

say  the  state  of  New  York  has  8,000 
embers,  that  will  mean  ten  delegates  in 
Idition  to  the  one  which  it  gets  at  large. 
ien,  of  course,  the  question  of  fractions 
ay  come  in.  There  is  but  one  way  to 
Cset  that,  and  that  is  to  recognize  the 
rgest  fractions  in  number. 
Sec.  4.  Del.  Solomon  of  New  York 
oved  to  amend  Section  4  by  changing  the 
ords  "two  years"  in  the  last  line,  to 
hree  years." 

Del.  Zitt  moved  to  add  to  Section  4,  or 
(rhaps  make  it  a  new  section,  the  fol- 
wing:  Persons  holding  elective  political 
(sitions,  and  all  employees  of  the  party 
ith    salary    attached,     shall    be    ineligible 

serve  as   delegates   to   National   Conven- 
ons. 

Sec.  5.  DEL.  BOSTROM  of  Washing- 
n  moved  to  amend  Sec.  5  so  as  to  read: 
ailroad  fare,  including  tourist  sleeper.  I 
ant  that  specified,  so  that  delegates  may 
low  what   to   expect. 

Sec.  7.  DEL.  SLOBODIN:  I  moved  to 
sert  in  the  second  sentence  of  the  sec- 
id  paragraph  the  words  "at  the  time  of 
s  nomination."  I  want  to  do  away  with 
trpenters  and  shoemakers  in  the  party 
ho  haven't  done  a  day's  work  for  twenty 
Bars. 
Sec.  8      Stands. 


"ARTICLE  X. 

Sec.  1.     Stands. 

Sec.  2.     Stands. 

Sec.  3.  Del.  K.  Sadler  of  Washington 
moved  to  amend  Sec.  3  by  adding  at  the 
very  end  the  words:  To  do  otherwise  will 
constitute  party  treason,  and  result  in  ex- 
pulsion   from    the    party. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  moved  to  amend  Sec.  3 
by  striking  out,  in  the  next  to  the  last 
line  on  the  second  paragraph,  the  words 
"endorsed   or   recommended." 

DEL.  M'FALL  of  New  Hampshire  moved 
to  amend  Sec.  2  by  striking  out  the  last 
sentence,  beginning  "When  the  member- 
ship." 

Sec.  4.  DEL.  WELLS  of  California 
moved  to  amend  Sec.  4  by  adding,  after 
the  end  of  the  6th  line,  reading  "affairs 
within  such  state  or  territory,"  the  words 
"Provided  such  propaganda  is  in  harmony 
with  the  national  platform  and  declared 
policy   of  the   Party." 

Sec.  5.  DEL.  SMITH  (Mont.):  I  wish 
to  offer  an  amendment  to  Sec.  5,  in  writ- 
ing, which  I  will  ask  the  reading  clerk  to 
read. 

DEL.  WELLS  (Wash.):  I  move  to 
strike  out  the  word  "five"  and  insert  the 
word  "three  or  two,"  and  add  "This  pro- 
vision  to   take   effect   on    January    1,    1913." 

DEL.  SMITH'S  amendment  to  Sec.  5 
was  read,  as  follows: 

During  the  months  of  January  and  July 
in  each  i  year,  or  at  any  other  time  re- 
quired by  the  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee or  by  this  Constitution,  State  Sec- 
retaries shall  furnish  to  the  National  Sec- 
retary a  list  of  all  locals  affiliated  with 
their  respective  state  organizations,  to- 
gether with  the  number  of  members  in 
good  standing  in  each  local.  Refusal,  fail- 
ure or  neglect  to  comply  with  this  section 
shall  subject  the  state  organization  to  sus- 
pension from  the  Socialist  party  and  de- 
prive such  state  organization  from  partici- 
pating in  the  affairs  of  the  Socialist  party, 
and  shall  be  a  forfeiture  of  the  right  of 
representation  in  the  National  Committee, 
the  National  Executive  or  the  conventions 
or    congresses    of    the    party. 

Sec.  6.  DEL.  NOBLE  of  Texas  moved 
to  amend  Sec.  6  to  read  two  cents  instead 
of  five   for  each   member  in   good   standing. 

DEL.  HOOGERHYDE  of  Michigan  moved 
to  add  Sec.  6:  And  only  due  stamps  is- 
sued by  the  National  Committee  and  af- 
fixed to  members'  due  cards  shall  be  re- 
ceived   for    payment    of    said    dues. 

DEL.  BOSTROM  moved  to  strike  out  the 
whole    section. 

Sec.  7.  DEL.  MERRICK  of  Pennsylva- 
nia moved  to  strike  out  the  last  sentence 
of  the  first  paragraph,  beginning  "In  cases 
where  husband  and  wife  are  both  party 
members " 

DEL.  BROWN  (Ohio):  I  move  to 
amend  Sec.  7  by  adding  the  words:  Also 
women  who  are  in  receipt  of  income  may 
be   allowed   to   receive   exempt   due   stamps. 

DEL.  GRANT  (Minn.):  In  the  line  im- 
mediately following  "exempt  stamps,"  add 
"Excepting  those  issued  to  wives  of  com- 
rades." 

DEL.  WAYNICK  (Wash.):  In  the  fifth 
line  after  the  words  '^within  his  control," 
I  wish  to  insert  "Such  exempt  stamps  to 
bear  no  designation  or  mark,  distinguish- 
ing them  from  the  regular  due  stamps  of 
the    Party." 

Sec.  8.  DEL.  DORFMAN  (Ore.):  I  move 
to  substitute  the  word  "recall"  for  "im- 
perative   mandate." 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (Ohio):  A  number 
of  the  Ohio  comrades  wish  to  go  on  rec- 
ord as  moving  to  strike  out  the  entire 
Section  7.     We  want  to  be  so  recorded. 


156 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Sec.  9.  DEL.  BENTALL  of  Illinois  de- 
sires to  amend  the  close  of  the  first  para- 
graph, making  it  read  as  follows:  No  per- 
son shall  be  nominated  or  endorsed  by  any 
subdivision  of  the  Party,  or  candidate  for 
public  office,  unless  he  is  a  member  of  the 
Party  and  has  been  such  for  at  least  two 
consecutive  years  immediately  preceding 
such   nomination. 

DEL.  KILLINGBECK  of  New  Jersey 
moved  to  strike  out  the  last  sentence  of 
Sec.  9,  beginning  "But  this  provision  shall 
not  apply  to  organizations  which  have 
been  in  existence  for  less  than  a  year." 

DEL.  FURMAN  (N.  Y.):  I  make  an 
amendment  to  the  amendment,  by  making 
it  three  years  instead  of  one,  in  the  last 
line. 

Sec.  8.  DEL.  GARVER  of  Missouri 
moved  to  add  to  Sec.  8:  "Failure  to  do  so 
shall  give  the  National  Party  jurisdic- 
tion." 

DEL.  ZITT  moved  to  have  the  word 
"one"  in  the  fourth  line,  where  it  says 
"at   least   one    year,"    substituted   by   three. 

DEL.  ALEXANDER  of  Texas  moved  to 
substitute  for  "one  year,"  in  the  last  line, 
"five   consecutive   years." 

Sec.    8. 

DEL.    GARVER   moved    to   strike   it   out. 

DEL.  TUCK  (Cal.):  I  would  like  to  in- 
coporate  as  Article  X,  Section  11,  the  fol- 
lowing: "Branches  may  be  organized  to 
accommodate  night  workers,  to  be  known 
as   daylight    branches." 

DEL.  BESSEMER:  I  wish  {'to  add  a 
Section  11  to  Article  X:  "State  Secretaries 
shall  report  to  the  National  Office  every 
three  months,  the  name  and  addresses  of 
all  local  Secretaries  in  the  state,  together 
with  the  number  of  members  in  good 
standing    in   each." 


Sec.   1. 


ARTICLE  XI. 
No   amendment. 


ARTICLE  XII. 

DEL.  PREVEY  of  Ohio  moves  to  amend 
by  striking  out  "15,000  members"  and  in- 
serting   "20,000." 

DEL.  BOSTROM  moves  to  amend  the 
amendment  by  making  it  read  "30,000" 
instead    of    15,000. 

Amendment  to  strike  out  the  words  "And 
a  per  diem  equal  to  the  per  diem  fixed 
for  national  organizers  and  lecturers,"  at 
the   top   of   page    14. 

ARTICLE    XIII. 
DEL.    BOSTROM   of   Washington    moved 
to    strike    out    the    whole    of   Article    XIII. 
Sec.   1.     Stands. 
Sec.  2.     Stands. 
Sec.  3.     Stands. 
Sec.  4.     Stands. 

ARTICLE    XIV. 

Sec.  1.     Stands. 

ARTICLE   XV. 

Sec.  1.  DEL.  ZITT  moved  to  amend  by 
striking  out  the  words  "National  Commit- 
tee in  session"  in  the  two  places  where  it 
occurs,  in  Sec.   1. 

Sec.  2.     Stands. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN:  I  want  to  offer  a 
now  section,  Section  3,  at  the  end  of  Arti- 
cle XV:  "Referendums  to  evoke  or  amend 
a  provision  of  this  Constitution  may  be 
instituted  only  one  year  after  the  adoption 
of    said    provision." 

ARTICLE  XVI. 
Sec.  1.     Stands. 
Sec.  2.     Stands. 


MINORITY  REPORT. 

Substitute   for   Article  V,    Section   8. 

Sec.    8.     No   amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Under  the  mc 
which  was  adopted  we  have  less 
twenty  minutes  to  discuss  and  adopt  t 
amendments. 

A  DELEGATE:  I  move  that  these  am 
ments  be  taken  up  and  adopted  or 
jected    without    discussion. 

The  Indiana  delegation  handed  in  a 
section   for  Article  XVI,   that  the  Natt 
organization   copyright   the   emblem. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  If  this  is 
time  to  do  it,  I  want  to  move  that 
National  emblem  shall  be  the  arm  and 
torch. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Unless  the  ami 
ment  is  properly  and  offered  as  a  pax* 
the  Constitution,  I  shall  have  to  rul 
out   of   order. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  moved  to  adjourn 
til    1:30. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  To  do  that,  we  W} 
have  to  suspend  the  rules. 

Motion  was  made  to  suspend  the  n 
and  another  motion  to  table  the  motioi 
suspend  he  rules,  which  was  put  and 
clared   carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  will  now  proj 
to  take  up  the  amendments  seriatim* 
vote  upon  them. 

THE  SECRETARY:  Under  Article? 
Section  12,  the  first  amendment  I  haw 
by  Burkle  of  New  York,  to  substitute  ! 
in   place   of  one   hundred. 

The  motion  was  put  and  declared  lost 

Clifford   of  Ohio  offers  an  amendment 
Article   V,    Section    12,    by    cutting    out] 
sentence    beginning:      "No    more    than 
hundred  dollars"  to  the  end  of  the  sect 

Motion   duly   put,    and   defeated. 

Amendment  to  Article  V,  Section  2, 
Del.  Merrick,  by  striking  out  five  ana 
serting  seven,  was  put  and  declared  loi 

Amendment  of  Ohsol,  to  Section  2, 
nut,   and   declared   lost. 

Amendment  of  Grant,  to  Section  6, 
feated. 

Amendment  of  Grant  in  regard  to  it 
taining  a  press  service  that  will  fuij 
plate  and  patent  matter  to  Socialist 
pers,  was   put  and  declared  carried. 

THE  SECRETARY:  There  are  two 
sections  proposed,  to  be  known  as  Sec 
13.  Both  being  in  regard  to  Party  Pi 
upon  motion,  duly  seconded,  action  i 
them  was  deferred  until  we  have  thd 
port   of   the   Committee    on   Press. 

The  Minority  Report  on  the  amends 
to  Section  8  of  Article  V  was  put  and 
clared  lost.  Division  was  called  for,  i 
the  Minority  Report  was  defeated  b] 
vote  of  98   to   118. 

The  Secretary  read  the  amendment 
fered  by  Del.  Slobodin  of  New  York 
Section  12,  of  Article  V,  that  to  inser| 
words  "at  one  session"  after  the  W] 
"one  hundred  dollars."  The  amend! 
was    lost. 

The  Secretary  next  read  an  amends 
offered  by  Del.  Slobodin  to  amend  Ja 
graph  (d),  of  Section  1,  of  Article  Vj 
striking  out  the  word  "require"  and  in* 
ing    the    word    "request." 

Amendment    lost. 

The  convention  then  proceeded  to  j 
sider   Article  VI. 

The  Secretary  read  an  amendment 
Section  2,  offered  by  Del.  Merrick  of  Pj 
sylvania,  to  add  to  the  Section  the  foD 
ing:  "A  stenographic  report  of  all  difl 
sions  taking  place  in  the  Committee  I 
be  kept  for  the  information  of  the  Natl 
Committee." 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


15* 


amendment  was   adopted   by   a  vot« 
to  93. 

cle  VII  was  next  taken  up  and  con- 
d. 

Secretary    read    an     amendment    to 
n  1,  offered  by  Del.  Downing  of  Cali- 
to    strike    out    "$1,500"    and    insert 
0." 

amendment  was  lost. 

Rosette  of  Maryland  moved  to  add 
i  section  to  be  known  as  Section  4, 
lows:  "The  Executive  Secretary  shall 
h  a  monthly  bulletin  of  Socialist  in- 
tion,  which  shall  contain  such  infor- 
n   on    industrial,    civic,    historical   and 

matters  as  may  be  of  interest  to 
ists.  The  Bulletin  shall  be  sold  by 
ription,  and  its  scope  increased  in 
rtion    to    the    income    from    subscrip- 

The  Executive  Secretary  shall  main- 
in    connection    with    the    Bulletin,    a 
u   of   infoi  nation  which   shall,    on   re- 
furnish     arty    members    such    infor- 
jn  as    they   may   need   in    the   further- 
of  Socialise   propaganda." 
motion    of    Del.    O'Reilly    of    Illinois 
amendment     was     deferred    until     the 

Committee  should  report, 
endments    to    Article    VIII    were    then 

up.  The  Secretary  read  an  amend- 
offered   by   Del.    Merrick    of   Pennsyl- 

to  strike  out  the  last  sentence  of 
»n  3,  beginning  "They  shall  elect  a 
nan  of  the  group,"  etc.,  and  to  in- 
'they    shall    elect   a    chairman    of    the 

and    shall    act     under     instructions 

by    the    National    Committee    on    all 
rs." 
endment   lost. 

Secretary   next   read  an   amendment 

ction    2,   offered   by   Del.    Bessemer   of 

that  the  section  be   made  to   read  as 

7s:     "They    shall    carry    out    instruc- 

which  may  be  given  to  them  by  Na- 

Conventions,    by    the    National    Com- 
e    in    session,    or   by    a   general    refer- 
n   vote    of   the   party." 
i  amendment  was   adopted, 
icle   IX   was   next   taken   up. 

Zitt    (Ohio)    offered    an    amendment 
;rike    out    Section    1    and    Section    3, 
of   which   provide   for   the    holding   of 
nal   Conventions, 
endment    lost. 

amendment  was   offered  by  Del.   Par- 

Okla.),    as    follows:    In    Section    2    in- 

'majority"    before    "general,"    so    that 

11  read,   "at  any   time  if  decided  upon 

majority    general    vote." 
»  amendment   was   lost. 
L.      SOLOMON      (N.    Y.)     "offered     an 
dment     to    Section    4,    to     strike     out 

and  insert   "three,"   so   that  the   last 
e    of    the    section    should    read,     "and 
have  been  a  member  of  the  party  or- 
ation   at    least    three    years." 
?    amendment   was    adopted. 

Zitt    of    Ohio    offered    the    following 

ion    to    Section    4:      "Persons    holding 

ve  political  positions,  and  all  salaried 

Dyes    of   the   party,    shall   be    ineligible 

rve   as   delegates   to  National   Conven- 
»» 

lendment   lost. 

tion  5,  of  Article  IX,  as  originally 
ted  by  the  committee,  was  read. 
L.  HILLQUIT:  That  was  corrected 
!ie  committee  to  read,  "Railroad  fare 
legates  going  to  and  j coming  from  the 
mtions  of  the  party,  (and  the  per  diem 
ance  of  $2.50  to  cover  expenses,"  etc. 
iL.  BOSTROM  (Wash.)  moved  to 
d  by  adding  after  "railroad  fare"  the 
s  "including  ^ourist  sleeper  car  fare." 
L.  KILLINGBECK  (N.  J.)  moved  to 
lie  amendment  on  the  table. 


At  the  request  of  Del.  Kate  Sadler  of 
Washington,  the  Chairman  explained  the 
difference  between  tourist  sleepers  and 
regular  Pullman  sleepers. 

The   amendment   was    then   adopted. 

A  motion  was  carried  to  continue  in  ses- 
sion until  the  report  of  the  Committee  on 
Constitution  was  finished,  and  then  to  ad- 
journ   for    one    hour. 

DEL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.)  offered  the  fol- 
lowing amendment  to  Section  7  of  Article 
IX:  That  the  second  sentence  be  changed 
so  as  to  read  "Such  list  shall  contain  the 
occupation  of  each  delegate  at  the  time  of 
his  nomination." 

Amendment   adopted. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio)  moved  to  strike 
out  the  first  eight  lines  of  the  second  para- 
graph, being  that  portion  beginning  "The 
Executive  Secretary"  and  ending  "and  fur- 
nished to  the  party  press  for  publication." 

Amendment   lost. 

The  Secretary  read  the  following  section, 
formulated  by  the  Committee  on  Constitu- 
tion as  Section  9  of  Article  IX,  a  new  sec- 
tion not  in  the  printed  report  of  the  com- 
mittee: 

Sec.  9.  On  the  first  day  of  November  in 
each  year  preceding  a  presidential  election, 
the  national  office  shall  issue  a  call  for 
nominations  for  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
and  each  local  shall  be  entitled  to  nominate 
one  candidate  for  each  office.  Thirty  days 
shall  be  allow.ed  for  nominations,  and  fif- 
teen days  for  '^acceptances  and  declinations 
by  candidates  who  have  received  at  least 
five  nominations.  The  names  of  candidates 
having  received  five  or  more  nominations 
and  having  accepted  the  same  shall  im- 
mediately be  published  for  seconds,  each 
local  being  entitled  to  second  the  nomina- 
tion of  one  candidate  for  President  and  one 
for  Vice-President.  All  candidates  receiv- 
ing at  least  50  seconds  to  the  nomination, 
including  the  nominations  each  may  have 
received  in  the  first  instance,  shall  be 
placed  on  the  referendum  ballot.  The  ref- 
erendum shall  be  submitted  on  February 
1st.  Fifty  days  shall  be  allowed  for  the 
referendum.  The  candidate  receiving  a 
majority  of  all  the  votes  cast  shall  be  the 
nominee.  In  case  no  candidate  receives 
the  majority,  a  second  referendum  shall 
be  held,  upon  the  ballot  for  which  shall 
appear  the  names  of  all  candidates  receiv- 
ing as  high  as  ten  per  cent  of  the  vote 
cast  in  the  preceding  referendum.  The 
second  referendum  shall  be  submitted  fif- 
teen days  after  the  close  of  the  first  ref- 
erendum, and  shall  be  closed  in  fifty  days 
from  the  date  of  submission.  In  case  no 
candidate  receives  a  majority  pf  all  the 
votes  cast  in  the  second  referendum  the 
names  of  the  two  highest  shall  be  placed 
on  the  ballot  for  a  third  referendum,  which 
shall  be  submitted  fifteen  days  after  the 
close  of  the  second,  and  such  third  refer- 
endum shall  close  fifty  days  from  the  date 
of  submission.  The  candidates  thus  nomi- 
nated shall  be  the  nominees  of  the  Social- 
ist party,  and  their  names  shall  be  placed 
upon  the  ballots  in  presidential  primary 
elections  in  all  states  where  such  primary 
elections  are  mandatory.  No  member  of 
the  party  shall  allow  his  name  to  be  placed 
on  such  primary  ballots  if  he  is  not  the 
regular  nominee  of  the  party.  All  candi- 
dates for  Presidentail  or  Vice-Presidential 
nomination  by  the  Socialist  party  shall 
possess  the  qualifications  required  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  for 
President  and  Vice-President,  and  in  addi- 
tion thereto  shall  have  been  members  of 
the  party  at  least  eight  years." 

DEL.  TAYLOR  (111.):  A  point  of  infor- 
mation.    I  wish  to  ask  the  chairman  of  this 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


committee,  If  In  figuring  the  time  for  this 
referendum,  he  has  considered  that  the 
Presidential  primary  in  certain  states  oc- 
curs the  first  Tuesday  after  the  first  Mon- 
day in  April,  and  if  this  method  will  give 
time    enough. 

DEL.  DUNCAN:  It  will  not  give  time 
enough,   because   it   takes   six  months. 

DEL.  ENDRES  (N.  Y.):.  I  have  an 
amendment  to  offer. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  will  have 
to  rule  that  you  cannot  make  an  amend- 
ment and  cannot   discuss   it. 

BjEL.  ENDRES:     I  objecT  to  that  ruling. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No  amendments  are 
in    order. 

DEL.   DUNCAN:     What  is   the  reason? 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  move  to  recom- 
mit  this   to   the   committee.      (Seconded.) 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  This  is  not  a  com- 
mittee report.  The  committee  has  merely 
phrased  it  and  formulated  certain  propo- 
sitions made  by  delegates.  The  committee 
does  not  stand  for  it,  and  there  is  no  rea- 
son and  no  sense  in  referring  it  back  ta 
the    committee. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  move  that  we 
place  this  amendment  in  the  hands  of  the 
committee  for  revision  and  report.  [(Sec- 
onded.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  in  or- 
der if  the  mover  insists. 

DEL.  BARNES  (Pa.):  I  move  that  we 
refer  it  to  the  new  National  Committee 
for  favorable  consideration  so  far  as  the 
principle    is    concerned.       (Seconded.) 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  move  to  amencf  by 
striking  out  the  word  "favorable."  Let  it 
be  referred  for  consideration  to  the  in- 
coming National  Executive  Committee. 
(Seconded.) 

The  amendment  was  lost,  and  the  origi- 
nal   motion    was    then   carried. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  car- 
ried, to  reier  it  to  the  new  National  Com- 
mittee, which  will  meet  some  time  next 
year,  on  or  about  the  first  of  June. 

The  convention  then  proceeded  to  the 
consideration    of   Article    X. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER  (Wash.)  offered 
the  following  amendment:  To  add  at  the 
end  of  Section  3  the  following  words:  "To 
do  otherwise  will  constitute  party  treason 
and  will  result  in  expulsion  from  the 
party." 

The  question  was  put  on  the  amendment, 
and  it  was  declared  lost.  A  second  vote 
was  taken,  and  the  amendment  was  adopt- 
ed. 

Section  4  was  read. 

DEL.  WELLS  (Cal.)  offered  an  amend- 
ment to  add  the  following  words  to  the 
section:  "Provided  such  propaganda  is  in 
harmony  with  the  national  platform  and 
declared   policy." 

Amendment    adopted. 

Section  5  was  next  read. 

DEL.  SMITH  (Mont.)  moved  to  amend 
by  adding  the  following  to  the  section: 
"During  the  months  of  January  and  July 
of  each  year,  or  at  any  other  time  required 
by  the  National  Executive  Committee  or 
by  this  constitution,  the  State  Secretaries 
shall  furnish  the  National  Secretary  a  list 
of  all  locals  affiliated  with  their  respective 
state  organizations,  together  with  the  num- 
ber of  members  in  good  standing,  and  the 
name  and  address  of  the  corresponding 
secretary  of  each  local.  Refusal,  failure  or 
neglect  to  comply  with  this  section  shall 
subject  the  state  organization  to  suspen- 
sion from  the  Socialist  party  and  deprive 
such  state  organization  of  participation  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Socialist  party,  and  shall 
be  a  forfeiture  of  the  right  to  representa- 
tion   in    the    National    Committee,    the    Na- 


tional   Executive    Committee,    the    conv*| 
tions    and    congresses    of    the    party." 

Amendment  adopted. 

Section    6    read   by   the   Secretary. 

DEL.  HOOGERHYDE  (Mich.)  moved 
amend  by  addition  the  following:  "A| 
only  dues  stamps  issued  by  the  Nation 
Committee  shall  be  affixed  to  member 
dues  cards  as  valid  receipts  for  the  pa) 
ment   of   dues." 

Amendment    adopted. 

DEL.  WELLS  (Wash.)  moved  to  amei 
Section  5  by  striking  out  "five  cents"  al 
inserting  "three  cents,"  and  to  add  the  fo 
lowing  to  the  section:  "To  take  effe 
January    1,    1913." 

Amendment    lost. 

DEL.    GOEBEL    (N.   J.)    moved   to  am< 
the     same     section     by     substituting     "t#j 
cents"    for    "five    cents." 

Amendment    lost. 

Section    7    was    read. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio)  moved  t 
Strike  out  the  entire  section. 

Amendment    lost. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.)  moved  to  strif 
jut  the  last  sentence  in  the  second  pari 
graph,  referring  to  exemption  stamps  I 
be   used    by   husband   or   wife. 

Amendment    lost. 

DEL.  BROWN  (Iowa)  moved  to  add  tl 
ollowing  to  the  section:  "Also  women  w| 
ire  not  in  receipt  of  incomes  may  be  a! 
owed  to  receive  the  special  exemj 
tamps." 

Amendment  lost. 

DEL.  GRANT  (Minn.)  moved  an  amen 
nent  that  immediately  following  the  word 
'exempt  stamps"  in  the  eighth  line  of  th 
first  paragraph  the  following  words  1 
added:  "Excepting  those  issued  to  th 
*vives  of  comrades." 

Amendment   lost. 

DEL.  WAYNICK  (Wash.)  moved  tha 
>fter  the  word  "control"  in  the  fifth  lir 
■>f  the  first  paragraph  of  Section  7,  th 
ollowing  be  inserted:  "Such  exempt  stamp 
o  bear  no  designation  or  marks  distir 
jguishing  them  from  the  regular  due 
tamps    of   the   party." 

Amendment   lost. 

Section    8    was    read. 

DEL.  DORFMAN  (Ore.)  moved  to  sul 
titute    "recall'    for    "imperative .  mandate. 

Amendment  lost. 

DEL.  GARVER  (Mo.)  moved  the  fo! 
"Vwing  addition:  "Failure  to  do  so  sha! 
?ive    the    national    party    jurisdiction." 

Amendment    lost. 

Section    9    was    read. 

DEL.  BENT  ALL  (111.)  moved  to  amen 
»y  striking  out   "one"  and  inserting  "two. 

Amendment    adopted. 

DEL.  KILLINGBECK  (N.  J.)  moved  t 
strike  out  the  last  sentence,  reading  "Bu 
this  provision  shall  not  apply  to  organ: 
zations  which  have  been  in  existence  fc 
ess  than  one  year/r 

Amendment  lost. 

DEL.  FURMAN  (N.  Y.)  moved  to  amen 
by  making  the  time  three   years. 

Amendment   lost. 

DEL.  ALEXANDER  (Tex.)  moved  t 
nake  the   time  five  years. 

Amendment   lost. 

Section  10  was*  read. 

DEL.  GARVER  (Mo.)  moved  to  strlh 
out   the   section  altogether. 

Amendment   lost. 

DEL  TUCK  (Cal.)  moved  to  add  the  fol 
lowing  new  section:  "Branches  may  b 
organized  to  accommodate  night  worh 
ers,  such  branches  to  be  known  as  das 
light   branches." 

Amendment  lost. 


MORNING  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


\ 


DEL.   BESSEMER    (Ohio)    moved  the  ad- 

tion  of  a  new  section  to  be  known  as 
action  11,  as  follows:  "State  Secretaries 
lall  report  to  the  national  office  every 
iree  months  the  names  and  addrsses  of 
11  members   in   good  standing  in   ^ach." 

Amendment  lost. 

Article    XII    was    read. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.)  moved  to  strike, 
fter  the  word   "delegates,"  the  words  "and 

per  diem  equal  to  the  per  diem  fixed  for 
ational    organizers    and    lecturers." 

Amendment   lost. 

DEL.  PREVEY  (Ohio)  moved  to  strike 
at  "fifteen  thousand"  and  insert  "twenty 
lousand   members." 

Amendment    adopted. 

DEL.  BESSEMER  (Ohio)  moved  to  make 
le  number  "thirty  thousand"  instead  of 
fifteen  thousa/  d." 

Amendment      )st. 

Article    XIII    was    read. 

An  amendmei.  ;  was  offered  to  strike  out 
he    entire   article. 

DEL.    MALEY    (Wash.)     moved    to    defer 

tion  till  after  the  report  of  the  Wom- 
n's   National    Committee    is    received. 

Motion   to   defer  lost. 

A  vote  was  taken  on  the  amendment, 
nd  it  was  defeated. 

Article    XIV    was    read. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio)  moved  to  strike  out 
11  reference  to  the  National  Committee  in 
ession,    where   it   occurs. 

Amendment    lost. 

DEL.     SLOBODIN     (N.     Y.)     offered    the 

llowing  as  an  addition  to  the  article,  to 
e  known  as  Section  3:  "Referendums  to 
evoke  or  amend  the  provisions  of  this 
onstitution  may  be  instituted  only  one 
ear  after  the  adoption  of  such  provi- 
ions." 


Amendment    adopted. 

Article  ,XVI.  The  Indiana  delegation 
submitted  a  new  section,  to  be  known  as 
Section  3,  as  follows:  "In  order  to  pre- 
vent the  misuse  of  the  party  name  by  par- 
ties calling  themselves  Socialists,  but  who 
are  not  members  of  the  party,  the  name 
'Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States' 
shall    be    copyrighted." 

Amendment    lost. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.)  moved  the  ad- 
dition of  the  following-  hew  section:  "The 
national  emblem  of  the  party  shall  be  the 
arm    and    torch." 

Amendment    lost. 

DEL.  McFALL  (N.  Y.)  moved  to  strike 
out  the  last  sentence  in  Section  2  of  Article 
X,  which  provides  for  revoking  the  charter 
of  a  state  when  the  membership  falls  be- 
low 150  per  month  for  any  six  consecutive 
months. 

Amendment    lost. 

DEL.  STRICKLAND  (Ohio)  then  moved 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  as  a  whole, 
with  the  exception  of  the  points  deferred. 
(Seconded.) 

The  motion  was  carried,  and  the  Consti- 
tution was  adopted  as  a  whole,  with  the 
exception    of   the    points    deferred. 

DEL.  SPARGO  moved  to  change  the  or- 
der of  the  day  and  take  up  the  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Immigration  this  after- 
noon. 

The  Chairman  held  that  the  motion  could 
not  be  entertained,   under   the  rules. 

TELEGRAM   FROM   COMRADE  DEBS. 

The  Secretary  read  a  telegram  from  Com- 
rade Eugene  V.  Debs,  accepting  the  nomi- 
nation   for    President. 

The  convention  then,  at  1:45  p.  m.,  ad- 
journed   for    one    hour. 


AFTERNOON   SESSION. 


Chairman  Goebel  called  the  convention 
o  order  at  2:45  p.  m. 

CONSTITUTION. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER:  At  the  preced- 
ng  session  I  offered  a  new  section  to  be 
dded  to  the  Constitution,  but  it  was  not 
cted  on.  It  was  just  an  omission,  that 
[s   all.' 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  is  no  objec- 
ion  we  will  put  it  to  a  vote.  The  Consti- 
ution  has  been  adopted  as  a  whole.  Is 
here  any  objection  to  reading  this  sec- 
ion?  There  is  none,  and  we  will  read  it 
ind  put  it  to  a  vote  now. 

The  Secretary  read  the  following:  A 
lew  section  to  be  added  to  the  Constitu- 
ion,  offered  by  Del.  Kate  Sadler  of  Wash- 
ngton:  "That  the  National  Executive  Com- 
nittee  shall  print  a  specific  statement  in 
he  Bulletin  of  all  moneys  expended  for 
>rinting  leaflets  and  books,  and  the  names 
f   the    same   and    their    authors." 

The   amendment   was   adopted. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio) :  I  rise  to  a  point  of 
nformation.  I  would  like  to  know  if  the 
)ld  Constitution  will  be  submitted  to  ref- 
jrendum    along    with    the    new. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     No,   it  will  not. 

The  Secretary  read  an  amendment  of- 
'ered  by  Del.  Meitzen  of  Texas,  provid- 
ng  that  members  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee shall  not  hold  office  for  more  than 
two    consecutive    terms. 

The    amendment    was    lost. 


COMPENSATION. 

DEL.  WHITE  (Mass.)  moved  that  the 
Secretary  and  Assistant  Secretaries  be  re- 
munerated at  the  rate  of  $4.00  per  diem 
for    the    days    of    the    convention. 

The  motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 

On  motion  of  Del.  Patterson  (Ohio), 
the  sergeants-at-arms  were  included  in 
the    same    motion. 

REPORT    OP    WOMAN'S    COMMITTEE. 

DEL.  LOWE  (111.),  of  the  Woman's  Na- 
tional Committee,  made  the  following  re- 
port on  behalf  of  the  committee: 

DEL.  LOWE:  Our  report  this  after- 
noon will  be  made  just  as  brief  as  pos- 
sible, and  I  think  it  will  arouse  no  dis- 
cussion and  in  that  way  we  can  dispose 
of  this  in  just  a  few  minutes,  I  believe. 
I  want  to  say  first  that  I  shall  report 
to  you  the  work  that  we  have  accom- 
plished during  the  past  two  years,  the 
result  of  the  work  of  the  Woman's  Com- 
mittee. Comrade  May  Wood  Simons  will 
present  to  you  the  recommendations  for 
the  coming  year.  We  believe  that  it  is 
necessary  that  the  delegates  to  this  con- 
vention carry  home  with  them  some  re- 
port of  the  work  that  we  have  done,  and 
it  has  been  proved  to  us  that  that  is 
necessary  because  of  the  motions  made 
by  our  comrade  from  Washington  this 
morning.  When  I  asked  him  whether  or 
not  he  had  read  the  report  which  has 
been  in  your  hands  since  last  Sunday, 
he  admitted  he  had  not,  and  I  will  ven- 
ture to  say  that  many  of  you  have  not. 
He    said    to    me,    "I    don't    believe    in    this 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


aggregation  of  women."  I  said,  "Neither 
do  we.  That  is  the  thing  we  are  fighting. 
The  thing  that  we  want  is  getting  the 
women  right  into  the  Socialist  party  lo- 
cals side  by  side  with  the  men."  (Ap- 
plause.) We  do  not  want  separate  organi- 
zations of  women.  The  Socialist  party 
would  have  no  more  control  over  sepa- 
rate organizations  of  women  than  it 
would  have  over  separate  organizations 
of  men,  none  whatever.  We  simply  want 
to  have  the  women  members  of  your  lo- 
cals elected  by  you  to  a  woman's  com- 
mittee, whose  special  duty  it  is  to  carry 
on  the  propaganda  work,  the  educational 
work  among  the  wives  and  the  daughters 
of  the  members  of  the  locals,  and  the 
women  who  are  sympathizers  and  inter- 
ested in  the  movement.  That  is  the  pur- 
pose of  our  organization;  and,  working 
along  those  lines,  on  broad  general  plans, 
during  the  latter  part  of  1910  and  1911, 
we  have  accomplished  this,  and  I  shall 
read   this   to    you.* 

RECOMMENDATIONS. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Vice-Chairman  Com- 
rade Simons  will  now  read  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  National  Woman  s 
Committee.  

DEL.  MAY  WOOD  SIMONS:  The  Na- 
tional Woman's  Committee  wishes  to  put 
these  recommendations  before  you  for 
your  consideration.  Two  years  ago,  when 
the  national  conference  was  held,  vari- 
ous women  in  various  parts  of  the  coun 
try  were  appointed  by  the  National  Wo- 
man's Committee  to  make  a  special  study 
of  various  phases  of  propaganda  as  it 
affects  women,  and  these  women  have, 
with  only  one  exception,  reported  to  the 
National  Woman's  Committee,  and  it  is 
their  recommendations  as  finally  worked 
over  by  the  National  Woman's  Committee 
that  are  being  presented  to  you  today. 
Our  first  recommendation  is  upon  the 
propaganda    among    housewives: 

RECOMMENDATION     ON     PROPAGANDA 
AMONG  HOUSEWIVES. 
The   committee    recognizes:      1.   The   ne- 
cessity   of    bringing    the    message    of    So- 
cialism   to    the    housewives   of   the    nation. 

2.  That  the  first  duty  of  the  housewife, 
while  her  children  are  young,  is  toward 
these  children,  her  husand  and  her  home. 

3.  That  owing  to  this  fact,  agitation  is 
particularly  difficult  because'  housewives 
who  are  tied  to  their  homes  cannot  go 
to  meetings  and  do  not  even  care  to  do  so. 

Therefore,  the  committee  recognizes 
that  these  housewives  can  be  reached 
chiefly  by  means  of  literature,  which 
must  be  simple  and  short,  and  prove  to 
the  housewife  that  the  salvation  of  her 
family  lies  in  the  direction  of  Socialism; 
and 

The  committee  recommends  that  liter- 
ature appealing  to  the  housewife  should 
take  the  home  as  the  starting  point  and 
prove  that  capitalism  destroys  the  home, 
and  that  Socialism  will  rebuild  the  same 
on  a  more  substantial  basis  by  making 
both  men  and  women  economically  inde- 
pendent. 

The  committee  finally  suggests  that  the 
literary  propaganda  be  supplemented  by 
individual  work  by  Socialist  men  and 
women  in  the  homes  and  in  social  gath- 
erings of  non-Socialist  women,  especially 
of  the   women   of   the   working  class. 

RECOMMENDATION     ON     PROPAGANDA 
AMONG    FARMERS'    WIVES. 
In  view  of  the  fact,  that  the  woman  on 
the  farm  is  the  most  isolated  of  any  so- 


cial  group,    she    is   less   conscious    of   hei 
social    interdependence. 

We  recommend  that  all  literature  cir- 
culated in  this  group  be  of  such  nature 
as  to  point  out  clearly  the  exploitation  * 
of  her  individual  industry  and  the  rapid 
centralization  of  the  farm  and  its  prod- 
ucts into  the   hands  of  a   few. 

We  further  recommend  that  a  sys- 
tematic canvass  be  made  for  the  names 
of  farmers'  wives  and  that  this  list  be 
used  in  the  systematic  distribution  of 
such  literature  as  will  appeal  to  her. 

RECOMMENDATION  ON  WORK  AMONG 
FOREIGN   SPEAKING   WOMEN. 

Women  of  the  working  class  who  come 
to  our  shores  from  other  countries  may 
be  classified  into  two  general  divisions: 

Socialists   and    Non-Socialists. 

This  naturally  divides  the  work  of  this 
department    into    two    general    heads: 

1.  Work   among    foreign    speaking    wo- " 
men    who    are    already     Socialists.       This 
work  consists  in  educating  and  informing 
them  as  to  our  political  methods  and   the  ^ 
importance   of   Suffrage   for  Woman.      The 
propaganda    for    woman's    ballot    will    not 
only  be  helpful  to  women,  but  it  will  also 
inspire  the  women  to  urge  their  men  rela-  . 
fives   to  become  citizens  as   soon  as   pos- 
sible. 

Plan   of  Work: 

We  recommend  a  leaflet  explaining  the  ! 
ballot    as    a    factor    in    securing    political  ij 
power  for  the  working  class,  and  the  im-  ] 
portance  of  the  right  of  suffrage  and  the 
necessity  of  taking  an  active  part  in   the 
campaigns  for  the  extension  of  franchised 
rights. 

2.  That    we    request   all   translators    to  I 
give   out  all   our   plans   of  work  and  sug- 
gestions   to   the   locals   and   branches,    and  ' 
as    far    as    possible    translate    our   leaflets. 

3.  That  they  in  turn  give  us  an  English 
translation  of  all  plans  and  methods  em- 
ployed   in    their   work   among   women. 

WORK  AMONG  NON-SOCIALIST  FOR- 
EIGN  SPEAKING  WOMEN. 
The  foreign  speaking  woman  must  be 
reached  with  our  propaganda.  This  is 
important,  not  only  for  her  own  sake,  but 
because  of  the  influence  she  exerts  in  her 
•own    home. 

Plan    of   Work:— 

1.  We  recommend  a  series  of  articles 
explaining  why  the  foreigner  does  notf 
find  the  opportunity  and  liberty  in  this 
country  he  had  anticipated,  and  show  how 
the  workers  have  the  same  struggle  in 
the    United    States    as    in    other    countries. 

2.  We  recommend  the  publication  of 
the  list  of  foreign  leaflets  and  periodicals 
and  where  they  may  be  obtained,  so  our 
English  speaking  women  may  know  where 
and  what  they  can  get  to  distribute  among 
the   foreign   speaking   women. 

3.  We  recommend  the  distribution  of 
leaflets  dealing  with  the  conditions  the 
foreigner  will  find  in  this  country  and 
giving  information  concerning  the  Social- 
ist party  and  its  work  in  foreign  ports 
among  the  people  embarking  for  Amer- 
ica. This  will  necessitate  the  co-opera- 
tion with  our  comrades  in  other  lands, 
and  give  us  some  definite  work  in  estab- 
lishing a  closer  international  bond  of  ac- 
tivity. 

4.  We  recommend  that  special  effort 
be  made  to  organize  the  foreign  speaking 
women  on  the  economic  field  where  they 
are  employed  in  the  industrial  world,  and 


♦The  Report  is  printed,  in  full  in  Appen- 
dix I. 


"  v; 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


161 


i 


t  all  leaflets  printed  in  English  on  this 
>ject  relative  to  the  importance  of 
men  organizing  in  unions,  be  translated 
1  distriouted  among  the  people  where 
y  are  needod. 
)EL.  SIMONS:  The  next  recommenda- 
i  is  on  the  Teachers'  Section.     The  rea- 

we  have  brought  this  in  is  because 
far  the   work   of   the   Teachers'   Bureau 

been  handled  by  the  National  office. 
a    recommendation    is    as    follows: 

RECOMMENDATION. 

Establishment    of    Municipal    Bureau. 
(Teachers.) 
'here  is  a  rapidly  /rowing  demand  upon 

part  of  the  new}  r  elected  officials  for 
ormation  upon  thj  municipal  problems 
,t  confront  them.  At  the  present  time 
ire   is   no   provision   in   the  National  Of- 

for  supplying  this  demand.     The  pres- 

Teachers'  Bureau,  which  has  been  in 
stence  eight  months,  is  attempting  to 
swer  but  one  of  the  municipal  prob- 
is  which  our  officials  must  £ace. 
TVe  believe  that  this  department  in  the 
tional  Office  should  be  enlarged  into  a 
hnicipal  Bureau,  having  for  its  purpose 
i  securing  of  information  upon  all  mu- 
rtpal  problems. 
CVe    therefore    recommend    that    this    be 


DEL.  SIMONS:  Our  next  recommenda- 
n  is  on  the  question  of  the  suffrage, 
d  I  consider  that  to  some  extent  this 
one  of  the  most  important  recommen- 
tions   we   have   to   make   before   you   to- 

.     I  am  at  present  living  in   the  state 

Kansas.      This   fall   we    shall    have    the 

stion  of  the  suffrage  before  the  peo- 
i  of  the  state  of  Kansas,  and  there  is 
tie  doubt  that  it  will  be  granted,  and 
it    full    suffrage    will    belong    to    women 

that  state.  The  same  question  is  corn- 
s' before  other  states,  and  I  consider  it 
great  importance,  because  my  own  per- 
lal  experience  has  been,  in  these  towns 

Kansas  where  women  already  have  the 
micipal  ballot,  that  the  women  need 
great  deal  of  education.  There  is  no 
ubt  that  women  will  have  the  ballot  in 
very  short  time.  It  is  also  important 
cause  we  have  not  up  to  this  time  suffi- 
ntly  extended  our  propaganda  among 
)men.  We  find  that  the  ballot  will  be 
pen  to  women,  and  then  we  will  have  a 
ry  large  task  to  educate  them  in  the  use 

the  ballot.  This  is  our  recommenda- 
n: 

'Whereas,  Woman  suffrage  amendments 
11  be  submitted  to  the  voters  in  Wis- 
hsin,  Michigan,  Kansas,  Oregon  and 
do,  we  earnestly  urge  upon  the  mem- 
rship  in  these  states  the  importance  of 
iking  this  a  leading  issue  in  this  cam- 
ign.  All  speakers,  literature  agents, 
ganizers,  canvassers,  watchers  and 
>rkers  of  all  kinds  should  be  instructed 

give  this  measure  their  especial  atten- 
n.'"      (Applause.) 

T  want  to  say  that  I  cannot  tell  you 
w  serious  I  think  this  is,  because  we 
ve  just  closed   a  campaign   in   the   town 

which  I  live,  in  which  campaign  the 
cialists  were  defeated  because  of  the 
ct  that  we  had  not  sufficiently  educated 
e  women  how  to  use  their  ballots.  I 
lieve  that  at  this  time  this  convention 
ould  wake  up  to  the  fact  that  we  are 
ing  to  have  the  vote  very  soon,  and 
ur  propaganda  work  among  women 
ust  be  carried  on  with  the  greatest  en- 
gy.      (Applause.) 

The  last  recommendation  of  the  Com- 
ittee  is  on  the  subject  of  White  Slavery: 


Whereas,  The  houses  of  infamy  which 
are  protected  by  the  capitalist  govern- 
ments of  the  cities  of  the  United  States 
are  not  only  destructive  of  the  physical 
health  and  moral  conscience  of  the  peo- 
ple, but  are  the  means  of  a  most  shame- 
ful  slavery   for   young   girls  as   well;    and 

Whereas,  It  has  been  shown  by  official 
investigation  that  large  numbers  of 
young  girls  are  taken  into  those  places 
by  lures,  tricks,  frauds  and  even  by  force. 
That  the  hunting,  deluding,  entrapping 
and  capturing  of  working  girls,  solely  for 
inmates  of  segregated  districts  of  vice,, 
has  become  a  regular  established  busi- 
ness followed  by  large  numbers  of  men 
in  the  country.  That  while  such  business 
is  forbidden  by  law,  it  is  protected  by 
the  officials  who,  for  the  protection,  share 
the  profits.  That  while  capitalist  officials 
boast  of  standing  for  "law  and  order"  and 
for  making  all  things  constitutional,  they, 
at  the  same  time,  establish  those  districts 
where  not  only  statutory  law  and  the  con- 
science of  the  land  is  broken,  but  every 
noble  impulse  of  the  human  conscience  is 
violated;    and 

Whereas,  The  attempted  hygienic  value 
of  such  segregation  and  regulation  has 
been  shown  a  failure,  the  highest  medi- 
cal authorities  here  and  in  Europe  are 
condemning  it  in  unstinted  terms  (As 
Dr.  Prince  A.  Morrow  of  New  York;  Drs. 
Lesser,  Neisser  and  Blascho  of  Germany; 
Drs.  Mauriac  aftd  Fournier  of  France,  and 
the  highest  medical  authorities  cf  Eng- 
land and  the  Scandinavian  countries);  and 

Whereas,  It  is  distinctively  class  ques- 
tion, as  working  girls  form  99  per  cent 
of  the  victims,  and  as  the  "segregating" 
consists  in  appointing  an  area  in  the  very 
poorest  districts  of  the  city  where  the  evil 
may  go  t>n  with  official  help  for  keepers 
and  procurers,  thus  becoming  a  constant 
menace  to  the  poor  who  must  live  in  such 
districts:  their  children,  girls  and  boys 
alike  early  falling  victims  to  this  worst 
of    capitalist    protected    vices;    and 

Whereas,  The  men  engaged  in  this  traf- 
fic combine  with  big  business  for  protec- 
tion, and  big  business  protects  them  in 
turn  for  the  votes  fraudulent  and  other- 
wise that  they  give  to  the  machine.  There- 
fore   be   it 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  delegates  of  the 
National  Socialist  Party  of  America,  in 
convention  assembled,  do  hereby  proclaim 
our  unremitting  hostility  to  such  institu- 
tions; that  we  urge  our  members  in  all 
the  cities  of  the  land  to  make  insistent 
and  urgent  protest  against  such  segre- 
gation and  despoliation  of  helpless  wom- 
anhood; that  we  demand  the  enforce- 
ment of  law;  and  further  be  it 

Resolved,  That  where  Socialist  admin- 
istrations be  elected  in  cities  they  imme- 
diately abolish  such  districts,  extend  care 
and  protection  to  the  unhappy  women  in- 
mates, and  prosecute  vigorously  all  keep- 
ers, procurers  and  others  engaged  in  this 
most  infamous  business;  and  further  be  it 

Resolved,  That  we  use  our  power  to  se- 
cure legislation  requiring  physicians  to 
report  all  cases  of  venereal  diseases,  and 
that  a  public  record  be  kept  of  the  same; 
and  also  make  it  a  felony  for  any  person 
not  a  regularly  licensed  physician,  to  treat 
such  diseases. 

Resolved,  That  while  we  recognize  that 
prostitution  is  a  by-product  of  capitalism, 
we  recommend  this  measure  as  one  which 
will  hamper  the  cadet  in  his  right  to  take 
profits  from  the  unfortunate  woman,  and 
to  show  our  contempt  for  the  miserable 
substitute  for  a  home  offered  by  the  mas- 
ters  to   our   workingmen;    and   we   further 


/ 

/       162 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION. 


Recommend,  That  to  the  end  that  our 
and  girls  may  be  better  able  to  pro- 
tect themselves,  instruction  in  sex  hygiene 
be    carefully    given    in    all    public    schools. 

The  reading  of  the  recommendations 
was    received    with    great    applause. 

DEL.  SIMONS:  I  move  that  these  rec- 
ommendations be  accepted  by*  the  conven- 
tion.     (.Seconded.) 

DEL.  MALKIEL  (N.  Y.) :  I  move  that 
they  be  taken  up  and  discussed  seriatim, 
because  there  are  a  number  of  things  that 
have    to    be    discussed.       (Seconded.) 

DEL.  LONDON  (N.  Y.):  I  move  as  an 
amendment  that  the  recommendations  of 
the  Woman's  Commfttee  be  referred  to  the 
National  Executive  Committee.  If  that 
motion  is  seconded  I  will  explain  why  I 
make    that    motion. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  A  point  of  or- 
der. There  is  a  motion  made  and  prop- 
erly before  the  house,  and  this  amend- 
ment has  no  relation  whatever  to  the 
proposition    before    the    house. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  would 
rule  the  motion  out  of  order  at  this  time. 
The    amendment    is    before    us. 

DEL.  LONDON:  Is  the  motion  to  refer 
out  of  order? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  To  the  National  Ex- 
ecutive Committee,  yes.  I  believe  this  re- 
port is  before  the  convention  and  should 
be  acted  on. 

DEL.  LONDON:  It  is  an  amendment  to 
the    amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  An  amendment  to 
the  amendment  is  in   order. 

DEL.  LONDON:  That  is  what  I  made, 
an  amendment  to  the  amendment,  in  the 
nature   of   an   amendment. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  made  a  motion 
to   refer.      That   is    not   an    amendment. 

DEL.  LONDON:  Then  I  make  it  as  a 
substitute. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Substitutes  have 
been  ruled  out  of  order  under  Robert's 
Rules    of    Order    by    this    convention. 

DEL.  LONDON:     Not  at  all. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Let  us  understand 
the  status  of  things.  We'  have  had  the 
report  of  the  Woman's  Committee.  The 
Secretary  will  please  state  just  how  the 
things  stand. 

SEC.  REILLY:  The  motion  is  that  the 
report  and  recommendations  of  the  com- 
mittee be  adopted.  Amendment  by  Mal- 
kiel  of  New  York,  to  take  up  the  recom- 
mendations   seriatim. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  is  on 
the  amendment. 

The    previous    question    was    ordered. 

DEL.  MALKIEL:  I  am  speaking  for 
the  amendment:  You  are  getting  ready  to 
go  home,  but  don't  forget  that  this  mat- 
ter is  more  important  and  of  greater  sig- 
nificance than  a  good  many  if  not  most 
of  the  matters  you  have  voted  on  up  till 
now.  You  don't  realize  it.  The  woman's 
question  is  the  greatest  question  that  con- 
fronts the  Socialist  party.  Within  four  or 
five  years  the  United  States  will  enfran- 
chise women  in  every  single  state.  For 
the  present  it  is  the  greatest  question  be- 
fore the  Socialist  movement  in  this  coun- 
try, and  if  you  do  not  realize  it  now  you 
will  later  on  when  it  will  be  entirely  too 
late.  I  appeal  to  you,  before  you  go,  to 
give  this  consideration.  There  are  a  num- 
ber of  recommendations  made  there.  They 
are  not  made  just  for  the  purpose  of  corn- 
ins:  here  and  presenting  them  to  you. 
They  are  made  for  the  purpose  of  your 
serious  discussion  and  consideration. 
There  are  a  good  many  other  points  that 
will  be  up  today  before  you,  among  them 
the  immigration  question,  which  faces  you 


after  this  report   is  disposed  of.     We 

sending  missionaries  to  China,  while 
are  leaving  women  in  ignorance  at  homd 
You  have  in  your  midst  six  million  womel 
who  have  neither  fathers  nor  husband! 
nor  brothers  to  shape  their  ideas  and  theil 
views,  and  the  minute,  they  get  a  voti 
they  will  use  it  against  the  Socialist 
party.  Therefore,  I  say  to  you,  considef 
them  before  you  decide  not  to  take  up 
this  report  seriatim  and  to  vote  it  dowm 

DEL.  SIMONS:  These  recommendation 
represent  the  work  during  the  past  fe^| 
years  of  women  from  all  over  the  couni 
try  who  are  not  present  at  this  conven* 
tion.  We  drew  the  report  up  in  as  briel 
form  as  we  possibly  could.  I  am  no\i 
speaking  for  the  Woman's  Committee.  Wl 
are  perfectly  satisfied,  if  you  so  desirS 
that  you  vote  for  this  report  as  a  wholel 
and  we  do  not  ask  you  to  take  it  up  seril 
atim.  For  my  part,  I  think  we  havi 
touched  upon  every  phase  of  the  question 
that  we  possibly  can.  We  have  tried  t<j 
make  it  short  and  concise  so  that  thesl 
recommendations  can  be  carried  out.  Fol 
my  part,  I  am  speaking  for  the  committel 
against  taking  this  up  and  considering 
each  item.  We  are  perfectly  satisfied  il 
you  take  it  as  it  stands.     (Applause.) 

DEL.    LONDON:     A    point    of    order.     I 
want  a   ruling  front   the   Chairman   befdri 
we   vote. 
»     THE  CHAIRMAN:     What  is  your  point! 

DEL.  LONDON:  My  point  of  order  ii 
that  in  the  report  submitted  by  the  Woral 
an's  Committee  there  are  recommendation^ 
which  involve  things  contradictory  to  tha 
resolutions  adopted  by  this  convention 
and  I  want  it  understood  and  want  an  in! 
telligent  vote. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  must  de- 
cide that  you  are  making  a  speech  under; 
the   guise   of  a   point   of  order. 

DEL.  LONDON:  One  moment.  I  want  a 
ruling. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  My  ruling  is  thai 
you  are  not  in  order  at  this  time  witfl| 
your   point   of   order. 

DEL.  LONDON:  I  ask  you  for  a  ruling. 
Permit  me  to  state  my  question  and  asl 
you   for  a   ruling. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  Comrade  Londoii 
will  give  the  Chair  a  chance 

DEL.  LONDON:  Will  you  please  give 
me  a  chance? 

THE    CHAIRMAN:       I    will    give   you    a 

DEL.'  LONDON:  I  want  to  ask  a  ques- 
tion, and  you  do  not  permit  me  to  ask  it: 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  ndw ■ 

DEL.  LONDON:  I  appeal  from  your  de- 
cision. I  will  not  be  gagged  or  hum-, 
bugged.     I  appeal   from   your   decision. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  the  appeal  sec- 
onded? 

The  appeal  was  seconded,  and  Vice- 
Chairman  Edwards  took  the  Chair. 

THE  VICE  -  CHAIRMAN:  State  the 
ground  of  your  appeal. 

DEL.  LONDON:  I  am  anxious  to  get 
away  from  here.  It  is  a  sacrifice  to  ma 
to  stay  away  from  a  busy  man's  office; 
and  I  do  not  want  to  waste  time.  I  dd 
not  want  this  convention  to  make  a  mis4 
take  when  we  are  all  worn  out  and  tired 
out  and  hungry  and  ready  to  go.  There! 
are  things  here  which  may  involve  a  conj 
tradiction  of  the  action  that  we  hava 
taken.  Therefore,  I  wanted  to  get  this 
straight.  I  wanted  to  ask  the  Chairmari 
this  question:  Will  the  adoption  of  the 
report  of  the  Woman's  Committee  mean 
that  we  have  repealed  the  resolutions 
which  we  have  heretofore  adopted,  or  will' 
it  mean  the  adoption   of  only   such   partS; 


[ 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


163 


e  recommendation  as  will  not  con- 
st the  resolutions  previously  adopted? 
it  a  sensible  question  to  ask?  That 
sensible  question  to  ask.  Even  a 
man  coming  from  New  Jersey  should 
sense  enough  to  permit  such  a  ques- 

33  CHAIRMAN  (Del.  Goebel):  The 
•man  is  perfectly  satisfied,  no  matter 
you  vote  on  the  appeal.  I  am  here  on 
ast  day,  knowing  that  we  have  got 
;ess  enough  to  take  ten  hours.  Now, 
delegates  must  leave'  by  six.  I  am 
g  to  express  the  will  of  the  house.  I 
ve  it  is  the  sentiment  of  the  house 
y  business  quickly.  Comrade  London 
others  have  a  line  of  action  along 
lines  contrary  to  this  sentiment,  and 
jfore  I  knew  I  was  not  unfair  in  mak- 

the   ruling   I    did.     I    am    satisfied,    no 
er    how    you    vote    on    the    appeal. 
\ote    was    taken    and    the    Chair    was 

lined.     Del.   Goebel   then   resumed   tha 

r. 

IE    CHAIRMAN:       The   matter   before 

house,   in  order   that  you   may   under- 

d   what   you   are   voting   on,    will   now 

ead  by  the  Secretary. 

]C.   REILLY:     Motion  that  the  recom- 

dations    be    adopted.      Amendment    of- 

d  by  Malkiel  of  New  York  to  take  up 

recommendations   seriatim. 

EL.  LONDON:     A  question  of  inforraa- 
before   we  vote.     I   want   to   vote    in- 

gently.     I   want   information    before   1 

HE   CHAIRMAN:     It  may   be   that   the 
gate   from   New   York   needs   informa- 

EL.  LONDON:  I  do  need  it,  and  you 
3  a  great  deal  of  it  too.  I  ask  this 
stlon,  Comrade  Chairman:  I  am  ready 
kote  for  the  adoption  of  the  Woman's 
9rt.  Will  the  adoption  of_the  report 
the  Woman's  Committee  mean  the  re- 
1  of  such  resolutions  previously  adopt- 
as  contradict  the  recommendations  of 
Woman's  Committee?  Will  you  please 
wer   that    question? 

HE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  will  rule 
t  nothing  which  has  already  been  act- 
upon  and  adopted  could  be  changed  in 
r  way  without  a  motion  to  reconsider. 
Isrefore  nothing  could  be  adopted  at  this 
ie  that  conflicts  with  anything  already 
)€,  without  such  a  motion  to  reconsider. 
?he  amendment  to  take  up  the  recom- 
ndations  seriatim  was  then  lost. 
?he  motion  to  refer  to  the  National  Ex- 
itive  Committee  was  lost. 
:>EL.  SLOBODIN:  I  move  to  insert  after 
j  words  "a  large  number  of  men,"  the 
rds  "and  women;'  (Seconded.) 
DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  I  rise  to  a 
int  of  order.  The  orevious  question  had 
sn  ordered,  and  this  amendment  and  de- 
te  are  out  of  order. 

rHE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  is  a  little 
doubt  as  to  whether  the  previous  ques- 
>n  did  cover  this.  The  matter  before  the 
use  is  the  motion  to  adopt  as  a  whole, 
I  understand  it.  Comrade  Slobodin  of- 
rs  an  amendment.  Is  that  true?  I  think 
mrade  Slobodin  is  in  order,  but  I  hope 
one  will  take  advantage  of  .this  rul- 
er any  more  than  can  be  helped. 
DEL.  MALKIEL:  I  want  to  move  as  an 
lendment  that  the  resolution  on  White 
ivery  be  read  over  once  more. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  is  no  objec- 
>n.  the  Secretary  will  read  it. 
DEL.  THOMPSON:  I  move  the  previous 
estion. 

Seconded   and    carried. 

SEC.     REILLY:        The     amendment     by 
obodin    of   New   York    is    to   add    to   the 


words  "a  large  number  of  men,"  the  words 
"and  women."  I  don't  know  just  where  it 
comes  in,  but  that  is  the  way  it  was  given. 

The  amendment  was  carried,  and  the 
amended  motion  to  adopt  the  report  as  a 
whole  was  then  cariied. 

DEL.  LOWE  (111.):  May  I  say  a  word 
on  behalf  of  the  Committee?  Comrade 
Meyer  London  explained  to  us  that  he 
feared  there  was  something  in  our  recom- 
mendations that  might  contradict  some 
action  on  something  that  was  already 
passed..  He  says  he  has  read  it  carefully 
since  and  that  there  is  not. 

rules'  of  order. 

DEL.  LEE  (N.  Y.):  Has  the  report  of 
the  Committee  been  disposed  of? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     It  has. 

DEL.  LEE:  Then  there  is  no  motion  be- 
fore the  house? 

THE  CHAIRMAN:      No. 

DEL.  LEE:  I  then  move  a  special  rule, 
and  I  understand  that  it  will  take  a  two- 
thirds  vote  to  carry  this  rule.  I  desire  to 
move  a  rule  and  to  say  a  few  words  in 
support  of  it.  I  move  that  no  action  taken 
by  the  convention  up  to  this  time  be  here- 
after reconsidered  by  the  convention,  un- 
less by  the  vote  of  a  majority  of  the  whole 
number  of  delegates  entitled  to  seats  in 
the  convention.  (Seconded.)  I  do  not  know 
with  what  truth,  but  it  has  been  said  this 
afternoon,  and  I  have  heard  it  from  vari- 
ous quarters,  that  there  would  be  an  at- 
tempt to  reconsider  Section  6  of  Article  II 
of  the  Constitution,  which  was  adopted 
yesterday  by  a  roll  call  vote  of  191  to  90, 
if  I  remember  right.  We  know  very  well 
that  under  gag  law  it  might  be  done.  We 
know  very  well  that  some  delegates  will 
have  to  go  home.  We  know  very  well  that 
the  longer  the  convention  goes  on  and 
the  longer  we  stay  the  greater  the  danger 
of  its  action  being  unrepresentative.  I 
want  to  say  that  if  there  is  no  intention 
to  take  such  advantage  at  such  an  hour, 
then  the  comrades  will  not  oppose  this. 
The  rules  will  work  no  injustice.  The 
rules  will  do  nothing  but  to  maintain  the 
well-considered  and  recorded  sentiments 
of  this  convention  and  to  prevent  any  in- 
judicious or  ill-advised  comrade  from  pre- 
cipitating a  scandal  in  the  last  davs  of  the 
convention  which  would  give  the  laugh  to 
the  telegram  from  our  presidential  candi- 
date that  we  so  heartily  applauded  this 
morning. 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  I  second  the 
motion. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Let  the  Secretary 
read  the  motion. 

SEC.  REILLY:  "Motion  by  Lee  of  New 
York,  that  no  action  taken  by  the  conven- 
tion up  to  this  time  be  hereafter  reconsid- 
ered by  the  convention  unless  by  a  vote  of 
a.  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  dele- 
gates entitled  to  seats  in  the  convention." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  wants  to 
say  this.  The  Chair  is  going  to  make  a 
statement, — 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Pa.):  I  would  just 
like  to  make  a  statement. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Let  me  make  my 
statement.  I  want  to  make  a  suggestion. 
This  is  what  I  started  to  sav:  Comrade 
Lee  has  been,  like  myself,  on  orte  side  of 
this  question.  He  has  spoken  for  that  side. 
I  think  they  want  fair  play  as  much  as  I 
want  it. 

DEL.  WHEELER:  I  just  want  to  make 
this  statement  on  this  matter.  Now  all  has 
been  said  and  done,  and  there  is  absolutely 
no  person  on  this  side  objecting  in  any 
particular  to  what  has  been  done.  There  is 
no  person   on   this   side  endeavoring  to  go 


; 


164 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


about  and  try  to  reconsider.  We  do  not 
want  to  do  such  a  thing.  (Applause.) 
Speaking'  of  tricks,  we  do  not  have  to  use 
tricks.  We  are  perfectly  satisfied  with  the 
action  you  took  yesterday.  I  am  sure  you 
will  agree,  when  you  have  had  time  to 
consider  it,  that,  considering  the  stand  we 
have  consistently  taken  in  this  convention 
and  before  we  came  to  this  convention, 
that  we  could  not  have  acted  in  any  other 
manner  than  we  acted  when  we  voted 
against  that  section.  We  having  been  in 
the  minority  and  being  thus  placed  on 
record,  we  have  no  purpose  in  seeking  a 
reconsideration.  What  some  other  com- 
rades are  fearing  has  something  to  do  with 
another  proposition,  and  not  with  this  con- 
vention. I  want  to  say  for  the  younger 
element  of  those  representing  us  here,  that 
although  you  may  not  believe  it  now,  we 
acted  in  perfect  good  faith,  and  we  have 
the  interests  of  this  party  at  stake  as  well 
as  any  men  with  white  hair.  (Applause.) 
I  want  to  say  furthermore,  and  I  am  not 
saying  it  with  bitterness,  nor  am  I  say- 
ing it  with  a  feeling  of  desire  to  get  back 
at  anybody — I  hope  I  am  beyond  any  such 
thing  as  that — I  want  to  say  this,  that  as 
the  comrade  back  there  said,  there  is  no 
use  denying  things;  it  has  been  mentioned 
around  here;  it  has  been  spoken  in  the 
corridor;  it  has  been  spoken  on  the  plat- 
form that  there  might  be  aT  trick.  Now,  we 
never  had  such  a  thing  in  our  minds.  (Ap- 
plause.) And  when  we  go  from  here  we 
will  put  every  ounce  of  energy  we  have 
into  the  campaign  as  well  as  you.  (Ap- 
plause.) I  am  sure  my  Comrade  Lee — and 
I  would  say  that  I  am  not  putting  any  soft 
soap  on  him — I  have  known  him  a  long 
time  and  I  admire  the  work  he  has  done — I 
am  sure  my  good  Comrade  Lee  will  now 
consider  that  some  of  his  remarks  were  not 
to  the  point.  We  represent  this  side  of 
the  proposition.  You  will  all  agree  that 
we  have  a  perfect  right  to  our  opinion,  and 
I  am  sure  you  would  have  no  respect  for  us 
if  we  had  not  done  what  we  did  yesterday; 
and  now,  if  we  tried  some  petty  scheme  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  a  momentary  ad- 
vantage, you  might  have  some  cause  for 
discontent,  but  we  are  not  going  to  do  it. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  No;  we  are  going  out 
of   here    united.      That   is    what   it    means. 

DEL.  WHEELER:  If  you  feel  the  same 
way,  we  are  going  from  here  united. 

The  previous  question  was  ordered,  and 
the  motion  of  Del.  Lee  was  carried. 

CAMPAIGN  COMMITTEE. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Comrade  Hillquit  has 
a  supplementary  report  from  the  Commit- 
tee on  Constitution.  There  is  nothing  in 
order  but  Comrade  Hillquit  at  this  time. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  This  report,  Com- 
rades, does  not  deal  directly  with  the  Con- 
stitution. The  Constitution  deals  with  our 
permanent  form  of  organization.  The  sup- 
plementary report  which  we  submit  now 
deals  with  a  temporary  condition.  That  is 
the  reason  we  make  it  separate.  It  bears 
upon  the  campaign  before  us.  The  Com- 
mittee on  Constitution  finds  that  the  plan 
of  organization  submitted  by  the  Commit- 
tee and  adopted  by  you  will  not  enter  into 
force  until  after  the  campaign.  Meanwhile 
we  will  have  the  largest  and  I  hope,  most 
effective  campaign  before  us  that  we  have 
ever  had,  with  practically  no  National  Ex- 
ecutive Committee  to  conduct  it  unless  our 
committee  might  make  it  possible  to  meet 
once  or  at  most  twice  before  the  election. 
That  certainly  will  be  entirely  insufficient 
for  the  purpose  of  planning  and  carrying 
out  the  details  of  a  campaign  of  the  mag- 
nitude anticipated  by  us.  We  therefore 
recommend    that    this    convention    elect    a 


special  Campaign  Committee  of  five,  selei 
ing  persons  from  such  localities  as  vs 
make  it  convenient  for  them  to  meet  ofti 
say  about  once  a  month  to  start  with, 
once  every  two  weeks,  and  if  need  be  on 
a  week,  during  the  close  of  the  campai| 

We  also  and  particularly  recommend 
you  the  election  of  a  Campaign  Manag 
for  the  reason  that  the  regular  business 
the  National  office  is  such  today  that 
takes  every  moment  of  the  present  offi 
force  and  the  present  Secretary,  and  if  | 
desire  to  carry  on  a  vigorous  campaign, 
must  have  a  special  working  departme 
for  that  purpose.  This,  therefore,  is  o 
recommendation  submitted  to  you,  that  1 
now  proceed  to  elect  a  Campaign  Comm 
tee  and  a  Campaign  Manager  to  conduct 
campaign  in  conjunction  with  the  Natioij 
Executive  Committee,  after  probably  o 
conference  agreeing  upon  the  general  lin 

The  motion  was  seconded  and  carried, 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Shall  we  now  pi 
ceed  to  the  election?  Nominations  are 
order. 

DEL.  SLAYTON  (Pa.):  I  move  that  t 
election  of  the  Campaign  Chairman  be  Is 
in  the  hands  of  the  National  Executi 
Committee. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  The  National  Exec 
tive  Committee  had  the  matter  under  co 
sideration,  and  prefers  that  for  this  i] 
portant  position,  this  convention  make  t 
choice.  We  might  be  in  a  better  position 
elect  the  Committee,  but  we  wish  the  co 
vention  as  a  whole  to  elect  a  Campai 
Manager,  who  will  have  the  largest  i 
sponsibility  in  this  campaign,  and  whc 
position  will  be  much  more  fortified  if 
comes  with  the  sanction  of  this  large  a 
representative  body  rather  than  as  t 
choice  of  the  Executive  Committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  We  have  a  moti 
that  has  been  carried,  as  I  understands 
for  the  nomination  and  election  of  a  Cai 
paign  Committee  of  five  and  a  Campai 
Manager.  In  what  order  shall  we  ta 
them?  Campaign  Manager  first,  if  there 
no  objection: 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  desire  to  place 
nomination  for  this  position  Comrade 
Mahlon  Barnes.  (Seconded.)  In  doing 
I  wish  to  state  to  the  comrades  that  I  ha 
been  on  the  National  Executive  Committ 
a  number  of  years,  and  I  have  had  oppc 
tunity  and  occasion  to  observe  the  work 
Comrade  Barnes,  and  while  I  have  no  mc 
personal  attachment  to  Barnes  or  inter* 
in  the  matter  than  any  other  delegate, 
wish  to  say  that  my  colleagues  on  t 
National  Executive  Committee,  and  on  t 
several  committees  are  unanimous  in  t 
opinion  that  the  party  has  very  few  men, 
any  men  as  efficient,  as  painstaking,  as  6 
voted,  and,  on  the  whole,  as  fit  for  the  po; 
tion  as  Comrade  Barnes.  I  wish  to  sta 
also — speaking  now  personally  for  myse 
and  I  am  very  frank  in  this  matter- 
think  this  convention  and  this  party  ow 
a  reparation  to  Comrade  Barnes  becau 
of  the  campaign  of  slander  institut 
against  him  and  the  hunting  up  of  m£ 
ters  dead  and  buried  years  ago  and  th< 
publication  in  Socialist  papers.  I  thi: 
this  was  one  of  the  most  disgrace! 
things  ever  suffered  in  the  Socialist  par 
(Applause.)  I  think,  as  far  as  I  mys< 
am  concerned — I  do  not  care  whether  it 
wise,  whether  it  is  politic — I  think  eve 
man  among  us  is  entitled  to  justice,  a 
I  speak  for  Comrade  Barnes  because 
know  a  great  injustice  has  been  done  hi 
(Applause.) 

DEL.  MERRICK:  A  point  of  inform 
tion.  Do  I  understand  this  recommend 
tion,  that  this  is  the  action  of  the  Natior 
Executive  Committee? 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


165 


EL.  HILLQUIT:  No;  it  is  the  nomina- 
of  Delegate  Hillquit  from  New  York. 
EL.  MERRICK:  Not  the  nomination 
lames;  that  isn't  what  I  refer  to.  It  is 
recommendation  of  tne  committee. 
EL.  HILLQUIT:  Which  action? 
EL.  MERRICK:  The  recommendation, 
Barnes. 

EL.  HILLQUIT:  This  comes  from  the 
mittee  on  Constitution  and  also  from 
National  Executive  Committee. 
EL.  MERRICK:  With  the  endorse- 
t  of  the  National  Executive  Com- 
ee? 

EL.     HILLQUIT:       A     general     recom- 
xlation,  yes. 

HE  CHAIRMAN:  I  believe  Comrade 
quit  was  trying  to  make  the  point  that 
nomination  was  as  an  individual. 
EL.  PREVEY:  I  am  very  sorry  that 
laking  a  nomination,  Comrade  Hillquit 
also  to  make  a  speech.  Now,  I  desire 
lace  in  nomination  for  the  position  of 
paign  Manager  of  the  Socialist  party 
1912  a  man  who  probably  has  not  been 
s  close  touch  with  the  members  of  the 
lonal  Executive  Committee  as  Barnes, 
he  is  a'  man  that  has  had  some  ex- 
ence,  not  only  in  campaign  managing, 
also  in  executive  work  in  cities  and  in 
aging  local  campaigns,  and  knows 
ething  about  arranging  meetings.  I 
efore  place  in  nomination  as  Campaign 
ager  for  the  Socialist  party  Carl  D. 
mpson  of  AVisconsin.  (Applause.)  I 
'ry  that  Comrade  Hillquit  took  this 
ision   to  open   up   the  Barnes  case.     If 

rade  Barnes  is  again  placed  in  con- 
ion  with  the  National  office,  we  are  not 
lg  ahead  as  a  unified  Socialist  party  in 
ying  on  this  campaign.  Comrade 
quit  says  we  owe  something  to  Com- 
1  Barnes.  I  say  we  do  not  owe  some- 
g  to  Comrade  Barnes.  He  has  been 
for  his  services.  He  was  compelled 
esign  under  fire,  and  we  do  not  want  to 
pen   the  cape. 

HE  CHAIRMAN:  We  have  had  both 
s  as  far  as  one  nomination  is  con- 
ed. I  sugsrest  that  in  further  nom- 
ing  you  cut  out  all  reference  to  the 
linees'  private  affairs. 
EL.  MOTLEY  (Ida.):  I  just  want  to 
r  my  protest  against  a  delegate  on 
floor  bringing  up  things  that  have 
n  dead. 

EL.  MORRISON:  I  want  to  gro  on  rec- 
l  the  same  way.  The  comrade  had  no 
it  to  bring  that  in. 

delegate    placed    in    nomination    Del. 
meld  R.  Gaylord  of  Wisconsin. 
EL.   FURMAN    (N.   Y.):     I   nominate   a 
l    to    take    care    of  .the    eastern    states, 
us  Gerber. 

EL.  STRICLAND  (Ohio):  I  would  like 
>ut  in  nomination  a  comrade  whose  ex- 
tive  work  has  not  been  so  great  in  re- 
I  years,  but  which  is  just  as  good  as  it 
r  was,  a  comrade  whom  we  can  trust 
who  will  he  in  very  close  sympathy 
h  the  candidates.  .1  wish  to  nominate 
irade  Seymour  Stedman  of  Illinois. 
'PlauseJ 

EL.  GARVFTR  (Mo.V  T  desire  to  nom- 
te  William  M.  Brandt  of  St.  Louis. 
!'EL.  SLOBODIN  (N.  Y.):  I  nominate 
irade  Branstetter  of  Oklahoma. 
•EL.  CORY  (Wash.):  T  wish  to  place  m 
lination  ^r  comrade  Oeorere  H.  cJoebel. 
■EL.  GOEBEL:  Goebel  is  for  Barnes, 
.not  ashamed  of  it. 

delegate   nominated    Oscar  Amermger 
)klahoma.  _        _ ,        « 

he  nominations  were  then   closed,   ana 
list  of  nominees  was  read  for  accept- 


DEL.  BARNES:  I  can  only  say  that  I 
don't  want  a  job.  I  do  not  need  a  job,  bu,t 
if  I  can  be  of  any  service  to  the  party  in 
this    temporary    position    I    am    willing    to 

SLCCGP  t 

DEL.  THOMPSON:     I  decline. 
'      DEL.  GAYLORD:     I  have  got  both  hands 
full,  and  if  I  did  not  have  I  would  not  in- 
terfere with  Barnes.     He  needs  that  job. 

The  name  of  Comrade  Brandt  was  called, 
but  there  was  no  response. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Unless  they  are 
vouched   for,   they   won't  stand. 

DEL.  LARSEN  (111.):  Stedman  will  be 
unable  to  accept.  Therefore,  I  decline  Tor 
him. 

DEL.  GARVER:  I  nominated  Comrade 
Brandt  under  a  misapprehension  when 
you  were  calling  for  nominations.  I  with- 
draw the  name  of  Brandt. 

DEL.  BRANSTETTER:  Being  heartily 
in  accord  with  the  comrade  that  nom- 
inated Barnes,  I  decline. 

DEL.  GOEBEL:  I  echo  the  sentiments 
of  Branstetter. 

DEL.  AMERINGER:  Being  a  member  of 
the  supreme  court  that  tried  Barnest  I  de- 
cline. 

SEC.  REILLY:  That  leaves  one  nom- 
ination, J.  Mahlon  Barnes  of  Pennsylvania. 

On  motion  of  Del.  Solomon  of  New  York, 
Del.  Barnes  was  elected  Campaign  Man- 
ager by  acclamation. 

Nominations  were  then  called  for  for 
members  of  the  Campaign  Committee. 

NATIONAL    CAMPAIGN    COMMITTEE. 

The  following  nominations  were  made 
for  the  National  Campaign  Committee: 

Dan  Hoeran,  Ark. 

Carl  D.  Thompson,  Wis. 

James  Oneal,  Ind. 

Margaret  Prevey,  Ohio. 

Tom  Lewis,  Ore. 

Wm.  M.  Brandt,  St.  Loula. 

James  F.  Carey,  Mass. 

Dan  White,  Mass. 

J.  W.  Slayton,  Pa. 

W.  J.  Ghent,  Washington,  D.  C 

Anna  A.  Ma  ley,  Wash. 

Fred  Krafft.  N.  J. 

Stephen  M.  Reynolds,  Ind. 

S.  C.  Garrison,  Ind. 

J.   Stitt  Wilson,   Cal. 

W.   E.   Rodriguez,   111. 

A.  H.  Floaten,  Colo. 

L.  J.  Duncan,  Mont. 

J.  E.  Snyder,  Cal. 

O.  F.  Branstetter,  Okla. 

A.  M.  Simons,   Kans. 

A.  Germer,  111. 

Gustav  Strebel,  N.  Y. 

Mary  O'Reilly,  111. 

Alexander  Irvine,  Cal. 

Clyde  J.  Wright,  Neb. 

The  following  nominees  accepted: 

Hoaran.  Lewis,  Brandt,  White,  Slayton, 
Krafft,  Revnolds,  Garrison.  Wilson,  Rod- 
riguez, Duncan,  Snyder,  Branstetter  Si- 
mons, Wrlerht. 

DEL.  HILLQUIT:  I  wish  to  call  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  reason  for  the 
recommendation  for  the  election  of  this 
committee  was  that  the  members  of  the 
National  Executive  Committee  are  scat- 
tered all  over  the  United  States.  If  now 
we  are  to  elect  a  committee  from  Califor- 
nia and  New  York.  Oresron  and  New  Jer- 
sey we  are  duplicating  the  same  inefficient 
work.  m     .         _. 

DEL.  WILSON:  In  view  of  the  state- 
ment I  decline.  _  ._ 

DEL.  WHITE:  As  a  delegate  from  the 
Atlantic   Coast  I   decline. 

DEL.  RICHARDSON  (Cal.):  It  is  effici- 
ent work  that  we  want  out  of  this  com- 
mittee.    The  committee  will  have  to  be  In 


/ 


166 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


session  for  weeks  at  a  time  during  the 
campaign.  We  have  got  to  get  men  near 
headquarters,  as  well  as  men  competent  to 
do  the  work.  I  move  that  no  man  be 
elected  who  lives  more  than  5Q0  miles 
from    Chicago. 

A  DELEGATE:  I  suggest  to  save  time 
that  Comrade  Hillquit  give  us  a  list  of 
five  names   for  this  committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  would  not 
entertain  that  motion. 

DEL.  COLLINS  (Colo.):  I  move  that 
Seidel  and  Debs  be  allowed  to  choose  their 
own  campaign  committee. 

The  motion  by  Delegate  Collins  was 
tabled. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  I  move  that 
the  National  Executive  Committee  together 
with  the  nominees  for  President  and  Vice- 
President   select   the   campaign   committee. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  I  rise  to  a  point  of 
order.  We  have  gone  into  the  nomination 
of  committeemen,  and  now  we  are  over- 
turning  it. 

DEL.  PREVEY  (Ohio):  I  move  to 
amend  that  the  committee  be  elected  from 
those  nominated  here. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  It  is  absurd 
to  waste  an  hour  and  a  half  selecting  a 
committee  of  five.  My  motion  is  that  the 
National  Executive  Committee  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  presidential  and  vice  presi- 
dential nominees  select  from  the  nominees 
named  at  this  convention  five  to  be  the 
Campaign  Committee. 

The  motion   was   carried. 

DEL.  ZITT  (Ohio):  The  Ohio  delegation 
wants  to  be  recorded  as  opposing  the  in- 
troduction of  the  Barnes  matter,  not  the 
nomination  of  Barnes  but  the  speech  by 
Comrade  Hillquit. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Does  the  Comrade 
represent  Ohio? 

DEL.  STRICKLAND  (Ohio):  As  to  the 
introduction  of  the  Barnes  matter  I  re- 
gard it  as  unfortunate  and  agree  with  the 
delegates  from  Ohio. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Delegate  Goebel 
from  New  Jersey  wants  to  be  recorded  as 
saying  that  when  a  sneak  who  is  not  capa- 
ble of  a  fair  fight,  in  an  underhanded 
manner  circulates  lies  against  a  man, 
Goebel  wishes  to  go  on  record  as  endorsing 
all  that  Hillquit  said. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  I  wish  to  be 
recorded  as  protesting  against  the  intro- 
duction of  the  Barnes  matter  while  voting 
for  Comrade  Barnes  as  Campaign  Man- 
ager. 

DEL.  PROSSER  (Pa.):  I  also  want  to 
be   recorded. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  rules  that 
all  of  you  who  wish  to  be  recorded,  can 
come  up  here  and  read  your  names  to  the 
Secretary. 

EDITING. 

On  motion  a  committee  of  two  was  ap- 
pointed  to  edit  the  report  of  the  commit- 
tee,   making   only   such    changes   as   might 
be  necessary  for  that  purpose. 
PLATFORM. 

The  Committee  on  Platform  further  rec- 
ommended that  plank  14  of  the  Political 
Demand  be  changed  to  read:  "The  enact- 
ment of  further  measures  for  the  conserva- 
tion of  health." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Is  there  any  objec- 
tion  to  the  adoption  of  this  clause? 

DEL.  PATTERSON  (Ohio):  A  point  of 
Order.  This  can  not  be  changed  without  a 
vote  by  a  majority  of  the  whole  conven- 
tion. 

By  consent  the  section  as  recommended 
by  the  committee  was  adopted. 

DEL.  STRICKLAND:  I  want  to  rise  to 
a  question  of  personal  privilege.     While  I 


regretted  the  introduction  of  the  Bi 
matter  I  want  it  understood  that  I  aj 
with  him  on  the  main  proposition  wb 
was  brought  up.  I  think  that 
character  assassination  of  which 
"Christian  Socialist"  was  guilty  wai 
famous. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  b 
the  house  is  on  this  fourteenth  plan 
the  platform. 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Cal.):  I  wan 
know  if  that  doesn't  change  the  v 
subject  matter. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont.):     It  does. 

DEL.  WHEELER:  I  certainly  obje 
that  change..  It  strikes  at  the  very  \ 
of  the  whole  thing.  We  had  it  a*et 
the  othe*  night  and  it  was  carried  by 
to  one  to  put  that  amendment  in  thef€ 
our  delegation  are  going  to  see  thi 
stays  there  if  we  have  any  influence. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  In  order  to  < 
this  it  will  require  a  majority  of  the  -vi 
convention. 

On  motion  the  whole  matter  was  lai 
the  table. 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):    I  have 
port  to  present. 

IMMIGRATION. 

DEL.  SPARGO  (Vt.):  We  have  ai 
der  of  business  adopted  here  and  I  ] 
that  the  reporters  on  Immigration  be 
heard  and  that  when  they  are  so  hear 
close  the  debate  and  proceed  to  a  vote 

The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  I  move 
the  Committee  on  Immigration  be 
tinued  to  present  its  renort  at  the 
convention. 

The  motion  was  seconded. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  I  move  to  ai 
that  we  receive  the  report  without  d< 
and  vote  upon  it. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  desire  to  s 
for  the  majority  report.  Comrade  U: 
man,  who  is  the  chief  author  of  the 
jority  report  is  absent  from  the  cob 
tion  and  is  unable  to  speak  for  it.  i 
rade  Hunter  of  the  majority  is  also 
sent.  Comrade  Wanhope  and  myself 
other  two  members  of  the  majority 
the  least  to  do  with  drawing  this  rq 
I  support  the  amendment  of  the  Con; 
from  New  York  that  we  continue' 
question  in  the  hands  of  the  committei 
til  the  next  congress. 

DEL.  MERRICK:  I  think  the  comj 
came  here  to  vote  upon  this  questid 
think  we  all  understand  this  que! 
that  the  reports  have  been  read  andj 
we  are  intelligent  enough  to  vote  up 
without  any  discussion  whatever.  B. 
you  vote  to  re-commit  when  we  go] 
to  our  people  they  will  want  to  1 
what  kind  of  a  convention  this  is  I 
how  when  we  spend  two  years  prepi 
reports  which  you  are  afraid  to  voti 
I  may  be  in  the  minority  but  I  ani 
afraid  to  record  myself  on  one  side  of 
question,  say  where  I  stand  and  go  4 
to  my  constituency  and  justify  my 
duct.  There  is  no  reason  why  you  ca) 
vote  on  this  question  now  without 
oratory.  Let  us  settle  this  question] 
each  of  us  voting  according  to  his; 
victions. 

DEL.  SOLOMON  (N.  Y.):  This  is  i 
question  of  being  afraid  to  vote.  The 
is  that  a  great  many  of  us  are  not] 
position  to  vote  intelliarentlv  and 
on  this  question.  I  think  if  we 
over  to  the  next  convention  by  thati 
we  shall  be  able  to  pass  upon  the  fl 
that  will  then  be  presented.  We  ] 
nothing  to  lose  and  everything  to  gai 
postponing  action   on   this  proposition 


; 


/A. 


3 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


167 


now  that  Spargo  has  75  pounds  of  steam 
er  square  inch  to  unload  on  this  question, 
ut  I  think  we  had  better  postpone  action 
n  it. 

DEL.   SPARGO:     Just  because   it  is  late 
nd   we   are   tired   we   ought   not   to   make 
urselves    ridiculous    by    refusing    to    act 
pon  the  report  of  the  committee  that  has 
een  working  on  it  for  two  years.     There- 
am  opposed  to  continuing  the  com- 
In  the   second   place,   I   am   satis- 
that    the    comrades    can    without    any 
„jry  at  all,  vote  on  the  question,  but  if 
*ou    have    read    these   reports   I    call    your 
ttention    to    this    fact,    that    the  .majority 
eport  makes  certain  recommendations  for 
xclusiqn    and    in    the    printed    report    it 
ives  its  reasons  for  so  recommending.    In 
he  minority  report  we  simply  say  that  we 
ecommend  the  re-affirmation  of  the  Stutt- 
art  resolution  and  there  is  not  one  word 
f  reason  why  we  make  that  recommenda- 
ion.      The   question   is   whether  you    want 
he  majority  report  with  its  reasons.  Com- 
ade  Wanhope  was  authorized  by  the  ma- 
ority    to    present    their   views    and    has    a 
ght  to  do  it.     If  you  want  the  majority 
eport  you  will  have  to  accept  the  reasons 
f  the  majority.    They  are  Unterman's  rea- 
ons,   they   are  Wilson's   reasons,   they  are 
JVanhope's  reasons,  they  are  Hunter's  rea- 
sons, they  have  all  signed  it.     If  you  vote 
or  the  majority  report  well  and  good.    All 
hat  the   minority  asks  is   to  place  before 
rou_  the   Stuttgart   resolution   and   then   to 
itate  the  reasons  why  our  party  should  re- 
affirm  that.      So   far  as  I   am   concerned   I 
relieve    I   can    state    those    reasons    in    ten 
ninutes. 

DEL.  MERRICK:  A  point  of  informa- 
ion.     Is  there  not  a  third  report? 

DEL.  SPARGO:  That  is  simply  Comrade 
Laukki's  statement.  He  is  with  London 
ind  myself  in  our  report. 

DEL.  LAUKKI:  I  stand  for  the  report 
pf  the  minority.  Meyer,  London  and  Spar- 
aro  state  the  international  position.  My 
statement  simply  takes  into  consideration 
the  American  conditions  at  the  present 
time,  and  I  have  made  some  recommenda- 
tions based  on  these  conditions. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  before 
the  house  is  the  substitute  by  Merrick  to 
receive  the  reports  as  printed*  and  pro- 
ceed to  a  vote  without  debate. 

The  motion  of  Comrade  Merrick  was 
lost. 

The  motion  of  Comrade  Solomon  that  the 
committee  be  continued  with  instructions 
to  further  investigate  and  report  at  the 
next  convention  was  carried. 

COMMITTEE   ON  PARTY  PRESS. 

DEL.  O'REILLY:  In  presenting  this  re- 
P.t.1  am  £°in%  to  ask  that  it  be  referred 
to  the  National  Executive  Committee. 

There  is  no  loss  in  any  way  by  having 
this  report  referred  to  the  National  Ex- 
ecutive Committee.  I  hope  you  will  do 
this  because  during  the  present  campaign 
t  may  be  found  that  a  party  owned  print- 
ing plant  will  be  entirely  practicable  and 
very  much  needed.  In  that  case  leave 
th?m, in  a  Position  to  purchase  one,  and 
establish  one  if  they  wish.  That  is  what 
the  committee  asks. 

On  motion  duly  seconded  it  was  so  or- 
dered. 

The  report  of  the  committee  on  Party 
Press  is  as  follows: 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  PARTY 
PRESS. 

The  rapid  growth  of  the  Socialist  move- 
ment and  the  increased  demand  for  So- 
cialist  literature   has   created   a  consider- 


able demand  for  the  establishment  of  a 
printing  plant  to  be  owned  and  controlled 
by  the  Socialist  party  for  printing  and 
publishing  Socialist  books,  pamphlets, 
leaflets,  tracts  and  other  Socialist  litera- 
ture. 

The  present  Socialist  news  bureau, 
which  can  scarcely  yet  be  said  to  have 
passed  the  experimental  stage,  has  al- 
ready demonstrated  its  usefulness  despite 
the  fact  that  it  has  been  hampered  by 
lack  of  funds.  Through  a  proper  organi- 
zation of  this  bureau  and  the  general  co- 
operation of  the  Socialist  newspapers  to 
be  served  thereby  the  Socialist  press 
throughout  the  country  will  be  greatly 
strengthened  and  the  movement  benefited. 

Inasmuch  as  the  sentiment  regarding  a 
party-owned  newspaper  is  not  crystallized, 
but  considerably  divided,  we  make  no  rec- 
ommendation thereon  save  as  hereinafter 
provided. 

We  therefore  recommend  the  following: 
-  1.  That  this  convention  instruct  the 
National  Executive  Committee  to  investi- 
gate fully  as  quickly  as  possible  the  fea- 
sibility of  establishing  a  party-owned  and 
controlled  publishing  plant  and  to  pur- 
chase and  install  such  plant  if  upon  in- 
vestigation the  same  shall  be  found  prac- 
ticable. 

2.  That  the  National  Executive  Commit- 
tee call  together  immediately  a  conference 
of  all  editors  and  managers  of  Socialist 
newspapers  for  the  purpose  of  enlarging 
and  perfecting  the  usefulness  of  the  Na- 
tional Socialist  News  Bureau  and  of  pro- 
moting co-operation  between  the  Socialist 
publications. 

3.  That  a  committee  of  three  shall  be 
elected  by  the  National  Executive  Commit- 
tee to  consist  of  comrades  familiar  with 
Socialist  newspaper  work  and  manage- 
ment which  shall  gather  and  compile  all 
data  obtained  from  Socialist  parties  of 
this  and  other  countries  relating  to  the 
subject  of  a  party-owned  and  controlled 
newspaper.  Such  committee  shall  report. 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  and  not 
later  than  one  year  to  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  and  the  report  of  this  sub- 
committee shall  be  published  by  the  Na- 
tional Office  and  sent  out  to  the  party  or- 
ganizations. AH  expenses  of  said  commit- 
tee shall  be  borne  by   the  National  Office. 

MARY  O'REILLY, 
R.  A.  MAYNARD, 
WM.  M.  WESLEY, 
W.  A.  JACOBS, 
J.  L.   BACHMANN, 
MEYER  LONDON, 
GEO.  E.  OWEN, 
FRED  KRAFFT, 
S.    E.    BEARDSLEY, 
Committee  on  Party  Press. 
DEL.  S.  SADLER  (Wash.):     I  move  that 
all  reports  of  committees  not  submitted  to 
the  convention  at  its  close  be  referred  to 
the    National    Executive    Committee    with 
power  to  act. 

Delegate  Merrick  moved  to  amend  that 
they  be  referred  to  the  National  Commit- 
tee.  > 

DEL.  MERRICK:  I  want  to  speak  on 
this   motion. 

DEL.  SLAYTON:  I  have  been  trying  to 
get  the  eye  of  the  Chairman.  Is  there  only 
one  man  in  this  convention  and  should  he 
be  given  the  floor  all  afternoon? 

The  motion  of  Delegate  Merrick  that 
they  be  referred  to  the  National  Commit- 
tee was  lost. 


-*  *Both  the  majority  and  minority  reports 
are  printed  as  Appendix  J,  together  with 
Delegate   Laukki's   statement. — Editor. 


168 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Delegate  Sadler's  motion  to  refer  it  to 
the  National  Executive  Committee  was 
carried. 

DEL.  COLLINS:  A  special  matter.  I 
move  that  we  instruct  the  National  Secre- 
tary to  pay  to  the  ushers,,  Sergeant-at- 
arms  and  clerks  not  less  than  $3  a  day  for 
their  services  during  the  convention. 

The  motion  was  carried. 

STATE  AND  MUNICIPAL   PROGRAM. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Delegate  Thompson 
will  now  report  for  the  Committee  on 
State  and  Municipal  Program. 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  This  report* 
has  been  put  on  your  table  and  if  there  is 
no  objection  I  suggest  that  we  can  dis- 
pose of  this  in  about  five  minutes  in  the 
following  manner.  In  the  first  place  if 
you  have  not  read  the  report  you  can  get 
copies  of  it  and  read  it.  I  want  to  em- 
phasize this  point  about  it,  that  every- 
thing in  the  report  up  to  the  fifth  page, 
and  not  including  the  fifth  page,  is  merely 
suggestive.  It  is  in  no  sense  binding  upon 
any  local  or  State  organization  but  is  pre- 
sented merely  as  assembling  the  data  from 
which  those  who  care  to  may  draw  such 
parts  as  they  may  find  useful  in  preparing 
their  municipal  and  State  program.  There- 
fore it  is  unnecessary  at  this  time  to  read 
all  of  it.  It  is  unnecessary  to  take  it  un- 
der consideration  seriatim,  and  I  am  go- 
ing to  make  a  motion  that  that  part  be 
adopted  as  a  whole,  and  afterwards  pre- 
sent the  recommendation.  I  move,  there- 
fore, Comrade  Chairman,  that  the  first 
part  of  this  report  up  to  and  including  the 
first  paragraph  on  page  5  be  adopted  as  a 
whole. 

The   motion   was   carried. 

On  motion  of  Comrade  Thompson  the 
first  clause  of  the  recommendation  was 
adopted. 

The  recommendation  as  to  the  study  of 
unemployment  was  adopted. 

The  third  recommendation  as  to  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  legislative  bureau  on 
motion  of  Delegate  Solomon  was  referred 
to  the  National  Executive  Committee. 

The  section  of  the  report  as  to  resolu- 
tions by  Comrade  Simons  was  adopted. 

Thereupon  the  report  of  the  committee 
as  a  whole  was  adopted. 

REPORT   OF   THE    PUBLICITY   COM- 
MITTEE. 

The  Socialist  Convention  of  1912  is  the 
first  one  in  the  history  of  the  party  that 
has  elected  a  Publicity  Committee.  Here- 
tofore the  Press  Committee  has  considered 
matters  relating  to  party  press  and  co- 
operated with  the  newspaper  and  general 
oress  representatives  to  the  end  of  secur- 
ing for  the  convention  and  the  party  as 
much  useful  publicity  as  possible. 

It  is  the  latter  function  that  has  been 
assumed  by  the  Publicity  Committee  of 
this  Convention.  "We  have  done  all  in  our 
power  to  see  that  the  important  ^actions 
of  the  Convention  should  receive  as  much 
and  as  favorable  publicity  as  possible.  In 
this  respect  members  of  the  Socialist  press 
have  rendered  the  greatest  assistance.  We 
believe  that  the  result  has  been  a  consid- 
erable improvement  in  the  treatment  of 
our  Convention  by  the  general  and  news- 
paper press  of  the  United  States. 

The  only  recommendation  this  commit- 
tee would  make  is  that  future  conventions 
should  consolidate  the  Publicity  Commit- 
tee and  the  Committee  On  Party  Press  and 
that  the  latter  committee  should  assign 
three    of    its    members,    preferably    expe- 


*The  report  is  printed  in  full,  as  appen- 
dix K.— Editor. 


rienced    newspaper    men,    to    the    duty 
looking  after  the  welfare  of  the  press  re' 
resentatives  at  the  convention. 

FRANK  E.   WOLFE,  Chairman, 

EDWARD  PERKINS  CLARKE, 
•    Secreta)] 

JOHN  HAYDEN, 

MAX  HAYES, 

GUS  THEIMER. 
DEL.  WOLFE  (Cal.):  Our  report 
unanimous.  I  think  we  have  had  the  mo 
harmonious  committee  in  the  conventic 
Our  duties  have  been  to  pussyfoot  aroun 
and  so  far  as  we  cculd  look  after  the  cor 
fort  of  the  newspaper  men  and  assist  the 
in  every  way  possible. 

We  have  endeavored  to  see  that  tij 
work  of  the  convention  should  have  i 
wide  publicity  as  possible  and  the  on 
recommendation  that  we  make  is  that  : 
the  future  the  Publicity  Committee  ar 
the  Committee  on  Party  Press  should  I 
combined^and  that  three  members  prefei1 
ably  experienced  newspaper  men  shoul 
look  after  the  welfare  of  the  press  at  th 
convention. 

COMMITTEE  ON  RESOLUTIONS. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  We  have  very  few  resc 
lutions  left.  The  first  one  is  on  nomin 
ating  women  candidates. 

"Whereas,  an  increasing  number  c 
women  are  taking  part  in  industrial  actlv 
ity  so  that  they  are  today  an  importar 
factor  in  economic  and  social  life  and  ar 
thereby  qualifying  themselves  for  partic] 
pation  in  political  administration; 

Therefore,  Be  it  "esolved,  that  the  So 
cialist  party  deems  women  equally  en 
titled  with  men  to  be  nominated  for  and  t 
be  elected  to,  public  office  so  that  the 
may  help  to  manage  our  common  affair: 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  If  there  is  no  objec 
tion  the  resolution  will  be  adopted  a 
read. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  The  next  resolution  i 
on  temperance.  In  substance  the  resolu 
tion  is  the  same  as  that  adopted  in  1901 
but  there  are  some  changes  in  phrasin 
with  the  idea  of  strengthening  and  im 
proving  it. 

TEMPERANCE. 

The  manufacture  and  sale  for  profit  o 
intoxicating  and  adulterated  liquors  lead 
directly  to  many  serious  social  evils.  In 
temperance  in  the  use  of  alcoholic  liquor 
weakens  the  physical,  mental  and  mora 
powers. 

We  hold,  therefore,  that  any  excessiv 
indulgence  in  intoxicating  liquors  by  mem 
bers  of  the  working  class  is  a  serious  ob 
stacle  to  the  triumph  of  our  class  since  i 
impairs  the  vigor  of  the  fighters  in  th 
political  and  economic  struggle,  and  w 
urpre  the  members  of  the  working  class  t 
avoid  any  indulgence  which  might  impai 
their  ability  to  wage  a  successful  politi 
cal  and  economic  struggle,  and  so  hinde 
the  progress  of  the  movement  for  thei 
emancipation. 

We  do  not  believe  that  the  evils  o 
alcoholism  can  be  eradicated  by  repressiv 
measures  or  any  extension  of  the  polic 
powers  of  the  capitalist  state — alcoholisr 
is  a  disease  of  which  capitalism  is  th 
chief  cause.  Poverty,  overwork  and  over 
worry  necessarily  result  in  intemperanc 
on  the  part  of  the  Victims.  To  abolis 
the  wage  system  with  all  its  evils  is  th 
surest  way  to  eliminate  the  evils  of  al 
coholism  and  the  traffic  in  intoxicatin 
liquor. 

The  resolution  was  adopted  as  read. 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  18,  1912 


169 


,    The   next  resolution   on   the   subject  of 

reiilitary    education    of   children    was   read 
a  follows: 

ilLITARY  EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN. 
Whereas,  The  capitalist  class  Is  making 
etermined  and  persistent  efforts  to  use 
le  public  schools  for  the  military  training 
C  children  and  for  the  inculcation  of  the 
ilitary  spirit;  therefore  be  it 
Resolved,  That  we  are  opposed  to  all 
Sorts  to  introduce  military  training  into 
le  public  schools,  and  that  we  recommend 
le    introduction    into    our    public    school 

"/stem  of  a  thorough  and  progressive 
surse  in  physical  culture,  and 
Resolved,  That  we  request  the  National 
xecutive  Committee  to  suggest  plans  and 
rograms  along  this  line  and  furnish  these 
i  the  party  membership,  together  with 
uch  advice  in  the  matter  as  may  be  help- 
jl  to  the  party  membership  in  introducing 

'uch  a  system  into  our  public  schools. 

*j  On  motion  the  resolution  was  adopted  as 
ead. 

The  next  resolution,  protesting  against 
be  Dillingham  Bill,  was  then  read  as  fol- 
)ws; 

THE  DILLINGHAM  BILL. 

Whereas,  the  Dillingham  bill  passed  by 
hie  United  States  Senate  would  bar  from 
his  country  many  political  refugees  under 
hollow  distinction  that  some  political 
rimes  involve  "moral  turpitude";  and, 

Whereas,  such  distinctions  would  destroy 
he  political  asylum,  heretofore  maintained 
a  this  country,  for  revolutionists  of  all 
ofands,  as  the  officials  of  one  country  can- 
ot  sit  in  judgment  over  the  methods  of 
olitical  strife  and  civil  war  in  another 
Country;  and 

Whereas,  Senator  Root's  amendment  pro- 
iding  for  deportation  without  trial  of 
any  alien  who  shall  take  advantage  of 
is  residence  in  the  United  States  to  con- 
pire  with  others  for  the  violent  over- 
hrow  of  a  foreign  government,  recognized 
>y  the  United  States,"  passed  by  the 
Tnited  States  Senate,  without  a  dissenting 
'ote,  seeks  to  establish  in  this  country  a 
tassport  system  for  aliens,  thus  destroy- 
ng  at  once  the  principle  that  it  is  the 
ight  of  every  people  to  overthrow  by 
orce,  if  necessary,  a  despotic  govern- 
nent,  declared  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
lendence,  and  the  principle  of  individual 
reedom  from  police  supervision,  hereto- 
ore  held  sacred  in  this  country;  therefore, 
>e  it 

Resolved,  by  the  Socialist  party  at  In- 
Ilanapolis.  Ind.,  on  the  16th  day  of  May, 
912,  in  National  Convention  assembled, 
hat  we  protest  against  this  attempt  of  the 
Jnited  States  Senate  to  turn  the  govern- 
nent_  of  this  country  into  a  detective 
tgency  for  foreign  governments  in  their 
Persecution  of  men  and  women  fighting 
or  the  freedom  of  their  native  lands;  be 
t  further 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  that  the 
Jnited  States  shall  remain,  as  heretofore, 
in  asylum  for  political  refugees  from  all 
>ountries,  without  any  distinction  as  to 
Dolitical  crimes  or  supervision  of  political 
-efugees;  and  be  it  further 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolu- 
tions be  forwarded  to  the  President  of  the 
[Jnited  States,  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
ttepresentatives  and  to  every  member  of 
the  House  Committee  on  Immigration  and 
Naturalization. 

On  motion  the  resolutionwas  carried. 

The  next  resolution,  in  reference  to 
Soung  People's  Socialist  organizations  was 
then  read  as  follows: 


YOUNG   PEOPLES    SOCIALIST    ORGANI- 
ZATIONS. 

Whereas,  a  fertile  and  promising  field 
for  Socialist  education  is  found  among  the 
young  people,  both  because  it  reaches  per- 
sons with  unprejudiced  and  unbiased 
minds,  and  because  it  yields  the  most  val- 
uable recruits  for  the  Socialist  movement; 
and, 

Whereas,  If  we  can  gain  the  ear  of  a 
majority  of  the  youth  of  our  country,  the 
future  will  be  ours,  with  the  passing  of 
the  present  generation.    Therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  and  urge 
our  Locals  to  form,  encourage  and  assist 
Young  Socialist  Leagues  and  Young 
People's  Clubs  for  the  purpose  of  educa- 
ting our  youth  in  the  principles  of  Social- 
ism, and  that  this  education  be  combined 
with  social  pleasures  and  athletic  exer- 
cises;  and  further 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  the 
National  Executive  Committee  to  give  such 
aid  and  encouragement  to  this  work  as 
may  seem  to  it  best  calculated  to  further 
the  spread  of  Socialism  among  the  youth 
of  the  United  States. 

The   resolution    was   adopted   as   read. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  The  following  resolu- 
tion on  the  restriction  of  citizenship  sub- 
mitted by  the  State  delegation  of  Wash- 
ington ijs  favorably  reported  by  your 
committee.     I  move  its  adoption: 

RESTRICTIONS    ON    CITIZENSHIP. 

Whereas,  The  courts  in  charge  of  nat- 
uralization have  shewn  a  disposition  to 
enlarge  the  interpretation  of  the  rule 
which  prohibits  the  naturalization  of 
avowed  anarchists,  so  that  anyone  who 
disbelieves  in  the  present  system  of  so- 
ciety has  been  held  to  be  ineligible  to 
become  an  American  citizen; 

And,  whereas  this  tendency  found  a 
most  aggravated  expression  in  the  revo- 
cation of  the  citizenship  of  Leonard  Ols- 
son,  a  Socialist,  at  Tacoma,  Washington, 
by  Judge  Cornelius  Hanford; 

Therefore  be  it  Resolved,  that  the  So- 
cialist party  in  convention  assembled  en- 
ters its  most  emphatic  protest  against 
such  procedure  and  points  out  that  the 
denial  of  the  right  of  citizenship  to  for- 
eign born  applicants  not  anarchists  be- 
cause they  hold  progressive  ideas  inevit- 
ably forces  those  now  voters  .into  the 
ranks  of  those  who  believe  in  force  and 
violence; 

And  be  it  further  resolved  that  a  copy 
of  these  resolutions  be  sent  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  Commerce  and  Labor,  and  that  we 
demand  of  him  that  an  order  be  issued  to 
the  effect  that  this  rule  in  naturalization 
cases  shall  be  strictly  interpreted  and 
not  enlarged  to  include  persons  who  sim- 
ply hold  Socialistic  or  progressive  social 
ideas. 

The  motion  was  carried  as  read. 

DEL.  SPARGO:  This  is  the  last  resolu- 
tion: 

"The  convention  hereby  expresses  its 
thanks  to  the  officers  of  the  convention 
for  their  services  and  to  the  Comrades  of 
Local  Marion  County  for  their  hospitality 
and   friendly   assistance." 

The  resolution  was  carried  by  a  unan- 
imous vote. 

DEL.  SPARGO:     That  concludes  Our  re- 

Fort  and  we  ask  our  discharge.  Perhaps 
ought  to  say  here  that  many  resolu- 
tions which  referred  to  us  when  first  read 
here  were  by  us,  after  consideration,  re- 
ferred to  other  committees,  such  as  the 
committees  on  Platform  and  Constitution, 
and  the  National  Executive  Committee. 
because  they  seemed  to  us  to  properly 
belong   to    such   other   committees.      That 


170 


NATIONAL,  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


explains  why  some  important  resolutions 
have  not  been  reported  by  us.  I  thank 
you. 

COMMITTEE   ON  WAYS  AND  MEANS. 

DEL.  LE  SEUER  (N.  D.):  We  have 
here  what  I,  believe  a  good  report.  It  is 
so  unimportant  however,  that  I  am  not 
going  to  take  time  to  read  it.  It  relates 
to  nothing  but  the  ways  and  means  in 
which  we  can  raise  funds  to  elect  our 
candidates.  Of  course  that  doesn't  mat- 
ter so  I  am  going  to  ask  you  to  refer  it 
to  the  National  Committee  with  author- 
ity to  act. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  WAYS 

AND  MEANS. 
To  the  1912  National  Socialist  Convention: 
>  Comrades — The  problem  of  financing  a 
proletarian  movement  presents  one  of  the 
most  serious  questions  with  which  the 
movement  has  to  deal,  but  it  is  hoped  that 
the  following  recommendation  will  be  of 
assistance  in  solving  that  question  for 
the   coming   campaign: 

First — We  recommend  that  an  assess- 
ment of  $1.00  be  made  against  each  mem- 
ber of  the  Party,  except,  that  in  no  case 
shall  the  assessment  be  more  than  $1.00 
for   husband   and   wife   jointly. 

Second — We  recommend  that  a  1912 
"Booster's  Campaign  Badge"  be  furnished 
by  the  National  Executive  Committee  to 
the  secretaries  of  the  several  States  in  an 
amount  equal  at  least  to  the  number  of 
the  dues-paying  members  in  each  State, 
t->  be  sold  at  $1.00  per  badge,  and  fur- 
nished free  to  all  those  paying  their  $1.00 
assessment. 

Third — That  a  call  be  issued  by  the 
National  Secretary  for  special  collections 
at  local  meetings  and  propaganda  meet- 
ings  for   the   Campaign   Fund. 

Fourth — That  an  appeal  be  made 
through  the  Party  Press  and  through  all 
Party  communications  calculated  to  fall 
naturally  into  the  hands  of  labor,  that 
labor  make  common  cause  with  the  So- 
cialist Party  by  contributing  to  its  Cam- 
paign Fund,  and  by  voting  at  the  polls 
labor's  ticket — the  ticket  of  the  Socialist 
Party. 

Fifth — We  believe  that  a  suggestion 
through  the  National  Bulletin  to  the 
Locals  that  the  women  comrades  put  on 
special  programs,  making  a  full  charge 
for  admission,_  is  a  plan  that  would  result 
in  splendid  propaganda  as  well  as  some 
revenue. 

Sixth — In  reference  to  the  resolution  of 
W.  Lanfersiek  asking  assistance  for  sev- 
eral Southern  States,  we  believe  the  fol- 
lowing to  be  the  proper  disposal  of  the 
same.  Much  evidence  was  submitted  be- 
fore this  committee,  showing  the  needs 
for  assistance  of  the  Southern  States 
mentioned.  We  recommend  that  the  Na- 
tional Executive  Committee  pass  upon  the 
needs  of  each  State  when  presented 
through  the  regular  official  channels  and 
give  all  possible  assistance  to  all  States 
so  applying,  and  recommend  to  said 
States  that  the  applications  for  assistance 
by  the  said  States,  specify  their  particular 
needs,  as  for  instance,  that  when  speak- 
ers are  routed  through  the  Southern 
States  they  be  selected  by  the  respective 
State  organizations,  owing  to  the  fact 
that  no  Northern  organizers  can  secure 
as  good  results  as  men  familiar  with 
local  conditions.  We,  therefore,  recom- 
mend that  this  resolution  be  referred  to 
the    National    Executive    Committee. 

Seventh — In  reporting  upon  the  moving 
picture  resolution,  this  committee  realizes 


that  moving  pictures  and  charts  are 
high  value  in  presenting  the  .  philoso 
of  Socialism  to  the  uninitiated  and 
lieve  that  a  moving  picture  bureau  mi 
succeed  at  this  time,  and  we  reconam 
that  the  National  Executive  Commit 
take  such  steps  as  are  necessary  to 
termine  whether  the  same  is  feasible 
not. 

We  recommend  that  this  resolution  e 
be  referred  to  the  National  Execut 
Committee,  and  if  sufficient  money  to  p 
vide  good  sets  of  slides  and  films 
portable  moving  picture  machines  •< 
moving  picture  shows  can  be  spared  fr 
the  party  funds,  the  money  would  be  v 
spent.  The  slides  to  b,e  furnished  to 
ganizers,  lecturers  and  moving  pict 
houses  at  cost,  and  sets  to  be  exchan; 
at  will  by  purchasers  when  kept  in  g 
condition.  We  believe  this  plan  would 
suit  eventually  in  one  of  the  best  me 
of  propaganda. 

Fraternally  submitted, 
ARTHUR  LE   SUEUR. 
MILO   C.    JONES, 
MARGARET    D.     BROWN, 
GEORGE    W.   BACON, 
L.   B.    IRWIN, 
E.    L.    REGUIN, 
I.  F.  STEWART, 
MAX  BOEHM, 
O.   S.   WATKINS. 
It  was  moved  and  seconded  that  the 
port    be    referred    to    the    Campaign    C< 
mittee,   which   motion   was  carried. 
TELEGRAM    TO    COMRADE    TOM    MA 
DEL.   SE1DEL   (Wis.):     I   should  like 
present   a   message   and   ask    this   conv 
tion   to   send  it  to  Tom  Mann   of  Engl 
who     has    been    jailed     For    advising 
soldiers    not    to    fire    upon    their    work 
brothers.      I    have   adopted    similar    m< 
ods    in    the    city    of    Milwaukee,    direct 
the  Chief  of  Police  not  to   permit   the 
of  the  police  department  to  use  the  p 
ers   of   the   police   against   the   strikers 
do    not    believe    that    it    is    right    that 
should    pay    taxes — and    no    matter    w 
you  say  we  have   to  pay  taxes;  you  ci 
maintain    government    five    minutes    w 
out    taxation — I    don't    believe    it    is    ri 
that  the  taxes  we  pay  should  go  tows 
maintaining    a    police    department    or 
kind    of    military    force    that    when    I 
out    to    improve    my   living   condition    1 
mailed  fist  of  police  or  military  should 
used    against    me,    to    keep    me    down, 
don't    think    there    is    any    class    in 
country    or   any    other    country    that    h 
the  right  to  expect  that  from  its  soldi 
its    police    department    or    its    state    < 
stabulary. 

I  therefore  ask  that  this  message 
sent  in  the  name  of  the  Socialist  Part: 
America  to  Tom  Mann,  Manchester  . 
England: 

"GREETINGS:  We  cheer  your  st 
against  fratricide." 

That  is  all  I  ask  to  be  said.  I  thin 
is  plain  and  simply  says  that  we  must 
murder   our   brothers. 

The  motion  was  seconded  and  car 
unanimously. 

NAT.  SEC.  WORK:  Reports  have  I 
made  by  the  seven  foreign-speaking 
ganizations  affiliated  with  the  Natii 
office.  I  move  that,  they  be  received  w 
out  reading  and  made  a  part  of  the  | 
ceedings.     Seconded  and  carried. 

COMMITTEE  ON  CO-OPERATIVE 

MOVEMENT. 

DEL.    GAYLORD    (Wis.):      A   commi 

on      investigation      of     the      Co-opera 

Movement    was    provided    for    and    w 


AFTERNOON  SESSION,  MAY  18.  1912 


V 


171 


come  up  under  unfinished  business  at  this 
time.  The  committee  have  talked  .the 
matter  over  and  unanimously  recommend 
that  these  names  be  placed  upon  that 
committee  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
National    Executive    Committee,    and    with 

Rower  to  fill  vacancies.  Comrades  Vlag, 
ew  York,  Edwards,  Texas,  Hayes  of  Illi- 
nois, Gaylord,  Wisconsin,  Corey,  Wash- 
ington. 

There  is  a  special  reason  for  putting 
Comrade  Hayes  on  this  committee.  He  is 
connected  with  the  mine  workers  where 
there  is  a  movement  or  this  kind  under 
way.  For  myself  I  will  promise  the  co- 
operation of  one  great  University  and  I 
am  positive  that  I  can  secure  the  co-oper- 
ation of  another  for  such  impartial  in- 
vestigation of  this  subject  as  we  have 
never  had   in   this  country. 

The  motion  of  Delegate  Gaylord  was 
carried. 

COMMITTEE  ON  STATE  AND  MUNIC- 
IPAL. PROGRAM. 
DEL.  WILSON  (Gal.):  In  connection 
with  the  recommendation  by  Comrade 
Thompson  that  a  committee  of  ;seven. 
members  be  elected  for  State  and  Munic- 
ipal Program,  I  move  that  the  existing 
committee   be   continued    as    that   co"«mit- 

The  motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 
REPORT     OF     CONGRESSMAN     BERGER. 

DEL.  JACOBS  (Wis.):  Comrade  Berb- 
er's report  is  here  in  print.  I  move  that 
it  be  received  and  made  a  part  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  this  convention. 

The  motion   was   seconded   and  adopted. 

IMMIGRATION   COMMITTEE. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  have  something 
that  may  require  action  by  the  conven- 
tion. 

"Indianapolis,  Ind.,   May   18,   1912. 
"To    the    Delegates    of    the    National    Con- 
vention: 

"I  hereby  tender  my  resignation  from 
your  Committee  on  Immigration. 

"JOSHUA    WANHOPE." 

A  DELEGATE:  I  don't  blame  him 
either. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  This  Committee  on 
Immigration  was  continued.  Shall  we  fill 
the  vacancy  now? 

DEL.  THOMPSON  (Wis.):  I  move  that 
the  Committee  be  given  power  to  fill  the 
vacancy. 

The   motion    was   seconded   and   adopted. 

DEL.  KATE  SADLER:  I  just  want  to 
have  the  last  word  from  Washington  to 
let  the  convention  know  that  Washing- 
ton is  still  ahead  of  the  procession.  In 
the  first  resolution  today  we  recommended 
the  nomination  of  woman  candidates.  We 
expect  our  leader  and  standard  bearer  in 
the  next  campaign  to  be  a  woman,  Com- 
rade  Anna  Maley   of  Washington. 

(Loud   cheers.) 

DEL.  WHEELER  (Cal.) :  I  move  that 
this  convention  extend  to  the  Press  of 
Indianapolis  a  vote  of  thanks  for  the 
courteous  treatment  that  has  been  ac- 
corded   to   this   convention. 

The  motion   was   carried   unanimously. 

DEL.  WILSON  (Cal.):  I  move  that  for 
the  next  National  Convention  the  National 
Executive  Committee  be  instructed  to  co- 
operate with  the  local  comrades  in  order 
to  conduct  during  the  convention  or  at  its 
close,  a  significant  public  meeting  or  pub- 


lic meetings,  instead  of  having  things 
conducted  as  they  were  this  time. 

DEL.  MERRICK  (Pa.):  I  mo^e  to  lay 
the  motion  on  the   table. 

DEL.  SPARGO  (Vt.) :  I  protest  against 
the  adoption  of  the  resolution  because  of 
the  intimation  contained  in  it  that  the 
National  Executive  Committee  at  this 
convention  would  not  co-operate  with  the 
local  comrades.  I  remind  you  further  that 
there  are  certain  well  established  usages 
about  the  reception  of  conventions.  When 
we  go  to  a  town  or  city  to  hold  our  con- 
vention the  comrades  in  that  city  become 
our  hosts.  It  is  their  practice  to  arrange 
meetings  and  we  co-operate  with  them. 
In  this  instance  the  local  comrades  ar- 
ranged an  impossible  schedule,  and  then 
the  National  Executive  Committee,  in  the 
interests  of  the  convention  had  to  consult 
with  those  comrades  and  try  to  get 
things  arranged  on  a  satisfactory  basis. 
I  object  to  this  eleventh  hour  slap  in  the 
face  given  to  the  National  Executive 
Committee,  and  we  might  be  better  em- 
ployed singing  the  Marseillaise  before  we 
go   home. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  I  don't  think  that 
Comrade  Wilson  intended  any  slur  on  the 
National    Executive,  Committee. 

DEL.  WILSON:  I  had  no  such  thing  in 
my  mind.  My  hope  was  that  at  the 
next  National  Convention  we  should  have 
meetings,  and  have  them  of  such  a  char- 
acter and  such  significance  as  would 
stamp  our  influence  upon  that  community 
as  we  had  the  opportunity  to  do  last 
night. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  All  in  favor  of  this 
motion   will   say  aye. 

The  motion   was  carried. 

DEL.  DUNCAN  (Mont.):  I  think  there 
is  some  misapprehension  here  as  to  a 
petition  that  has  been  circulated  in  the 
convention.  It  has  been  stated  here  this 
afternoon  that  there  is  no  disposition  on 
the  part  of  us  who  are  signing  this  peti- 
tion to  re-open  a  matter  which  was  de- 
cided in  this  convention.  This  petition 
is  in  accordance  with  the  new  constitu- 
tion which  allows  a  certain  number  of 
delegates  to  send  for  submission  to  the 
party  referendum  an  alternative  section  or 
paragraph  or  article  when  the  matter 
goes  out  to  the  party.  This  petition  is 
simply  to  bring  up  an  alternative  para- 
graph to  be  submitted  to  the  full  referen- 
dum of  the  party,  so  that  the  whole  party 
may  have  a  chance  to  choose  between  the 
statement  adopted  here  yesterday  regard- 
ing our  attitude  toward  labor  organiza- 
tions, or  the  one  that  some  of  the  rest  of 
us  wanted  to  have  adopted.  We  do  not 
wish  you  to  go  away  with  the  idea  that 
we  have  misled  you  into  thinking  that 
the  matter  is  not  to  be  opened  elsewhere. 
It  is  not  to  be  opened  on  the  floor  of  this 
convention,  and  we  simply  want  the  party 
to  express  its  opinion  on  this  subject. 

DEL.  BERGER   (Wis.):     They  will. 

A  telegram  was  read  from  the  secre- 
tary of  the  Socialist  Party  in  San  Diego: 
"Attorney  Fred  Moore  and  stenographer 
arrested  this  morning.  Charges  not 
known.  Writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  prepara- 
tion.    Vigilantes  active." 

DEL  .SPARGO:  Mr.  Chairman,  I  now 
move  you  that  we  adjourn  sine  die.  •  Sec- 
onded. 

The  motion  was  carried. 

The  convention  then  adjourned  sine  die. 


172 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION, 


"APPENDIX  A 


Rules  of  the  Socialist  Party,  National  Convention*  1912. 


1.  A  chairman  and  vice-chairman  shall 
be  elected  at  the  beginning  of  each  day's 
session. 

2.  A  permanent  secretary  and  two  as- 
sistants, who  may  be  chosen  from  outside 
the  body  of  delegates,  shall  be  elected  for 
the    entire    Convention. 

3.  A  reading  clerk  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  secretary,  and  he  may  appoint  one 
or  more  assistants. 

4.  A  permanent  sergeant-at-arms  and 
assistants,  who  may  be  chosen  from  out- 
side the  body  of  delegates,  shall  be  ap- 
pointed   by    the   chairman. 

5.  The  sergeant-at-arms  shall  appoint 
24  messengers  to  assist  him,  who  shall 
serve  in  relays  of  8. 

6.  lour  permanent  tellers  and  2  per- 
manent judges  to  count  all  ballots  shall 
be  elected,  and  in  addition  there  shall  be 
appointed  by  the  chair,  for  the  purpose 
of  tabulating  the  vote  on  the  various  Con- 
vention Committees,  20  special   tellers. 

7.  The  6  committees  named  in  the  Na- 
tional  Constitution,   viz.: 

A  Committee  on  Platform  of  9  mem- 
bers. 

A  Committee  on  Constitution  of  9 
members. 

A  Committee  on  Resolutions  of  9 
members. 

A  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  of 
9   members. 

A  Committee  on  Reports  of  National 
Officers    of   7   members. 

A  Committee  on  International  Rela- 
tions of  5  members, 
and  the  following  additional  committees 
shall  be  elected,  each  committee  to  be 
composed  of  the  number  of  delegate  stat- 
ed and  of  not  more  than  one  delegate  froir* 
the   same   state: 

A    Publicity    Committee    of    5    mem- 
bers; 
\    An    Auditing    Committee    of    5    mem- 
bers; 

A  Committee  on  Foreign  Speaking 
Organisations    of   9   members. 

A  Committee  on  Labor  Organiza- 
tions and  Their  Relation  to  the  So- 
cialist  Party   of   9   members; 

A  Committee  on  Co-Operatives  of  7 
members: 

A  Committee  on  State  and  Munici- 
pal  Program   of  9  members. 

8.  Discussion  shall  be  limited  to  5  min- 
utes for  each  speaker.  Chairmen  of  com- 
mittees shall  have  20  minutes  to  report. 
No  delegate  shall  speak  a  second  time, 
until  all  desiring  to  use  their  time  -shall 
have  bad  an  opportunity  to  speak. 

9.  The  sessions  of  the  Convention  shall 
be  from  10:00  a.  m.  to  1:00  p.  m.  and  from 
2:30  to  5:30  p.  m.  Night  sessions  as  or- 
dered. 

10.  Robert's  Rules  of  Order  shall  be 
used,  with  the  exceptions  that  when  the 
previous    question    has    been    called,    one 


delegate    on    each   side   may    speak    for 
minutes;  also,   that  the  previous   questio 
may  be  called  for  by  a  majority  vote. 

11.  During  the  sessions,  no  smoking  c 
Chewing    of    tobacco    shall    be    allowed. 

12.  Each  delegation  shall  select  one  c 
its  members  to  announce  its  vote.  Th 
vote  of  no  state  shall  be  cast  as  a  uni 
where  the  delegates  of  such  state  are  no 
in  agreement  on  the  matter  up  for  vote 
provided,  that  where  an  instruction  ha 
been  given  by  referendum  on  a  particula 
question  the  instruction  on  that  particula 
question  shall  be  obeyed. 

13.  Each  delegation  shall  designate  i 
the  absence  of  any  delegate,  the  alter 
nate  who   shall   fill   such   vacancy. 

1\  Such  members  of  the  National  Ex 
ecutive  Committee  who  are  not  delegate; 
and  the  National  Secre'tary  shall  have 
voice  and  no  vote  in  the  Convention.  Thi 
provision  also  applies  to  members  of  Tn 
Women's   National   Committee. 

15.  Neither  contesting  or  conteste 
delegates  shall  vote  upon  any  questio 
In  relation  to  their  rights  to  be  seated. 

16.  The  nomination  for  candidates  fo 
President  and  Vice-President  shall  be  b 
at  least  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cas 

17.  A  roll  call  shall  be  had  when  de 
manded  by  at  least  50  delegates. 

18.  On  Friday,  May  17th,  at  3:00o'cloc 
in  the  afternoon,  all  business  of  the  Cbn 
vention  shall  be  suspended,  and  the  Con 
vention  shall  proceed  to  the  nominatio 
of  President  and  Vice-President  of  th 
United   States. 

19.  The  Convention  shall  adjourn  no 
later  than  Saturday,  May  18th,  at  mid 
night. 

20.  -All    speeches    of   welcome    shall    b 
made  after  the  Convention  is  permanent 
ly    organized,    and    shall    be    limited    to 
minutes    each. 

21.  All  resolutions  offered  from  th 
floor  of  the  Convention  shall  be  referre 
by  the  Chairman  to  the  proper  Committe 
without    discussion. 

22.  At  5:00  o'clock  on  each  day,  th 
Chairman  shall  suspend  the  business  the 
pending  before  the  Convention  and  accep 
and  dispose  of  Resolutions  offered  by  del 
egates. 

23.  The  discussion  on  any  report,  reso 
lution  or  other  subject  before  the  Con 
vention  shall  not  exceed  four  hours.  Th 
time  for  such  discussion  shall  be  divide 
enually,  as  nearly  as  possible,  between  th 
delegates  representing  the  various  view 
on    the   subjects. 

24.  Acceptances  and  declinations  sha 
be  called  for  after  the  nominations  fo 
all  Committees  shall  have  been  complete 
and  no  delegate  shall  accept  the  nomina 
tion   for   more   than  one   Committee. 

25.  The  rules  may  be  suspended  at  an 
time  by  a  two-thirds  majority  of  the  del 
egates  voting. 


«s 


APPENDIX  173 

ORDER  07'  BUSINESS.  3.     Reading     of    Minutes     of     preceding 

The  Order  of  Bui   ness  for  each  day  -of  day»  unless  dispensed  with  on  motion. 

he  Convention  sha/  ,  be  as  follows:  £     g^^Co^!henU,ls. 

.  **     The  Convention  shall  be  called  to  or-  6#     Unfinished   business    of   the    previous 

ler    by    the    Chairman    of    th©    preceding  ^y 

lay,  or  in  his  absence  by  the  Vice-Chair-  7/    Reports  of  Committees  in   the  order 

nan,   or   the   National    Secretary,    and    the  above  enumerated,   except  that  the   report 

Jhairman     and    Vice-Chairman     shall     be  of    the    Representative    in    Congress    shall 

jlected  for  the  day,  as  otherwise  directed.  follow  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  In- 

A-nn        ii      jjji        *-.     ..~r          au  ternational    Relations. 

2.     Roll    call    of    delegates,    unless    di"s-  8#     New  business. 

>ensed  with  upon  motion.  9.     Adjournment.' 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


APPENDIX  B 


Report  of  Committee  on  Education. 


1.  IMPORTANCE  OP  THE  QUESTION 
OF   INDUSTRIAL   EDUCATION. 

The  industrial  revolution  has  made  the 
development  of  individual  skill  essential 
to  the  maintenance  of  the  various  produc- 
tive processes.  Although  the  specializa- 
tion of  processes  has  made  it  possible  to 
employ  profitably  larger  and  larger  num- 
bers of  unskilled  workers,  economically 
and  commercially  efficient  production  re- 
ally calls  for  a  larger  proportion  of  skilled 
workers  than  were  employed  even  when 
production  was  largely  carried  on  by 
means  of  hand  labor.  The  reason  for 
this  may  be  seen  in  the  fact  that  on  the 
one  hand  the  proportion  of  agricultural 
laborers  has  steadily  decreased,  while  the 
proportion  of  those  engaged  in  manfac- 
ture  and  transportation  has  increased; 
and  on  the  other  hand,  the  increased  use 
of  machinery  in  agriculture  and  transpor- 
tation, together  with  the  specialization  in 
agricultural  methods,  create  the  need  for 
skilled  workers  even  in  these  branches 
of   production. 

The  inten.se  competition  between  the 
capitalists  of  different  countries  has  led 
to  the  organization  and  administration  of 
industries  upon  the  principle  of  qu,ick  re- 
turns. As  a  result,  low-grade  labor  ap- 
plied to  specialized  processes  has  been 
exploited  to  the  utmos*t.  In  consequence 
of  this  practice,  the  cultivation  of  agen- 
cies to  supply  skilled  labor  has  been  neg- 
lected. On  the  other  hand,  boys  and  girls 
sent  to  the  factories  early  in  life  and  at- 
tached to  the  specialized  machines,  have 
been  given  no  opportunity  to  acquire  trade 
knowledge  and  trade  skill  commensurate 
with  a  high  earning  power. 

Cheap  child  labor  was  able  for  years 
to  yield  satisfactory  returns  to  the  capi- 
talists. It  is  not,  however,  capable  either 
of  sustaining  industries  in  competition 
with  skilled  workers,  or  of  developing 
a  population  having  high  standards  or 
living.  In  other  words,  the  retention  of 
large  portions  of  the  population  at  low 
levels  of  industrial  skill  is  not  only  ex- 
tremely wasteful  economically,  however 
profitable  it  may  have  been  to  certain 
classes  of  capitalists  in  the  past,  but  it  is 
positively  disastrous  socially.  A  mass  of 
unskilled  workers,  being  poorly  paid,  nec- 
essarily maintain  a  low  standard  of  liv- 
ing; but  what  is  still  worse,  such  a  body 
is  a  fertile  breeding  spot  for  all  social 
vices  and  a  source  of  crime  and  misery 
that  make  the  task  of  the  social  worker 
and  educator  almost  hopeless.  Unskilled 
and  untrained  workers  are  condemned  not 
to  frugal  lives,  but  to  miserable  lives. 
The  misery  of  the  poverty  resulting  from 
such  conditions  lies  in  the  moral  debase- 
ment which  it  involves.  Or,  we  may  say 
that  a  population  of  skillful  workers  is 
more  productive  and  more  prosperous  even 
under  modern  capitalistic  conditions.    Giv- 


en the  machinery  aria  the  technology  To- 
day available,  a  highly  skilled  body  of 
workers  has  the  possibilities  of  high- 
grade  living;  with  the  same  machinery 
and  technology,  an  •  unskilled  population 
is  condemned  to  inhuman  conditions  of 
living. 

Hand  in  hand  with  the  development  of 
our  industry  there  has  been  a  decay  of 
the  ancient  methods  for  developing  skill 
in  workers.  On  the  one  hand,  industries 
have  been  driven  from  the  home,  where 
formerly  the  children  became  acquainted 
with  many  processes  and  principles  which 
the  children  of  today  for  the  most  part 
^do  not  learn.  On  the  other  hand,  the  in- 
dustries have  become  specialized  so  that 
the  young  boy  or  girl  going  into  the  mills 
or  shops  has  no  opportunity  to  acquire 
a  trade.  It  has  been  more  profitable  for 
the  employers  to  keep  the  children  at  the 
special  machines  than  to  teach  them  the 
trades;  it  has  also  been  more  remunera- 
tive to  the  children,  for  the  time  being,  to 
stay  at  a  single  machine  than  to  learn  the 
trade.  The  demand  for  quick  profits  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  necessity  for  max- 
imum family  earnings  on  the  otlyer,  have 
between  them  done  much  to  destroy  the 
apprenticeship  possibilities  of  modern  in- 
dustry. 

Even  when  large  manufacturers  realize 
the  importance  of  training  up  skilled 
workers,  they  are  frequently  deterred  by 
the  consideration  that  after  a  workman 
is  trained  there  is  no  assurance  that  his 
superior  services  will  be  available  to  the 
employer  that  went  to  the  trouble  and  ex- 
pense of  training  him.  For  well-known 
reasons,  the  working  population  is  un- 
stable. Changes  of  industrial  methods, 
fluctuations  in  market  conditions,  the 
state  of  "finances,"  political  expediency  or 
pressure,  industrial  disputes  and  other  so- 
cial forces  constantly  drive  the  workers 
hither  and  thither.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  workers 
could  not  for  the  most  part  afford  to  ap- 
prentice themselves  to  a  trade  because  for 
a  few  years  a  young  person  can  make 
more  money  at  odd  jobs  and  at  special- 
ized factory  work  than  at  an  apprentice- 
ship; and  the  few  dollars  additional  is  an 
important  consideration  to  the  parents. 
The  result  has  been  that  more  than  half 
of  the  young  people  who  leave  the  schools 
at  about  the  age  of  fourteen  drift  into  oc- 
cupations which  have  absolutely  no  future 
for  them  except  to  continue  to  work  as 
men  and  women  at  wages  that  can  be 
earned  by   boys  and  girls. 

The  fact  that  the  industries  have  been 
driven  from  the  home  and  apprenticeship 
from  the  shops  necessitates  a  new  instru- 
ment for  developing  the  potential  skill  and 
industrial  efficiency  of  the  boys  and  girls 
who  are  to  be  the  workers  of  the  rising 
generation.     The  gradual  extension  of  the 


APPENDIX 


175 


ctions  of  the  schools  is  in  part  due  to 

growing  complexity  of  closely  inte- 
ted  societies;  but  it  is  also  in  large 
t  due  to  the  growing  need  for  a  means 
develop  industrial  skill,  etc.  It  is  for 
3  reason  that  attention  is  directed  to 
schools  in  connection  with  problems 
ndustrial  efficiency,  commercial  suprem- 
I  agricultural  adequacy,  etc. 

WHY    THE    SCHOOLS    ARE    INADE- 
QUATE. 
Che    schools    on    their    side    have    never 
n  organized  to  adjust  themselves  auto- 
.tically  to  the  changing  needs  of  society 
of  the  various  communities.     The  work 
the  schools  not   only  deals  with   tradi- 
ns,  the  ^accumulated  wisdom  and  experi- 
ce  of  the  race;  its  very  process  is  tradi- 
nal  in  manner.     The  organization  of  our 
lools  follows  an  ancient  model,  whereby 
lat  is  established  and  accepted  is  readily 
parted  to  the  youth;  but  whereby  what- 
er   is   new   or   different    is   sharply   scru- 
lized   and    frequently    discredited.      Now 
e  traditional  in  education  is  of  a  nature 
at  is  admirably  adapted  to  the  needs  of 
ose    classes   that   in    former   times    alone 
;d    access     to     "education" — namely,     the 
ofessional    and    the    leisure    classes;    but 
osc   materials,    while    they   are    desirable 
ill,  in  large  measure,  for  the  profession- 
workers,    and    even    for    the    leisure    of 
dustrial    and    other    workers,    are    of   no 
rect    value    in    developing    the    kinds    of 
lowledge   and    skill    that    most    men    and 
omen    need.      In    former   times    the    mass 
people  obtained  their  training  in  civili- 
ttion    or    "culture"    through    imitation    of 
le  customs  and  manners  of  their  elders, 
id    their    education    in    efficiency    in    the 
Dmes   and   fields   and   shops.     The   admis- 
on  of  the  masses  to  the  schools  has  coin- 
ded   with  the  elimination  of  the  various 
implex    productive    processes    from     the 
omes    and    from    the   daily    experience    of 
le    children.       The    social    life,    too,    lias 
hanged,   so   that   the  boys   and  girls  can- 
ot   "pick   up"   their  civilization   any  more 
nan   they  can  pick  up   their  trades.     And 
o  again   we   see  the  need  for  having  the 
chool    undertake     an     education     that    is 
uite  different  from  that  formerly  offered, 
nd    one    intimately   related    to   the   condi- 
ions  and   manners  of  modern   life. 

.  ATTITUDE  OP  DIFFERENT  CLASSES 
TOWARD   THE   NEW   EDUCATION. 

Leaders  of  trade  and  labor  organizations 
iave  for  many  years  realized  the  necessity 
or  supplementing  the  work  of  the  schools 
md  the  opportunities  of  the  shops  with 
idditional  training  specifically  related  to 
he  new  processes  and  the  new  instru- 
nents  of  industry.  Leading  educators  and 
:ar-sighted  publicists  have  also  worked 
;oward  a  closer  correlation  between 
schools  and  life  and  industry.  Many  spe- 
Jial  institutions  have  been  founded  for 
;he  purpose  of  giving  young  men  and 
vomen  direct  preparation  for  the  techni- 
sal  work  of  modern  industry.  But  most 
nstitutions  had  before  them  chiefly  the 
>roblems  of  those  who  were  to  become 
mperintendents  and  managers  of  works 
•ather  than  those  who  were  to  become 
:he  rank  and  file  of  the  workers.  And 
nost  of  those  who  donated  to  establish- 
nent  of  such  schools  had  in  mind  chiefly 
:he  provision  of  opportunities  for  the  ex- 
Jeptionally  able  and  ambitious,  rather 
:han  education  for  the  mass  of  workers. 

More  recently  there  has  been  a  growing 
•ealization  for  the  necessity  of  introducing 
ndustrial  education  systematically  to  the 
>nd    that   every    prospective    worker    shall 


have  an  opportunity  to  acquire  a  reason- 
able degree  of  skill  and  knowledge  be- 
fore entering  upon  the  working  years. 
That  this  feeling  was  first  organized  and 
exploited  by  employers  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  citizens  of  this  class  were  in  a  posi- 
tion both  to  feel  the  effects  of  lack  of 
skill  on  the  part  of  the  workers,  and  to 
command  the  intelligence  to  organize  a 
remedy.  Where  the  members  of  the  labor 
unions  felt  the  need  for  industrial  training 
they  either  establishd  their  own  schools 
or  modestly  asked  for  the  introduction  of 
manual  training  into  the  public  schools; 
they  never  organized  an  extensive  agita- 
tion on  the  subject.  But  because  the  man- 
ufacturers did  organize  such  an  agitation, 
and  because  they  used  rather  crude  argu- 
ments in  the  course  of  this  agitation, 
many  members  of  the  labor  organizations 
at  once  became  suspicious  of  the  motives 
and  purposes  of  the  manufacturers. 

The  baldest  argument  for  industrial  ed- 
ucation is  that  skilled  workers  earn  more 
wages  than  unskilled,  and  that  a  popula- 
tion made  up  of  skilled  workers  is  there- 
fore more  prosperous,  and  the  state  or 
community  that  educates  its  children  to 
ndustrial  efficiency  is  better  off  than  one 
that  neglects  such  education.  'The  crude 
reply  of  the  suspicious  workers  was  that 
an  industrially  educated  working  popula- 
tion can  produce  more  profits  to  the  em- 
ployer, and  that  where  "general  education" 
is  replaced  by  industrial  education  the 
working  population  is  deprived  of  access 
to  avenues  of  personal  culture  and  satis- 
faction of  which  no  one  today  should  be 
deprived.  These  two  views  are  both  true 
enough,  but  they  are  not  necessarily  in 
conflict.  Whatever  the  employer  may 
think  of  the  desirability  of  liberalizing 
education  for  all  the  people,  he  knows  that 
the  raw  material  supplied  him  by  the 
schools  cannot  yield  as  high  a  rate  of 
profit  as  a  body  of  well  trained  work- 
men. And  whatever  the  worker  may  think 
of  our  prevailing  economic  system,  he 
must  recognize  that  higher  skill  commands 
higher  wages. 

The  educators  and  teachers  have  taken 
up  a  thorough  and  systematic  considera- 
tion of  the  problem  only  within  a,  very  few 
years.  Representing  the  impersonal  "pub- 
lic" and  trying  to  view  the  situation  with- 
out bias,  they  have  found  a  third  point  of 
attack  that  must  eventually  reconcile  the 
various  conflicting  interests  and  establish 
the  needed  education  upon  a  firmer  foun- 
dation than  that  demanded  by  the  workers 
in  the  trades  or  by  the  employers  of  labor. 
This  point  of  view  lays  emphasis  upon^the 
fact  that  society,  as  represented  by  its 
governmental  and  administrative  agencies, 
is  interested  primarily  in  men  and  women 
and  not  in  profits  and  wages.  Our  common 
schools  fail  to  adjust  the  children  to  the 
kind's  of  lives  that  the  vast  majority  of 
them  must  come  to  lead — that  is,  the  lives 
of  working  men  and  women.  Without 
prejudice  to  the  education  of  those  who 
are  to  become  professional  or  agricultural 
or  commercial  workers,  the  schools  should 
fit  those  whose  occupations  will  be  found 
in  the  industries.  Without  loss  of  those 
elements  in  our  culture  that  is  the  right- 
ful heritage  of  every  boy  and  girl,  each 
child  should  have  the  same  opportunity  to 
become  an  efficient  worker  as  is  now  giv- 
en to  the  four  per  cent  who  become  pro- 
fessional  workers. 

Another  point  that  must  be  emphasized 
by  the  educator  as  representing  the  in- 
terests of  society  as  a  whole  is  the  impor- 
tance of  training  for  citizenship.  The  ele- 
mentary   instruction    in    reading,    writing 


176 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


ti 


and  arithmetic,  which  so  many  of  the  old- 
er people  consider  an  adequate  return 
from  the  school  is  certainly  not  sufficient 
to  assure  that  the  potential  savage  in  ev- 
ery child  will  be  displaced  by  the  poten- 
tial citizen.  The  educator  demands,  then, 
that  training  for  efficiency  shall  be  admit- 
ted into  the  schools;  but  he  stipulates 
that  this  shall  not  be  allowed  to  encroach 
upon  the  demands  of  individual  develop- 
ment and  the  claims  of  good  citizenship. 
The  atiitude  of  the  Socialist  party  as  rep- 
resenting the  interests  of  a  society  made 
up  of  workers  must  coincide  with  that  of 
the  far-sighted  educators,  who  represent 
the  Interests  of  the  common  humanity 
In  society,  as   a    whole. 

4.  THE  KINDS  OF  SCHOOLS  NECES- 
SARY. 

Experiments  in  vocational  trainfng  are 
by  no  means  new.  Indeed,  the  traditional 
education  of  the  schools  and  colleges  is 
but  a  relic  of  what  was  at  one  time  voca- 
tional education  for  the  "clerics"  or  minis- 
ters. Private  schools  for  training  in  spe- 
cial branches  of  mechanical  trades  or  of 
commerce,  as  well  as  public  schools  for 
various  professions,  are  old  and  well  es- 
tablished. The  United  States  Military  and 
Naval  Academies  are  examples  of  special- 
ized vocational  schools  maintained  by  the 
national  government.  Many  of  the  states 
support  schools  for  training  in  agricul- 
ture, law,  medicine,  dentistry,  engineering 
and  other  professional  vocations.  *She 
•quipment  necessary  for  adequate  training 
in  medicine  and  certain  other  branches  is 
so  expensive  that  no  school  for  training 
physicians  could  be  operated  for  profit  and 
at  the  same  time  give  education  satisfy- 
ing modern  standards.  Training  for  other 
vocations,  however,  is  not  so  expensive, 
and  is  carried  on  largely  in  private  schools 
conducted  for  profit.  There  are  a  number 
of  such  schools  that  devote  themselves  to 
the  training  of  men  and  women  for  the 
various  trades. 

A  third  type  of  vocational  school  is  that 
established  by  endowment  from  philan- 
thropic motives.  Many  of  these  have  done 
excellent  work,  although  most  of  them 
have  concerned  themselves  chiefly  with 
training  foremen  and  superintendents. 

A  fourth  type  of  school  is  the  corpora- 
tion school,  established  in  connection  with 
some  industry  for  the  purpose  of  training 
workers  for  that  industry.  A  number  or 
railroad  companies,  several  large  manu- 
facturing companies  and  some  commercial 
corporations  have  established  such  schools. 
These  schools  attempt  to  organize  a  sys- 
tem of  apprenticeship  under  conditions 
of  modern  industry. 

Private  schools  for  teaching  trades  have 
frequently  had  the  defect  that  they  were 
more  concerned  with  getting  the  student's 
fee  than  they  were  with  turning  out  capa- 
ble workers.  The  philanthropic  or  en- 
dowed schools  are  as  a  rule  efficient  as 
far  as  they  go;  but  the  form  of  manage- 
ment makes  them  very  pliant  to  meet  the 
needs  of  employers  in  case  of  industrial 
disputes.  This  is  inevitable,  since  they  de- 
pend altogether  upon  the  support  and 
good  will  of  men  belonging  to  the  employ- 
ing class.  The  corporation  or  apprentice- 
ship schools  have,  on  the  whole,  produced 
the  most  effective  types  of  instruction 
with  relation  to  industrial  efficiency.  If 
our  sole  concern  were  in  producing  highly 
skilled  mechanics,  the  shop  schools  of  the 
large  corporations  should  be  taken  as 
models  for  industrial   education. 

But  while  the  production  of  highly 
skilled  mechanics  is  essential  to  the  pros- 


perity of  any  industrial  nation,  that  is 
the   sole   consideration.      The  nation   ne 


c 


not    only    skilled    workers,    but    men 
women    of    independent    spirit,     men    t 
women  with  an  appreciation  of  the  me;! 
ing    of   civilization,    men   and    women   v1 
can    insist   upon    having    more    out    of 
than    mere    opportunity    to    earn    a    livi 
Now   we  cannot  depend  upon   schools  c< 
ducted  for  profit  to  give  us  such  men 
women;    we    cannot    depend    upon    schol 
endowed  by  philanthropists  to  give  us  si 
men   and   women;    we   cannot  depend   ui 
schools    operated    by    corporations    to    g 
us   the   desired    type    of   education.      If 
public    cares    for    education    that    aims 
such  results,   the  public  must  itself  ests 
lish  and  control   the  schools.     It  therefc 
devolves  upon  the  public  school  to  mod 
and  to  extend  its  program  to  include  trai! 
zing    for   vocational    efficiency.      It    is    or 
the  public  school  that  can  protect  the  1 
terests    of    the    children    of    the    public 
well  as  advance  those  interests. 

In  this  connection  attention  should 
called  to  a  system  of  part-time  schoc 
which  is  being  tried  experimentally 
many  points.  Under  this  plan  there  is 
arrangement  between  employers  ai 
school  officials  by  which  the  young 
workers  are  allowed  to  spend  a  part 
the  time  in  school  and  a  part  in  the  sho 
The  division  of  time  is  various. — as  alte 
nate  weeks,  or  half-day  in  school  and  ha 
in  the  shop,  etc.  In  this  way  the  boj 
have  an  opportunity  to  learn  the  trac 
under  shop  conditions,  while  the  schoi 
work  is  closely  correlated  with  the  she 
work.  These  experiments  should  I 
watched  with  interest  as  they  must  t 
very  instructive  as  to  methods  of  cor 
ducting  industrial  education;  but  they  ai 
not  likely  to  be  entirely  satisfactory  sin< 
under  some  of  the  arrangements  the  en 
ployer  determines  what  boys  are  or  ai 
not  to  have  an  opportunity  to  learn  tr 
trade,  while  under  all  the  plans  the  en 
ployer  is  in  a  position  to  direct  the  wor 
of  the  school  too  much.  The  employe) 
must  not  be  allowed  to  control  the  schoo] 
for  their  advantage  any  more  than  a  trad 
union  may  be  allowed  to  restrict  opporti 
nities  of  workers  to  its  advantage. 

The  public  schools  that  have  introduce 
industrial  courses  with  a  view  to  givin 
industrial  education  independent  of  con 
mercial  shops  are  likely  to  be  handicappe 
at  first,  and  for  some-  time  to  come,  by  tfi 
lack  of  suitable  equipment  and  by  the  in 
possibility  of  obtaining  suitable  teachei 
in  sufficient  numbers.  But  eventually  th; 
type  of  school  will  probably  be  the  mos 
satisfactory,  A  temporary  device  that  wi 
have  to  serve  for  many  years  is  the  cor 
tinuation  school,  whether  day  or  eveninj 
These  schools,  conducted  by  the  publl 
school  officials,  furnish  education  supple 
mentary  to  the  various  occupations  fo 
boys  and  girls  who  have  to  go  to  wor 
before  receiving  complete  preparatj.01 
These  schools  are  specialized  to  megt  fh 
needs  of  different  groups  of  worker! 
Evening  schools  should  be  avoided  fo 
young  people,  as  far  as  possible.  Th 
amount  of  work  required  of  them  in  shop 
and  factories  should  be  restricted  by  lavi 
that  they  may  have  the  opportunity  to  at 
tend  school  without  detriment  to  thei 
health  and  physical  development. 

According  to  the  prevailing  methods  c 
school  administration  a  pupil  general! 
remains  in  school  as  long  as  his  parent 
can  afford  to  keep  him,  without  regar 
to  whether  he  is  getting  any  good  out  o 
it  or  not;  or  a  pupil  leaves  school  when  hi 
family   can   no   longer   afford   to   keep   hir 


f 


V 


APPENDIX 


177 


ajhere,  whether  he  is  benefiting  from  the 
education  or  not.  In  either  case  both  the 
ea  mount  and  the  kind  of  schooling  are 
Bfla.de  to  depend  too  frequently  upon  the 
]  inancial  condition  of  the  family  instead 
if  upon  the  capacity  and  the  interests  of 
he  pupil. 

In    recognition    of    the    unhappy    results 
>f  the  haphazard  selection   of  occupations 
nd    of    schooling,    there    has    grown    the 
novement    for    vocational    guidance.      Vo- 
jational  guidance  is  a  logical  consequence 
>f    present-day    conditions,    and    especially 
>f  the   establishment   of   industrial  educa- 
tion.    The  principles  developed  by  the  stu- 
dents    of     vocational,   guidance,     although 
jjthe  study  is  still  in   its  beginning,   can  be 
aj  applied  to   the  problem   of  how   pupils  are 
)D  to  be  distributed  with  respect  to  the  dif- 
■  I] Cerent    vocational    courses.      This    is    espe- 
cially   important    for   avoiding    the    diver- 
sion   of   boys   and   girls    into   "blind-alley" 
I  occupations.  >  ' 

oo  a "  H,  however,  it  is  acknowledged  that  pu- 
ipils  should  be  prepared  for  the  vocations  to 
a  which  they  are  best  fitted  by  native  capac- 
aijities    and    interests,    insofar    as    the    needs 
of   the  various   callings   will   permit,   there 
are  at  once  raised  two  other  problems  that 
are  fundamental.     The  first  is,  how  can  we 
assure     the    pupil     that     he     will     not     be 
obliged  to  quit  school  and  go  to  work  be- 
fore  his   training   is   completed?     And   the 
second    is,    how   can    we   assure    the    pupil 
that  there  will  be  an  oppdrtunity  for  him 
i'oJ  to    serve    in    the    chosen    calling    after    his 
u  schooling    is    completed? 
bj      In  regard  to  the  first  of  these  problems, 
J  we  have   to  go   beyond   the   usual   compul-, 
r,{  sory-education_  laws.      As    at    present    ad- 
c|  ministered  these  laws  simply  keep  an  un- 
ij,   willing   boy   or   girl   in   school,    or   deprive 
«    the    family    of   the    earnings    of    the    child. 
,1   Of   course,    the   child    should   have   all    the 
,,    schooling    that    he    can    possibly    turn    to 
\    good   use;   however,   when   the   compulsion 
j    is  resented  by  both  pupil  and  parent,  noth- 
\    ing  but  bitterness  results.     In  some  states 
the    plan    of    subsidizing    older    pupils    as 
long  as  they  remain  in  school  has  resulted 
in  an   increased   attendance.      The   propsal 
to    pay    pupils    for    attending    school    will 
have   to   be   seriously   considered,   for   it   is 
more  important  to  society  that  each  indi- 
vidual be  adequately  trained  than  that  the 
child    should   earn    the   few   paltry   dollars. 
Not    only    is    it    true    that    in    general    the 
days  of  youth  are  for  learning,  not  earn- 
ing;   but   we    must    recognize    that   beyond 
a  certain  point  the  cost  of  the  child's  edu- 
cation   should    fall    properly    upon    society 
as  a  whole   rather  than   upon   the  parent; 
and    where    the    cost   becomes   a   hardship, 
in  the  sense  that  the  parents  cannot  sup- 
port the  child  at  school,  the  burden  must 
be  borne  by  society. 

In  regard  to  the  second  question,  that 
of  assuring  employment  to  those  who  have 
been  educated  for  special  kinds  of  work, 
the  immediate  outlook  is  not  very  clear. 
Public  schooling  cannot  long  be  continued 
on  the  theory  that  it  is  to  prepare  individ- 
ual pupils  for  a  keener  competition  with 
one  another.  Public  schooling  can  be  sup- 
ported only  on  the  theory  that  it  contrib- 
utes to  some  common  or  social  advantage. 
Now  the  common  interests  require  that 
every  employable  adult  be  given  an  op- 
portunity to  work,  and  that  the  worker 
and  work  be  as  comfortably  and  as  effi- 
ciently adjusted  to  each  other  as  possible. 
It  is  possible,  by  means  of  suitable  statis- 
tical studies,  to  approximate  with  a  fair 
degree  of  accuracy  the  proportions  of  an 
existing  body  of  children  that  could  be 
profitably    prepared    for    given    vocations 


to  be  entered  upon  by  them  say  ten  years 
hence.  But  if  all  our  children  are  thus 
directed  into  the  various  trades  and  pro- 
fessions, there  is  no  assurance  that  all  of 
them  will  find  remunerative  employment 
when  they  are  prepared  for  it.  As  long 
as  the  private  ownership  and  control  oi 
the  large  instruments  of  production  and 
distribution  keeps  a  certain  proportion  of 
the  population  always  unemployed,  it  is 
impossible  to  foretell  what  proportions 
will  be  employed  when  all  are  employable. 
The  ultimate  solution  of  this  problem  lies, 
of  course,  in  society's  ownership  of  its  in- 
dustries as  well  as  of  its  educational  ma- 
chinery. 

Other  problems  suggested,  such  as  the 
disposition  of  the"  product  of  the  school 
shops,  the  training  of  teachers,  etc.,  do 
not  affect  the  general  principles  discussed. 

SUMMARY. 
1.     IMPORTANCE   OP  THE   QUESTION. 
High  skill  among  workers  necessary  to 
maintain   industrial   advance. 

High  skill  necessary  to  give  workers 
a  decent   basis   for  living. 

Industrial  training  no  longer  possible 
n   the   home. 

Industrial  training  no  longer  sufficiently 
available  in   the   industries   themselves. 
Lack  of  training  drives  the  majority  of 
hildren  into  "blind-alley"  occupations  that 
ead   to   nothing. 

Extension  of  the  functions  of  the 
school  suggested  as  a  means  for  furnish- 
ing  industrial   training. 

2.  WHY     THE     SCHOOLS     ARE     INADE- 
QUATE    (AS    NOW    CONDUCTED). 

The  schools  have  to  do  with  matters  that 
are  important  to  those  who  enter  the 
professions. 

Most  of  the  school  work  is  of  no  signifi- 
cance to  those  who  are  to  do  other  kinds 
of  work. 

We  must  still  depend  upon  the  school  to 
preserve  and  to  transmit  accumulated  race 
experience,  "culture"  and  the  basis  of  civ- 
ilization. 

3.  ATTITUDE  OF  DIFFERENT  CLASSES 
TOWARDS  INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION. 
Need   for   industrial  education  apprecia- 
ted by  the  workers. 

Systematic  agitation  for  it  started  by 
employers. 

Employers  look  to  getting  better  work- 
ers and  hence  larger  profits. 

Workers  look  to  getting  higher  wages. 

Educators  and  publicists  are  concerned 
primarily  with  producing  better  men  and 
women,   and   with   making   better   citizens. 

Industrial  training  must  be  introduced, 
but  it  must  not  interfere  with  training  for 
citizenship  and  for  culture. 

4.  THE    KINDS    OF    SCHOOLS    FOR    IN- 

DUSTRIAL  TRAINING. 

Private  schools;  conducTecT  for  profit. 
These  are  more  concerned  with  fees  than 
with   efficiency  of  work. 

Endowed  or  philanthropic  schools;  these 
frequently  do  good  work  on  the  technical 
side,  contribute  little  or  nothing  to  citizen- 
ship or  culture,  and  are  under  the  domina- 
tion, as  a  rule,  of  the  employers. 

Corporation  or  apprenticeship  schools; 
these  do  very  effective  work,  so  far  as  they 
go;  they  are  completely  dominated  by  the 
interests  of  the  employers,  and  ignore,  as 
a  rule,  all  that  has  to  do  with  civilized 
living   and    with    citizenship. 

Public  schools;  these  being  under  the 
control  of  the  public,  cannot  be  so  readily 
diverted  to  the  service  of  a  portion  of  the 


178 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


public;  they  carry  the  traditions  of  educa- 
tion  for  citizenship  and  culture. 

Tart-time  schools;  advantage  of  co- 
operation between  shop  and  school;  danger 
of  class  domination  and  restriction. 

5.     FURTHER  IMPLICATION. 

Control  must  be  truly  representative  of 
the  public. 

Public  education  should  not  be  uniform 
education. 

Differentiated  courses  should  be  admin- 
istered with  reference  to  the  needs  and 
capacities  of  pupils,  not  with  reference  to 
the  economic  status  of  the  parents. 

There  should  be  systematic  study  of  vo- 
cational guidance. 

There  is  implied  a  school-attendance 
subsidy. 

And  the  ultimate  control  of  industry  by 
the  public. 

RECOMMENDATIONS. 

1.  Approval  of  national,  state  and  local 
action  leading  to  the  establishment  of  vo 
cational  instruction  in  the  elementary 
schools.  (Vocational  includes  agricultural, 
commercial,  domestic  and  professional  as 
well  as  industrial.  Much  of  the  school 
work  is  already  vocational  for  those  en- 
tering the  professions — about  four  per  cent 
of  the  pupils;  no  changes  are  needed  in 
this  direction.) 

2.  Approval  of  the  establishment  of  vo- 
cational guidance  work  in  cities  and  towns. 

3.  Approval  of  extension  of  census 
work,  or  the  establishment  of  permanent 


census  work  in  the  direction  of  yield! 
information  as  to  the  industrial  ehang 
and  as  to  the  character  of  the  populate 

4.  Approval     of     extension     of     ag 
compulsory  education,  with  provisions  i, 
monetary    compensation    wherever    nect 
sary. 

5.  Support  of  legislation  that  will  pr 
hibit  all  work  for  children  which  does  n 
lead  to  increasing  economic  and  soc; 
worth. 

6.  Opposition  to  arrangements  betwe 
school    (public)    officials   and    shop    owne 
that  leave  the  control  of  the  education 
the  hands  of  the  employers. 

7.  Insistence  upon  the  control  of  indu 
trial  education  being  in  the  hands  of  tru 
representative  bodies. 

8.  Insistence  upon  the  subordination, 
public  schools,  of  skill  and  speed  to  unde 
standing  and  appreciation. 

9.  Insistence  upon  emphasis  being  la 
upon  citizenship  and  manhood  and  womai 
hood. 

10.  Insistence  upon  administration  th; 
will    permit    of    flexible    readjustment 
pupils  to  their  own  developing  powers  c 
the   one   hand,    and    to   changing   econom 
conditions  on  the  other. 

Fraternally  submitted, 
BENJAMIN  GRUENBERG, 
G.  A.   STREBEL, 
BERTHA  H.  MAILLY,  Committe 

TNote:  This  report  was  not  adopted  b 
the  convention,  but  referred  to  a  ne 
standing  committee  on  the  subject- 
Editor.] 


V 


APPENDIX 


179 


J? 


APPENDIX  C 


Report  of  Committee  on  Commission  Form  of  Government. 


:ei)RT     OF     COMMITTEE     APPOINTED 
THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF 
3E   SOCIALIST  PARTY   FOR  THE 
TUDY      OF      THE      COMMISSION 
FORM  OF   GOVERNMENT  FOR 
CITIES. 


THE  COMMITTEE. 
I".  Jacobsen  (Iowa),  Chairman. 
1  D.  Thompson  (Wis.),  Secretary, 
nnie  E.  Branstetter  (Oklahoma), 
jper  M'Levy   (Connecticut). 
e(W.  Rose  (Mississippi). 
SW   OF   THE   BEST   BOOKS   ON   THE 
COMMISSION  FORM  OF  GOVERN- 
MENT FOR  CTT1ES. 


ty  Government  by  Commission,"  by 
H.  MacGregor,  Bulletin  of  the  Univer- 
of  Wisconsin  No.  423,  paper,  40  cents, 
j>ages  with  very  complete  bibliography, 
ommission  Government  in  American 
s."  Annals  of  the  American  Academy 
olitical  and  Social  Science,  November, 
|300  pages,  $1.00. 

ommission  Plan  of  Municipal  Govern- 
t."  Debaters'  Handbook  Series,  H.  W. 
on  Co.,  cloth,  178  pages,  $1.00,  very 
v  presentation  of  arguments  on  both 
5,  complete  bibliography, 
ommission  Government  in  American 
ss,"  by  Bradford,  McMillan  Company, 
■  cloth,  $1.25,  359  pages, 
ity  Government  by  Commission1,"  by 
druff,  D  Appleton  &  Co.,  cloth,  $1.50, 
pages. 
Comparison  of  the  Forms  of  Commis- 
Government  in  Cities,"  pamphlet  by 
Iford,  reprinted  from  proceedings  of 
National  Municipal  League  at  Buffalo, 
,  3025  15th  street,  N.  W.,  Washington, 
I  30  cents. 

ST  GENERAL  MUNICIPAL  GOVERN- 
MENT. 

Phe  City,   the  Hope   of  Democracy,"   by 
flerick  C.  Howe. 

Phe  British  City,"  by  Frederick  C.  Howe, 
ese  two  books  by  Howe  are  probably 
most  advanced  view  of  the  problems 
Qunicipal  government,  and  will  be  most 
reciated  by  Socialist  readers.) 
Municipal  Government  in  Continental 
'ope,"  by  Shaw. 

Municipal    Government   in    Great   Brit- 
7.  by  Shaw. 

^MISSION  FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT 
FOR  CITIES. 
REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE. 
t  the  National  Convention  of  the  So- 
1st  party  in  1910,  a  committee  was  ap- 
lted  to  submit  to  the  convention  a  re- 
t  on  the  subject  of  the  commission  form 
government  for  cities,  which  by  that 
e  had  begun  to  attract  considerable  at- 
tion  throughout  the  country. 


The  committee  gave  such  attention  to 
the  subject  as  was  possible  during  the 
convention  and  submitted  a  tentative  re- 
port. This  first  report  can  be  found  on 
pages  290-295  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
National  Convention  of  the  Socialist  party 
for  1910. 

After  a  discussion  of  the  report,  the  con- 
tention unanimously  decided  to  make  the 
committee  permanent  with  instructions  to 
give  further  study  to  the  subject  and  make 
report  at  the  next  convention  of  the  party. 

The  tentative  report  of  this  committee 
to  the  National  Convention  of  the  party  for 
1912,  follows: 

1.     THE  EXTENT  AND  GROWTH  OF  THE 
COMMISSION  FORM   OF  GOVERN- 
MENT. 
Up  to  the  present  time  about  151   cities 
have  adopted  and  are  operating  under  the 
commission  form  of  government  in  29  dif- 
ferent   States.      The    list    of    the    cities    is 
rather  too  long  to  print  in  the  report,  but 
may  be  found  in  almost  any  publication  on 
the    subject.       (See    "Commission    Govern- 
ment   in    American    Cities,"    by    Bradford, 
pages    131-138.)      The    States    now    having 
one    or   more   cities   under   the   commission 
form  of  government,  are  as  follows: 
Alabama.  Montana. 

California.  New  Mexico. 

Colorado.  North    Carolina. 

North  Dakota. 

Oklahoma. 

Oregon. 

South  Dakota- 
Tennessee. 

Texas. 

Utah. 

Washington. 

West   Virginia. 

Wisconsin. 

Wyoming. 


Iowa. 

Illinois. 

Idaho. 

Kansas. 

Kentucky. 

Louisiana. 

Maryland. 

Massachusetts. 

Michigan. 

Minnesota. 

Mississippi. 

New    Jersey. 

Twenty-one  States  have  passed  general 
laws  providing  for  the  commission  form 
of  government  in  cities  which  chose  to 
adopt  the  general  provisions.  These 
States   are   as   follows: 

North  Dakota. 

New  Jersey. 

South    Carolina. 

South  Dakota. 

New  Mexico. 

Texas. 

Utah. 

Washington. 

Wisconsin. 

Wyoming. 


Alabama. 

California, 

Idaho. 

Illinois. 

Iowa. 

Louisiana. 

Kansas. 

Kentucky. 

Montana. 

Mississippi. 

Minnesota. 

Some  of  these  States  and  certain  others 
have  a  general  home  rule  law  which 
makes  it  possible  for  the  inauguration  of 
the  commission  form,  which  should  be 
added  to  the  above  list,  for  in  most  of 
these    home    rule    states    the    commission 


180 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


form  has  been  adopted  by  one  or  more 
cities.  These  States  which  may  be  called 
"home  rule  States,"  are  California,  Ore- 
gon, Michigan,  Missouri,  Oklahoma,  Wash- 
ington  and   Minnesota. 

There  are  59  cities  operating  under 
special  charter  in  states  where  there  is 
no   general   law   as    yet. 

THjE  RATE  OP  GROWTH  OP  THE 
COMMISSION  FORM.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment was  first  introduced  in  Galveston, 
Texas,  in  1901.  This  was  not  only  the 
first  example,  but  it  was  also  the  first 
form.  No  other  city  adopted  the  plan  and 
there  was  no  further  development  till 
1907.  During  that  year  six  cities  adopted 
the  plan  and  a  few  States  passed  general 
laws.  In  1908  seven  more  cities  adopted 
the  plan.  In  1909  there  were  26.  In  1910 
the  high-water  mark  was  reached.  Dur- 
ing that  year  61  cities  adopted  the  com- 
mission form  of  government.  In  1911 
only  49  cities  adopted  the  form. 

CITIES  REJECTING  THE  COMMISSION 
FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

Meanwhile  the  number  of  cities  reject- 
ing the  commission  form  of  government 
seems  to  be  increasing.  In  1909,  four 
cities  voted  upon  and  rejected  the  plan. 
In  1910  19  cities  rejected  the  plan.  In 
1911,  33  cities  rejected  it. 

It  will  be  noted,  therefore,  that  the  rate 
of  increase  in  the  number  of  cities  adopt- 
ing the  commission  form  of  government 
reached  its  highest  point  in  1910,  and 
dropped  off  in  1911,  while  the  number  of 
cities  rejecting  the  plan  beginning  with 
1909,  has  rapidly  increased.  One  of  the 
cities  rejecting  the  plan,  Biloxi,  Miss.,  has 
Voted  it  down  twice.  Oklahoma  City 
twice  rejected  the  plan,  but  at  a  third  ref- 
erendum  the   plan   carried. 

SIZE  OF  CITIES  ADOPTING  THE  COM- 
MISSION FORM.  It  should  also  be  noted 
that  no  large  city  has  as  yet  adopted  the 
commission  form  of  government,  although 
many  of  its  advocates  insist  that  it  is  as 
applicable  to  the  large  cities  as  well  as  to 
the  small  ones. 

The  largest  city  so  far  adopting  the 
form  is  St.  Paul,  Minn.,  with  214,000,  and 
Oakland,  Cal.,  comes  next  with  150,174 
population.  Only  three  other  cities  of 
more  than  100,000  population  have  adopted 
it,  viz.:  Spokane,  Wash.,  Memphis,  Tenn., 
and  Birmingham,  Ala.  All  the  other  cities 
that  have  adopted  the  form  have  a  pop- 
ulation of  less  than   100,000. 

Furthermore  there  are  only  eleven  cities 
of  the  151  adopting  the  form,  that  have  a 

fiopulation  of  between  50,000  and  100,000. 
n  other  words,  136  of  the  151  cities  adopt- 
ing the  commission  form  have  a  popula- 
tion of  less  than  50,000.  One  hundred  and 
seven  of  the  total  number  adopting  the 
form  have  a  population  of  less  than  25,000 
and  73  have  a  population  of  less  than  10,- 
000  and  40  a  population  of  less  than  5,000. 

2.  THE  ESSENTIAL,  AND  NON-ESSEN- 
TIAL FEATURES  OF  THE  COM- 
MISSION FORM. 
While  the  form  of  the  commission  plan 
of  government  varies  greatly  and  seems 
to  be  constantly  changing,  there  are  cer- 
tain features  which  are  presented  by  the 
writers  on  the  subject,  as  being  essential. 
Your  committee,  however,  takes  a  some- 
what different  view  of  this  point  from 
most  of  the  writers.  Certain  features  are 
by  some  urged  as  essential  to  the  com- 
mission form  which  it  seems  to  us  are  not 
so  at  all.  We  therefore  make  a  somewhat 
different  division  in  the   discussion   of   thif* 


3 


part  than  most  of  the  writt^s  on 
ject.  We  think  this  necessary  tc| 
rect  estimate  of  the  commission  f 
THE  ESSENTIAL  FEATURES 
following  are  what  to  us  appear  t< 
essential  features  of  the  com 
form. 

(1)  First  and   foremost   is   the 
tration    of    the    legislative,    admini 
and    in    most    cases    some    of    the 
functions  of  the  city  government 
hands   of   one   governing   body.     Tl 
centration     involves    also     the     ap 
power,   as   in   most  cases   the   head' 
subordinate  departments  are  appoi 
the   commission.      The    extent    of    1 
pointive  power,  however,  varies  in 
ferent  cities  and  under  the  differen 

This  feature  of  the  concentration 
various  functions  of  the  municip; 
ernment,  constitutes  the  most  c 
and  characteristic  element  in  the  c 
sion  form  of  government. 

(2)  The  second  most  constant 
of  the  commission  form  is  the  sma 
erning  body  generally  of  five  men. 
few  cases  it  is  a  smaller  number  i 
casionally  a  somewhat  larger  numb 
these  are  exceptional.  There  are 
cities  that  have  seven  commissione 
one  or  two  that  have  nine.  But  th 
common  form  is  a  board  of  commis, 
of  five  members. 

Thus  the  concentration  of  powtl 
functions  mentioned  in  the  first! 
above,  becomes  by  reason  of  this  fee 
concentration  of  power  and  functior 
the  hands  of  a  very  small  number  o 
generally  five.  This  feature  of  a 
body  appears  in   every  case. 

In  this  connection  it  is  interest: 
note  that  the  process  of  concentratii 
in  one  or  two  cases  been  carried  1 
!he  idea  of  a  board  of  five  commiss 
and  has  gone  to  the  limit  of  propo 
single  man  to  have  complete  charge 
city.  This  official  is  known  as  th 
business  manager.  This  was  first  ii 
rated  by  the  city  of  Staunton,  Va., 
population  of  12,000.  The  purpose  i 
case  appears  to  have  been  to  ado 
commission  form  of  government  wi 
addition  of  a  single  official  to  be  knc 
"city  manager."  To  him  was  given  ' 
charge  and  control  of  all  the  ex< 
work  of  the  city  in  its  various  c 
ments  and  entire  charge  and  control 
heads  of  departments  and  employes 
city."  Under  his  direction  are  superi 
ents  of  (a)  streets;  (b)  electric  lig 
,(c)  water  works;  (d)  city  parks;  (e) 
seer  of  the  poor.  His  duties  are  to 
all  contracts  for  labor  and  supplie 
"in  general  perform  all  the  adminis 
and  executive  work  now  Derformed  1 
general  standing  committees  of  the 
cil,  except  the  finance,  ordinance 
and  auditing  committees." 

A  form  of  government  under  wl 
commission  of  five  was  to  be  electee 
in  turn  should  appoint  a  municipal 
ager,  has  been  proposed  by  Lockport, 

In  Roswell,  N.  M.,  the  city  supe 
who  is  appointed  by  the  council,  is 
a    "city    manager." 

Thus  we  have  a  concentration  brou 
this  case  to  its  logical  conclusion  of  a 
one   man   authority. 

(3)  The  third  most  characterise 
ture  of  the  commission  form  is  th€ 
tions  at  large.  Tne  principle  of  th< 
tion  of  representatives  to  the  gov 
body  of  the  city  from  wards  and  dis 
is  abandoned  entirely  and  the  comm: 
ers  are  elected  from  the  city  at  large. 


f 


v   V 


APPENDIX 


181 


;*e   also  appears    in   «very    case  under 

mission   form. 
fol    Another    universal    feature    of    the 
Mission  form  is  that  each  commissioner 
to|d  assumes  charge  of  a  certain  depart- 
■m      The  department  which  the  commis- 

ikes  charge  of  is  generally  deter- 
M  by  the  commissioners  themselves 
•aii  they  are  elected.  In  a  few  cases, 
'.  \rer,    the  commissioners   are  elected   in 

J st  place  by  the  people  as  heads  of 
l  departments.  Having  each  com- 
ber at  the  head  of  a  department,  is, 
;r,  a  universal  feature  of  the  com- 
a  form. 
J  The  fifth  but  less  universal  feature 
^■■rpartisan  elections.  A  little  more 
i  of  the  cities  operating  under  the 
.'Mission  form  require  non-partisan  elec- 
pa>  In  most  cases  the  use  of  party 
cos  and  party  designations  is  entirely 
c<nated  and  occasionally  this  assumes 
:her  drastic  form.  In  nearly  one-half 
j  he  cases,  however,  this  non-partisan 
Uire  is  not  insisted  upon. 
a,  is  constitutes  what  seem  to  be  the 
a  characteristic,  and  the  essential  fea- 
bji  of  the  commission  form. 

THE   NON-ESSENTIAL    FEATURES. 

addition  to  the  features  mentioned 
^e,  most  writers  include  certain  others 
h  they  claim  as  part  and  parcel  of 
commission  form.  Among  these  are 
Initiative,  the  referendum,  recall,  civil 
Ice    commissions,    publicity    and    home 


t 
t 

0l>ne  of  these,  however,  can  be  claimed 
ssential  parts  of  the  commission  form 
government.       There    are    cities,    stales 

tj  even  nations  that  have  put  certain  of 
e  features  into  operation,  that  have  had 
jommission  form  of  government   what- 


>r  example,    Switzerland  and   New   2'ea- 
have  haa  the  initiative  and  referendum 
their    national     laws     for    many    years. 
y  of  the  western  cities  had  the  recall 
■   before    the    establishing    of    the    corn- 
lion    form    of    government.       The    civil 
ice  provision  is  least  of  all  an  essential 
of    the    commission    form    of    govern- 
t,  as  it  had  been  advocated  years  before 
commission    form    of    government    was 
•d  of  and  put  into  operation  very  widely 
various    degrees    throughout    the    world, 
so  far  as  publicity  is  concerned,  there 
i  question   whether   there   is    more  pub- 
:y   under   the    commission   form   of   gov- 
nent,    with    its    small    body    of    elected 
>ers,    than    there    is    under    the    council 
n  with  its  larger  body  and  ooen  mtset- 
3. 

nd  as  to  home  rule,  it  may  be  said  that 

he  commission   form   of  government   to 

considerable  degree  increased  the  right 

self-government  and  home  rule  in  cities, 

\  in  itself  would  constitute  a  very  strong 

nment    in    its    favor.       The    home    rule 

irement,     however,     started    long    before 

idea  of  the  commission  form  of  govern- 

St   arose,    and   has   been   widely   agitated 

fk*ely    apart    from    it.      Moreover,    before 

commission    form    of    government    be- 

ae    at    all    widespread    and    quite    inde- 

dent     of     the     commission     movement, 

fe   were   a  number  of  states   that   came 

be  known  as  "home  rule  states."     These 

I  notably    California,    Oregon,    Michigan, 

Hsouri.   Oklahoma,   Washington   and   Min- 

(pta,    so   that   it   is    quite    clear   that   we 

not    need    to    resort    to    a    commission 

$h  of  government  as  a  means  of  secur- 

home  rule  for  cities.     And  while  it  may 

admitted  that  in  many  cases  the  degree 

feome  rule  is  somewhat  increased  under 

i   commission   form   of    government,    the 


home,  rule  features  cannot  be  claimed  as  an 

essential  part  of  that  form. 

Whether  as  some  of  the  opponents  of 
the  commission  form  of  government  argue, 
these  non-essential  features  as  we  have 
called  them,  were  hitched  on  to  the  com- 
mission form  in  order  to  deceive  the  peo- 
ple into  voting  for  it  or  not,  we  need  not  at 
this  time  discuss.  We  should  be  able  to 
distinguish,  however,  between  those  fea- 
tures of  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment which  come  as  a  characteristic  part 
and  those  which  do  not  really  belong  to  it 
and  which  can  and  are  being  secured  by 
the  cities  quite  widely  entirely  apart  from 
the  commission  form  of  government. 

That  the  initiative,  referendum  and  re- 
call are  desired  and  urged  by  every  so- 
cialist organization  in  the  world,  is  well 
known.  That  home  rule  for  cities  is  one  of 
the  foremost  and  most  vital  needs  of  all 
cities,  not  only  in  America  but  every- 
where, is  also  well  understood  by  every 
student  of  municipal  problems.  But  all  of 
these  matters  can  be  advanced  and  are 
being  advanced  apart  from  the  commission 
form.  They  cannot  therefore  be  held  sfi 
characteristic  of  this  form  of  government. 

4.     RESULTS   OP   THE   COMMISSION 
FORMS. 

TOO  EARLY  TO  JUDGE.  Considering 
the  fact  that  the  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment has  been  in  operation  so  short  a 
time,  it  is  too  early  to  judge  finally  as  to  its 
efficiency  or  success.  The  only  city  that 
has  really  had  enough  years  of  experience 
to  have  given  the  form  a  real  test,  is 
Galveston,  Texas,  which  adopted  the  form 
in  1901.  But  the  Galveston  form  is  so 
much  different  from  what  has  come  to  be 
known  as  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  was  inaugurated  under  such  dif- 
ferent circumstances  and  conditions  from 
practically  all  of  the  other  cities,  that  it 
can  hardly  be  considered  a  test. 

No  other  city  adopted  the  form  until 
four  years  later,  when  Houston,  Texas,  fol- 
lowed the  example  and  copied  much  the 
same  form  as  that  of  Galveston.  Not  until 
two  years  later,  viz.,  in '  1907,  were  there 
any  considerable  number  of  cities  adopting 
the   form   of   government. 

So  it  will  appear  that  the  experience  of 
any  city  under  the  commission  form  has 
been  brief.  Galveston  has  had  the  longest 
which  is  about  eleven  years.  Houston 
comes  next  with  nine  years.  Five  other 
Texas  cities,  of  which  Dallas  is  the  largest, 
and  Lewiston,  Idaho,  have  had  about  six 
years.  Most  of  these  cities  in  the  early 
period  of  the  commission  form,  have  not 
yet  developed  the  real  form  of  commission 
government,  which  is  at  present  most  com- 
monly   advocated. 

Des  Moines,  la,,  which  finally  adopted 
the  form  most  commonly  advocated  at  the 
present  time,  has  had  hardly  five  years  of 
experience.  All  of  the  other  cities  have 
had  even  less  than  that.  Twenty-six  of 
the  cities  have  not  yet  completed  two  years 
of  experience  and  forty-nine  are  still  in 
their  first  year.  In  other  words,  none  of 
the  cities  having  the  present  form  of  com- 
mission government,  most  generally  ad- 
vocated, have  had  more  than  four  or  five 
years  of  experience,  while  the  great  ma- 
jority of  them  have  only  had  one  or  two 
years. 

So  it  will  appear  that  the  commission 
form  of  government  has  not  been  in  oper- 
ation in  any  case  more  than  four  or  five 
years  and  during  that  time  the  form  has 
been  constantly  modified  and  changed  so 
that  it  is  really  too  early  to  be  able  to 
judge  as  to  its  results.  The  further  fact 
that  in  no  case  has  it  been  applied  in  any 


183 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION, 


city  of  considerable  size,  still  further  limits 
our  opportunity  for  judgment  as  to  its  ef- 
ficiency, so  far  as  political  results  are  con- 
cerned. 

FAVORABLE  AND  UNFAVORABLE 
REPORTS.  Turning  now  to  the  reports 
given  out  from  the  various  cities  as  to  the 
results  of  the  operation^  of  this  for.'  .  of 
government,  we  hnd  a  mass  of  literature, 
pamphlets  and  magazine  articles,  which 
attempt  to  present  the  results.  Many  of 
them  report  in  most  glowing  terms  the 
splendid  results  obtained.  Almost  every 
writer  on  municipal  problems  has  had  some- 
thing to  say  upon  tnis  subject.  Some  so- 
cialist writers  have  strongly  advocated  the 
commission  form.  Most  notable  of  these 
is  Charles  Edward  Russell,  whose  article 
in  "Everybody's  Magazine"  April,  1910,  on 
"Sanity  and  Democracy  for  American 
Cities"  is  a  most  positive  and  unqualified 
endorsement  of  the  idea.  And  the  article 
which  is  written  with  special  reference  to 
Des  Moines  attempts  to  point  out  most  re- 
markable and  favorable  results.  Coming 
as  it  does  from  one  of  our  prominent  so- 
cialists, this  article  immediately  chal- 
lenged the  attention  of  your  committee. 
Correspondence  with  Comrade  Russell  drew 
out  the  fact  that  he  was  very  decidedly  of 
the  opinion  that  the  commission  form  of 
government  was  in  every  way  worthy  of 
the  support  of  those  who  desire  a  better 
municipal    government. 

A  contrary  opinion,  however,  is  held  by 
other  socialists  and  even  by  other  writers 
With  regard  to  Des  Moines  and  t^e  success 
of  .the   form   there. 

In  the  case  of  the  recent  street  car 
strike  there  the  commissioner  of  public 
safety  was  undoubtedly  in  sympathy  with 
the  workers.  As  is  usual  in  such  strug- 
gles the  company  depended  upon  the  sup- 
port of  the  police  to  help  them.  When  the 
strike  breakers  were  brought  in  to  operate 
the  cars  the  company  expected  the  police 
to  give  them  special  protection,  and  asked 
permission  for  their  men  to  carry  weapons. 
This  the  commissioner  of  public  safety  re- 
fused to  permit. 

The  result  was  that  inside  of  two  days 
the  strike  was  won  and  the  union  men  were 
operating  the  cars. 

Suosequently.  and  in  absolute  violation 
Of  the  Iowa  law,  this  particular  commis- 
sioner was  deprived  of  the  control  of  the 
police  force.  He  had  control,  by  virtue  of 
his  office  of  both  the  fire  and  the  police 
forces.  When  the  crisis  came  the  police 
force  was  taken  away  from  him.  This  nat- 
urally brought  forth  vigorous  protests  from 
many  quarters.  In  order  to  offset  this,  the 
whole  department  was  taken  away  from 
this  commissioner  and  given  over  to  one 
of  the  others. 

The  feeling  of  the  people  was  very  de- 
cidedly manifested  in  the  ensuing  election 
when  all  three  of  the  commissioners  who 
had  been  parties  to  this  high  handed  pro- 
ceeding were  defeated.  And  yet,  in  spite  of 
all  this,  when  the  new  commission  took 
office  they  did  not  restore  the  commissioner 
who  had  shown  his  sympathy  for  the  work- 
ers to  the  control  of  the  police  and  fire 
department    forces. 

In  Minot.  North  Dakota,  we  have  another 
illustration  of  the  peculiar  workings  of 
the  commission  form  of  government.  One 
of  our  Socialists,  Arthur  LeSueur,  was 
elected  chairman  of  the  commission.  An- 
other Socialist  had  also  been  elected  and 
these  two  found  that  one  of  the  other  mem- 
bers worked  and  voted  with  them.  This 
gave  them  the  control  of  the  commission. 
They  proceeded  then  to  enforce  the  laws 
and  clean  up  the  city.  A  little  later  on, 
however,    one    of    the    Socialist    candidates 


failed    of    re-election,     another    was    | 
pelled  to  leave  town  and  the  Socialist 
control    of    the    commission.       There 
three    non-Socialists    against    the    tw 
cialists. 

The    commission   law    in    this   case 
it    incumbent    upon     the    chairman    p 
ularly  to  enforce  the  laws  relative  to 
gambling    and    the  -selling   of    liquor. 
County   Sheriff   was   particularly   host 
the  chairman  of  the  commission.     Coi 
LeSueur    was    therefore    in    this    dile 
the   law   required  him   to  enforce   the 
gambling     and    anti-vice     ordinances, 
county  officials  who  were  hostile  stood 
to    prosecute    him    if    he    did    not    en 
them.      But   meanwhile    the    three   mer 
of  the  commission   who   stood   against 
had  elected  an  entirely  new  police  con 
sion  and  they  in  turn  had  taken  the  i 
force    out    of    his    control.      The    law 
pelled    him    to    enforce    the   ordinances 
the   commission   had   taken  away  from 
the   power   by   which   alone  he   could   c 
In    this    predicament    he    appealed    to 
local   of   the   Socialist   party   for   a   dec 
as   what  was    best   to   do   and   they   de> 
that    the   only    thing   in   that    case   was 
him    to   resign,    which    he    did. 

This  would  seem  to  us  a  clear  indie; 
of   the   bad   working   of    this    form    of 
ernment,  or  at  least  an  evidence  that 
no   better   than   the   old   form.      In   spit 
this,    however,    Comrade    LeSueur    beli 
strongly    in    the    commission    form    of 
ernment. 

In  1907,  the  Polk  County  Republ 
Club,  of  Des  Moines,  appointed  a  com 
tee  that  visited  Galveston  and  India 
olis,  in  order  to  make  comparison  of 
forms  of  government  there  with  the 
posed  Des  Moines  plan.  This  comm 
was  evidently  very  much  opposed  to 
Galveston  plan.  Their  report  was  stro 
against  the  commission  idea.  Speakin 
the   Galveston   plan,    they   say: 

"It  is  a  potentially  perfect  political 
chine.  There  has  been  no  change  in 
membership  of  the  Galveston  commis 
since  it  was  organized  in  1900  (excep 
the  death  of  a  member).  The  exter 
powers  of  the  commissioners  have  ena 
them  to  control  all  political  factions 
completely  to  crush  the  opposition, 
commissioners'  faction  is  in  complete 
trol,  and  its  leaders  dictate  nomination 
commissioners,  members  of  the  legisla 
and    congressmen. 

"The    Galveston    commissioners    and 
officials    are    not    easily    accessible    to 
citizens   of  the   city,   and   give   but  a   s 
portion  of  their  time  to  the  city's  busir 
None     of     the     commissioners,     except 
mayor,   has   an  office  in   the  city  hall, 
of  them  have  other  extensive  interests 
citizens  seeking  redress  or  assistance  r 
run    the   gauntlet   of   the   outside  office 
closed  door  of  the  private  business  offic 

"In  Houston,  which  also  has  a  com 
sion  form  of  government  where  the  c 
missioners  are  required  to  stay  in  the 
hall  every  day,  business  men  do  not 
these  positions  although  the  salaries 
higher  than  the  proposed  salaries  of 
Des  Moines  commissioners.  One  com: 
sioner  was  formerly  a.  scavenger,  ano 
a  blacksmith,  justice  of  the  peace  and 
derman,  a  third  a  railroad  auditor,  a  fo1 
a  dry  goods  merchant,  and  the  mayor  a 
tired    capitalist. 

"The  Galveston  commissioners  favor 
corporation.  The  only  franchise  givei 
a  corporation  by  the  commission  is 
franchise  obtained  by  the  Galveston  St 
Railway  Co.  in  Mav,  1906.  It  was  not 
ferred  to  a  vote  of  the  people.  (This  f 
chise  was  given  for  a  period  of  fifty  yea 


\ 


APPENDIX 


183 


te  city  received  no  compensation  for  this 
anchise  and  collected  no  franchise  taxes 
it.  The  city  receives  no  percentage  of 
e  gross  or  net  receipts.  The  company 
arges  a  straight  five-cent  fare  and  trans- 
rs  are  issued  ,only  from  May  to  October." 
Speaking  of  this  failure  of  the  commis- 
Dn  government  in  Galveston  to  provide 
the  franchises  granted  to  the  street  car 
mpany  for  adequate  protection  to  the 
ople  of  the  city,  Mr.  Starzinger  (quoted 
the  hand  book  above  referred  to,  page 
e  3)  says: 
"In  Galveston  today,  for  instance,  not 
te  cent  is  derived  from  the  existence  of 
iluable  franchises,"  and  he  asks  indig- 
mtly,  "Is  this  the  superior  legislation  of 
Dhich  friends  of  the  commission  idea 
>eak?" 

Furthermore,  according  to  these  investi- 
f  itors,  the  Galveston  municipal  govern- 
ent  is  not  free  from  graft.  This  is  the 
ost  unkind  cut  of  all.  as  the  friends  of 
le  commission  form  have  boasted  most 
udly  of  this  most  particular  achievement. 
he  committee  refers  to  the  Galveston  po- 
ce  board  records  in  proof  of  their  conten- 
on  that  graft  still  prevails;  and  they  cite 
milar  instances  in  the  city  attorney's  de- 
artment. 

Professor  Rowe,  in  discussing  the  com- 
mission plan  in  the  Debaters'  Handbook 
Jbove  referred  to,  points  out  very  clearly 
ilie   fundamental    issue    involved.      He    says 


;,!  rankly    that    the    choice    presented    to    our 

.merican    communities    takes    the    form    of 

n  apparent   opposition   between   democracy 

0  nd    efficiency.      Very    clearly    therefore    we 

51  re   called   upon   here   to   sacrifice   the  prin- 

*  iple   of  democracy   in   the   interests   of  al- 

2ged    efficiency.      Prof.    Rowe   says: 

"This  means  that  the  people  are  prepared 
o  accept  the  same  administrative  stan- 
ards  in  municipal  affairs  as  those  which 
irevail  in  the  business  world.  The  re- 
ent  proposal  to  give  the  police  commis- 
ioner  of  N  ;w  York  a  term  of  ten  years  or 
ossibly  a  life  tenure,  would  have  been 
eceived  in  scorn  and  indignation  fifty 
'•ears  ago.  Today  it  is  regarded  by  many 
ls  the  best  possible  means  of  securing  an 
ifficient    administration    of   this    service." 

Here  then  we  have  the  most  direct  objec- 
ion  to  the  commission  form,  the  fact  that 
t  proposes  not  only  extreme  concentration, 
)ut  that  there  is  appearing  already  as  a 
ogieal  sequence  the  proposal  for  long  term 
)f  office  and  finally  even  of  life  terms.  And 
he  fact  that  this  is  suggested  with  ref- 
rence  to  the  control  of  the  police  is  par- 
icularly  significant  to  a  working  class 
movement  that  is  struggling  for  fairness 
in  its  struggle  with  an  unprincipled  plu- 
tocracy. 

Finally  it  is  argued  against  the  commis- 
sion "plan  that  it  has  been  tried  in  at  least 
one  case  for  fifteen  years  and  found  a  fail- 
ure. Hon.  Clinton  L.  White,  of  Sacra- 
mento, Cal.,  writing  of  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment there,  says  that  that  city  has  tried 
the  commission  form  for  fifteen  years  and 
abandoned  it  in  1893.  Speaking  of  the  re- 
sults of  this  experience  in.  the  commission 
form    of   government,   he   says: 

"The  management  of  the  street  depart- 
ment, the  small  amount  of.  work  accom- 
plished with  funds  provided  for  the  pur- 
pose and  the  number  of  employes  doing  only 
a  nominal  amount  of  work,  but  drawing 
full  pav  from  the  city  were  at  times  some- 
thing simply  scandalous.  The  manage- 
ment of  the  water  works  system  was  fre- 
quently almost  as  bad,  and  these  things 
were  not  checked  by  a  disinterested  tri- 
bunal. "  (See  Debaters'  Handbook  on 
"Commission  Plan  of  Municipal  Govern- 
ment,"  page   134.) 


In  view  of  these  facts,  Mr.  White  says 
the  people  of  Sacramento  abandoned  the 
commission  form,  and  have  gone  back  to 
the  usual  form  of  municipal  government, 
which  he  says  has  been  very  much  su- 
perior to  the  commission  system. 

The  experience  of  Boston  with  the  non- 
partisan feature  of  the  commission  plan 
seems  to  have  been  unfavorable.  At  least 
an  article  in  Pearson's  Magazine  by  George 
P.  Anderson,  takes  a  decidedly  critical  view 
of  the  idea,  and  reports  serious  evils  re- 
sulting from  the  new  method  of  handling 
the  city's   civic  life. 

The  Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of 
Political  and  Social  Science  for  November, 
1911,  has  a  number  of  articles  written  by 
different  men  on  "Objections,  Limitations 
and  Modifications  of  the  Commission  Plan." 
One  of  the  writers,  Dunbar  F.  Carpenter,  of 
Colorado  Springs,  Colorado,  reporting  upon 
the  operation  of  the  commission  form  in 
that  city,  admits  that  it  has  been  a  disap- 
pointment to  its  friends  and  advocates.  He 
says: 

"We  have  not  found  it  any  more  econom- 
ic— there  has  been  no  saving  in  the  cost  of 
operation — there  is  cairtse  for  disappoint- 
ment in  the  fact  that  the  administration  has 
not  been  more  effective  in  the  general  man- 
agement of  the  city's  business,  and  the  least 
efficient  branch  of  the  public  service  is 
what  it  always  is  in  American  cities,  the 
police    department." 

He,  says  further:  "My  observations  lead 
me  to  believe  that  the  commission  plan  is 
not  the  final  solution  of  the  great  plan  of 
municipal  government.  The  commission 
plan  is  a  long  step  over  the  old  plan,  but 
it  is  only  a  step  and  not  the  goal." 

We  refer  to  this  testimony  because  it  is 
given  by  one  who  proposes  to  be  a  friend 
to  the  commission  form  of  government,  and 
yet  finds  it  disappointing. 

The  article  in  the  same  chapter  by  Walter 
G.  Cooper  of  Atlanta,  Ga.,  is  also  a  very 
strong  and  rational  presentation  of  the  ar- 
guments   against   the   commission   form. 

Ford  H.  McGregor,  instructor  in  polit- 
ical science,  University  of  Wisconsin,  in 
his  City  Government  by  Commission,  gives 
a  rather  strong  argument  on  the  "disad- 
vantages" of  the  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment, pages  115-129.  In  this  there  is 
perhaps  the  clearest  recognition  of  the 
most   fundamental   objection.      He   says: 

"But  by  far  the  greatest  influence  and 
the  most  dangerous  influence  exerted  on 
the  council  or  commission  will  come,  not 
from  political  organizations,  but  from  the 
great  industrial  interests.  As  has  already 
been  pointed  out,  one  of  the  greatest  evils 
connected  with  municipal  government  in 
the  United  States  has  been  the  corrupt 
dealings  between  the  city  governments  and 
private  corporations  which  desire  valuable 
franchises  for  semi-public  purposes.  The 
interests  of  these  corporations  will  be  the 
same  under  the  commission  plan  as  under 
any  other  form  of  city  organization,  and 
we  may  reasonably  expect  that  they  exert 
the  same  pressure  upon  the  members  of 
the  commission  as  they  have  in  the  past 
upon  the  members  of  the  common  councils 
to  secure  these  valuable  franchises.  As  a 
certain  newspaper  has  put  it,  'Will  public 
service  corporations  that  manage  our  city 
railways,  our  telephones  and  telegraphs, 
our  water  svstem,  our  heating  and  lighting 
plants,  cease  to  covet  gain,  cease  to  look 
with  designing  eves  on  the  city  council, 
cease  to  scrutinize  the  ordinances,  and  care 
not  about  the  character  of  the  men  who  will 
enforce  the  regulations*  affecting  the  con- 
duct and  individuals?  Will  the  men  inter- 
ested in  the  sale  of  wine  and  beer  and' the 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


patrons  of  their  saloons,  will  the  keepers 
of  dives  and  gambling  dens,  become  con- 
verted and  join  the  church  and  cease  to 
trouble  our  souls  and  harass  not  the  po- 
lice who  surround  them?  The  inducements 
for  such  interests  to  control  the  commis- 
sion will  be  even  greater  than  ever,  be- 
cause of  the  increased  power  which  is  given 
to  the  commission.  This  is  probably  the 
greatest  danger  which  ^confronts  the  com- 
mission plan.  A  corrupt  or  inefficient  com- 
mission, with  the  great  powers  conferred 
upon  it,  would  be  much  more  dangerous  to 
the  best  interests  of  the  city  than  an 
equally  corrupt  or  inefficient  common 
council. 

"Not  only  does  the  commission  plan  af- 
ford increased  opportunity  to  the  politician 
to  manipulate  city  government,  it  also  pre- 
sents the  possibility  of  the  commission 
itself  becoming  a  powerful  political  ma- 
chine. The  more  absolutely  power  and 
patronage  are  concentrated,  the  greater  the 
political  force  that  can  be  wielded  by  the 
holders  of  them.  A  small  commission  ex- 
ercising the  entire  power  of  the  city  might 
build  up  such  a  machine  and  so  intrench 
itself  that  it  could  not  be  defeated." 

From  this  it  will  appear  that  the  testi- 
mony as  to  the  results  of  the  operation  of 
the  commission  form  of  government  are  not 
all  in  one  way.  There  is  a  feeling  that  on 
the  whole  there  has  been  increased  effi- 
ciency and  some  improvements.  But  the 
more  enthusiastic  supporters  of  the  idea 
become  so  extreme  in  their  efforts  to  show 
good  results  that  their  reports  can  hardly 
be   trusted. 

.  On  the  other  hand  there  are  those  who 
hold  that  the  improvements  have  been  in 
no  way  commensurate  with  the  risk  in- 
volved in  the  experiment  of  greatly  in- 
creased power  in  the  hands  of  a  few.  They 
urge  that  the  principle  of  democracy  has 
been  sacrificed  to  the  promise  of  efficiency. 
And  they  go  so  far  as  to  claim  that  the 
promise  of  efficiency  has  not  materialized 
to    any    appreciable    extent. 

REPORT  FROM  THE  SOCIALIST  LO- 
CALS. In  order  to  learn  directly  from  the 
localities  where  the  commission  form  is 
in  operation,  and  to  get  the  .views  of  the 
Socialists  themselves,  your  committee  ad- 
dressed a  circular  letter  to  about  125  secre- 
taries of  locals  in  cities  where  the  commis- 
sion form  of  government  is  in  operation. 
As  there  were  only  about  150  cities  in  all, 
as  stated  above,  this  circular  letter  was 
sent  to  a  very  large  proportion  of  all  the 
cities   that   have  the   commission  form. 

In  response  to  this  letter  your  commit- 
tee received  replies  from  76  cities  in  18 
different  States.  The  questions  bore  upon 
details  relative  to  the  form  in  operation  in 
the  various  cities,  the  fact  of  which  we 
have  brought  out  in  other  parts  of  this 
report. 

Among  other  things  we  inquired  what  at- 
titude the  Socialists  in  the  community  had 
taken  regarding  the  commission  form, 
whether  they  were  in  favor  or  opposed  to 
it.  In  answer  to  this  question,  13  locals 
reported  that  they  favored  the  commission 
form  of  government.  Twenty-seven  locals 
reported  that  they  were  opposed  to  it.  Nine 
others  reported  that  they  were  in  a  gen- 
eral way  opposed  to  the  commission  form. 
Four  locals  reported  that  they-  wore  di- 
vided among  themselves,  some  favoring  and 
some  opposing  it.  Fifteen  locals  reported 
that  the  comrades  of  their  community  had 
taken  no  attitude  whatever,  one  way  or  the,, 
other.  « 

From  this  it  will  appear  that  there  is 
no  consensus  of  opinion  among  the  Social- 
ists of  the  country  that  refers  to  the  com- 


mission form.  Some  favor  it,  others  op 
pose  it  and  a  good  many  seem  not  to  hav« 
given  it  any  study  and  therefore  take  m 
stand    upon   the   matter. 

Of  those  who  favored  the  commissioi 
form  of  .government,  it  was  interesting  t< 
note  that  nearly  all  of  the  California  lo 
cals  reporting  upon  the  subject  were  fa- 
vorable. The  State  secretary  of  the  So- 
cialist party  of  California,  Comrade  F.  B 
Meriam,  takes  the  pains  to  write  at  con- 
siderable length  in  favor  of  the  commis- 
sion form.     He  says: 

"A  pure  commission  government  or  a 
government  where  the  citizens  select  a 
committee  or  council,  leaving  everything 
to  them  as  everything  is  left  to  the  board 
of  directors  of  a  corporation,  is  a  govern- 
ment in  favor  of  which  from  a  Socialist 
standpoint,  little  can  be  said.  But  as  to 
those  cities  where  their  officers  are  elect- 
ed by  the  electors,  where  they  have  the 
initiative,  referendum  and  recall-*and  also 
where  all  partisan  ballots  are  eliminated, 
very  different  conditions  are  presented  for 
consideration.  In  a  general  way  the  latter 
represents  the  general  type  of  the  Califor- 
nia municipal  government  of  the  new  class. 
"Most  of  the  Socialists  oppose  the  com- 
mission form  because  it  eliminates  partisan 
ballots,  and  are  prolific  in  the  predictions 
of  dire  calamity.  Several  of  the  California 
cities  have  been  under  this  non-partisan 
form  of  charter  for  a  number  of  years.  San 
i  Diego  adopted  it  at  the  close  of  the  year 
'  1908,  holding  its  first  election  in  the  spring 
of  1909.  The  Socialists  there  gave  the 
matter  careful  consideration  and  finally  de- 
cided to  support  the  proposition  for  certain 
well  defined  reasons.  There  is  practically 
no  intelligent  Socialist  in  the  city  today 
who  would  change  this  if  he  could.  The 
experience  there  and  the  experience 
throughout  the  State  during  the  past  year 
has  all  pointed  J.n  one  direction  and  that 
is,  to  the  benefit  of  the  Socialist  movement. 
It  has  in  its  practical  operation  resulted 
in  a  demoralization  of  the  old  party  ma- 
chine organizations;  has  largely  eliminated 
the  terror  of  the  party  whip;  has  a  ten- 
dency to  remove  the  influence  of  party 
prejudice  and  in  almost  every  instance  has 
resulted  in  forcing  a  clean  cut,  unbefogged 
fight  between  the  Socialists  on  the  one  side 
and  all  branches  of  capitalism  on  the  other. 
It  has  brought  out  a  clean  cut  issue  of  hu- 
manity against  mammon.  It  has  had  no 
effect  in  the  way  of  demoralizing  Socialist 
organizations  or  in  minimizing  our  party 
action  and  activities.  In  fact  the  Socialist 
party  is  the  only  party  which  has  been  able 
to  preserve  its  party  activities,  with  a  re- 
sult similar  to  the  conflict  between  a  thor- 
oughly drilled  and  organized  body  of  men 
and  a  disorganized  body. 

"The  educational  and  propaganda  value 
of  these  clear  cut  battles  are  tremendous. 
They  enable  us  to  show  things  up  in  their 
true  light  and  make  the  usual  flim-flamming 
of  the  public  on  immaterial  issues  next  to 
impossible.  What  future  experience  may 
develop,  of  course,  remains  to  be  seen  but 
under  the  usual  form  adopted  in  California 
so  far  as  our  experience  goes  up  to  the 
present  time,  we  have  certainly  reaped  a 
positive  and  decided  advantage  by  the  adop- 
tion of  this  form  of  municipal  government. 
Just  so  soon  as  we  are  enabled  to  eliminate 
from  our  political  contests  the  old  sus- 
picions, prejudices  and  bogie  men  which 
have  been  built  up  in  each  of  the  old  par- 
ties against  the  other  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  blinding  their  constituency  as  to  the 
real  issue,  just  so  soon  we  will  have  en- 
tered upon  the  last  short,  sharp  battle, 
which  will  result  in  victory  for  the  Social- 


■«a 


APPENDIX 


185 


party.      When    the    issue    is    clean    cut, 

against  money,  we  will  soon  land  them. 

elimination  of  partisan  ballots  in  mu- 

Dal  affairs  produces  just  this   result." 

>mrade  Frank  E.   Wolfe,   writing  in  ad- 

t3>n  to  the  answers  to  the  questions,  and 

Diking    for    the    Socialist    local    of    Sac- 

ento,  Cal.,  takes  a  similar  attitude.     He 

3tudy  of  conditions  here  and  study  of 
charter  has  convinced  me  the  commis- 
i  form  will  be  vastly  better  for  the 
pie  and  better  for  the  Socialists. 
We  have  an  excellent  opportunity  of 
levement  if  we  elect.  The  prospects 
first-class.  Even  if  we  get  but  one 
i  through,  we  will  be  able  to  put  a  dent 
the  old  system.  One  man  will  give  us 
fifth  of  the  entire  city  government. 
In  Los  Angeles  we  are  about  to  write  a 
7  charter.  It  will,  doubtless,  be  based 
the  commission  form.  Socialists  there 
in  much  confusion  on  the  question.  I 
s  not  certain  about  it  but  I  am  now  in 
or  of  it  there,  and  hope  to  get  the  com- 
es to  approve  it  officially. 
'This  form  shortens  the  ballot  and  gives 
an  opportunity  to  concentrate  our 
tits." 

The    locals    at    Vallejo,    San    Obispo    and 

desto,    also    report    that    their    comrades 

/or  the  commission  form  of  government. 

3n   the  other  hand,   as   mentioned  above, 

locals    reporting,    state   that    their    com- 

3es  are  opposed  to  the  commission  form. 

ie   comrades   in   Flint.   Mich.,   take   an   ac- 

e    stand    against    the    commission     form 

government,    and    in    their    paper,    "The 

int  Flashes,"   published  a  number  of  ar- 

les  agains.t  it.     The  local  of  Peoria,   111., 

blished   a  leaflet  against  the  commission 

rm   of   government,    which   was    reprinted 

the  Chicago  Daily  Socialist  on  February 

,1911. 

Comrade  James  O'Neil  prepared  a  leaflet 
rainst  the  conmission  form  of  govern- 
ent  for  the  Indiana  comrades,  which  was 
printed  in  the  Chicago  Daily  Socialist  on 
arch  4,  1911. 

Comrade  Moulton,  Secretary  of  the  Hav- 
hill,  Mass.,  local,  reports  that  the  com- 
tdes  tli ere  have  taken  a  stand  against  the 
>mmission  form  of  government  and  gives 
some  length  the  arguments  which  they 
old  against  it.  This  will  be  referred  to 
iter. 

In  some  cases  the  locals  report  contro- 
ersies  having  arisen  in  their  locals  over 
ie  question  of  the  commission  form.  This 
i  notably  true  in  Spokane,  where  factional 
ivision  seems  to  have  arisen  over  the  elec- 
ton  of  Comrade  David  Coates  as  commis- 
ioner  of  public  works,  under  the  commis- 
ion  form.  The  comrades  report  that  their 
Deal  decidedly  opposed  the  commission 
orm  of  government,  while  Comrade  Coates 
imself  is  an  enthusiastic  supporter.  The 
Deal  at  Spokane  complained  that  the  elim- 
nation  of  the  party  lines  enabled  Com- 
ade  Coates  to  secure  the  election,  which 
e  could  not  have  secured  as  a  Socialist, 
'he  merits  of  the  controversy,  of  course, 
our  committee  does  not  care  to  enter,  sim- 
ly  calling  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
seal  there  is  reported  as  strongly  opposed 
o  the  commission  form.  Comrade  Coates 
rho  has  been  elected  under  it  strongly 
avored  it,  and  a  factional  fight  developed 
ver   the    situation. 

lRGUMENTS    PRO    AND    CON.     AS    RE- 
PORTED   BY    THE    SOCIALIST 
OFFICIALS. 
The  arguments   in   favor  of  the  commis- 
ion   form  of  government,  which  the  locals 
eport    as    being    most    commonly    used    by 
he  Socialists  who  favor  it,  are  as  follows: 


Most  common  of  all  are  the  usual  argu- 
ments that  the  commission  form  results 
in  greater  efficiency  and  promises  more 
ready  action.  Another  argument,  less  com- 
mon, in  its  favor  is  that  it  results  in  great- 
er economy. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  argu- 
ments submitted  by  Comrades  Meriam  and 
Wolfe,  of  California,  referred  to  above.  On 
the  other  hand  the  one  and  most  constant 
objection  urged  against  the  commission 
form  of  government  by  practically  all  of 
the  locals  opposing  it,  is  the  concentration 
of  power  into  the  hands  of  a  few,  wjhich 
they  believe  to  be  undemocratic  and  danger- 
ous. In  different  forms  and  with  many 
variations  this  seems  always  to  be  the  most 
common    objection. 

Next  to  this  the  most  constant  objection 
raised  is  against  the  election  at  large  which 
eliminates  representation  from  the  wards. 
This  feature,  it  is  argued,  prevents  the  mi- 
nority parties  from  securing  any  representa- 
tion whatever  in  the  governing  bodies.  It 
is  pointed  out  that  under  the  ward  repre- 
sentation the  working  classes  are  sure  to 
predominate  in  certain  wards,  and  therefore 
are  able  to  secure  at  least  a  minority  rep- 
resentation if  permitted  to  elect  representa- 
tives from  these  wards.  This  gives  them 
not  only  the  advantage  of  having  a  work- 
ing class  representative  in  the  governing 
body,  but  it  also  gives  them  the  opportunity 
for   experience   in   public   service. 

These  two  objections,  the  concentration 
of  power  and  the  elimination  of  ward  rep- 
resentation, constitute  the  most  universal 
arguments  against  the  commission  form  as 
given  by  the  secretaries  of  the  branches 
replying. 

5.     OBJECTIONABLE  FEATURES. 

There  are  three  principal  objections  to 
the  commission  form  of  government.  There 
are  many  minor  points  that  are  objection- 
able but  they  are  matters  of  detail. 

(1)  EXTREME  CONCENTRATION.  Ex- 
treme concentration  of  power  is  regarded 
by  all  critics  of  the  commission  form  of 
government  as  its  most  dangerous  and  ob- 
jectionable feature.  Reducing  the  number 
of  officials  to  five,  the  commission  form 
combines  the  legislative,  executive  and  ju- 
dicial functions.  It  combines  the  tax  levy- 
ing, appropriating  and  expending  powers. 
In  addition  it  gives  this  small  governing 
commission  all  of  the  appointive  power 
including  not  only  the  right  to  appoint  all 
municipal  appointees  but  to  remove  them, 
to  create  new  positions  or  discontinue  them, 
to  fix  salaries  and  prescribe  all  official 
duties,  alter  or  transfer  them.  Thus  it 
not  only  gives  this  small  group  of  five 
men  almost  complete  control  of  the  entire 
municipal  affairs,  but  it  also  makes  all  of 
the  city  employes  practically  the  agents  and 
dependents    of    the    commission. 

This  is  concentration  with  a  vengeance. 
Nothing  of  the  sort  has  been  attempted  in 
modern  times  anywhere  in  the.  world.  We 
have  had  in  the  past  single  rulers  of  cities 
and  nations — kings,  monarchs  and  emperors, 
and  painfully  and  slowly  through  centuries 
of  struggle  the  world  has  gotten  away  from 
monarchy  and  autocracy.  We  have  had  in 
ancient  times  dictators,  triumvirates  and 
decemvirates,  but  in  modern  times  no  na- 
tion on  earth  has  proposed  such  a  centrali- 
zation of  power.  With  the  tendency  of 
modern  years  everywhere  in  the  direction 
of  greater  democracy,  the  commission  form 
of  government  comes  with  a  tendency  back 
again  towards  the  old  idea  of  the  rule  by 
the  few  and  power  in  the  hands  of  the  few. 

In  reply  to  this  objection  the  friends  of 
the  commission  form  of  government  always 
urge  that  it  has  incorporated  the  initiative, 


186 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


referendum  and  the  recall,  which  are  the 
instruments  of  modern  democracy.  It  is 
doubtful,  however,  whether  these  features 
constitute  a  sufficient  safeguard  against  the 
dangers  of  concentration.  And  besides  .there 
is  reason  to  doubt  the  wisdom  of  so  radical 
a  departure  from  the  democratic  form  of 
government  as  will  compel  the  people  to 
depend  upon  these  devices-  as  their  only 
possible  escape  from  the  tyranny  of 
autocracy. 

Speaking  of  this  point,  J.  R.  Palda  in  a 
report  to  the  Bohemian  Independent  Po- 
litical Club  of  Cedar  Rapids  (quoted  in 
Debaters'  Handbook  on  "Commission  Plan 
of  Municipal  Government,"  page  135)  says: 
"The  initiative  referendum  and  recall  are 
good  provisions;  in  fact,  the  best  the  plan 
contains,  but  they  will  in  no  sense  counter- 
balance the  powers  granted  to  the  commis- 
sion. It  is  a  difficult  defense  against  the 
possible  misconduct  and  inefficiency  of  the 
commission,  as  it  requires  in  the  greater 
number  of  cases  a  petition  signed  by  25 
per  cent  of  the  voters.  Who  will  undertake 
the  work,  and  who  will  pay  the  expenses 
of  securing  such  a  petition?  That  is 
worthy  of  consideration.  Will  it  not  oc- 
cur to  all  that  the  people  will  tolerate 
many,  many  abuses  from  the  honorable 
commission  before  they  will  reach  out  for 
these  means  of  defense?  That  they  will 
remain  supyiely  silent  for  a  long,  long  time 
before  making  use  of  the  initiative,  before 
they  would  avail  themselves  of  the  desig- 
nated   means    of    protest. 

"Besides  the  initiative,  the  referen  lum, 
and  the  recall,  which  are  the  most  salient 
features  of  the  new  plan,  can  very  easily 
be  incorporated  into  the  present  system, 
and  it  is  not  necessary  in  order  to  secure 
the  benefits  of  those  provisions  to  force 
upon  the  people  the  attendant  dangers  and 
burdens    of  the   commission   plan." 

With  the  government  of  a  great  city  in 
the  hands  of  a  few  men  with  such  un- 
limited power  as  the  commission  form  gives 
them,  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  people 
would  have  at  hand  the  necessary  time, 
resource  and  means  of  publicity  to  con- 
tend with  such  a  centralized,  swift-acting 
power. 

(2)  THE  NON-PARTISAN  FALLACY. 
The  elimination  of  narties  is  also  a  se- 
riously objectionable  feature.  There  can 
be  no  greater  fallacy  than  the  so-called 
non-partisan  idea.  Whether  it  be  the  mere 
stupidity  of  our  so-called  reformers  or 
the  clever  design  of  politicians  who  seek 
to  manipulate  municipal  government  to 
their  advantage,  or  a  little  of  both,  we  can 
see  no  logical  reason  whatever  for  this 
non-partisan  idea.  Some  seem  to  feel  that 
if  they  can  only  eliminate  "parties"  in  mu- 
nicipal affairs,  everything  will  be  lovely. 
In  some  cases  this  is  carried  to  the  ex- 
treme of  prohibiting  any  kind  of  party 
designation  whatsoever  in  a  municipal  cam- 
paign. Generally,  however,  the  idea  is  to 
eliminate  national  parties  from  the  local 
campaigns.  And  the  line  of  argument  ad- 
vanced in  favor  of  this  is  that  the  national 
parties  have  no  issues  that  pertain  to  mu- 
nicipal affairs — that  national  affairs  have 
nothing  to  do   with   local   issues. 

Little  need  be  said  with  regard  to  the 
proposition  that  proposes  to  eliminate  all 
party  designations  of  every  kind.  Such  a 
proposition  would  take  out  of  civic  life  the 
responsibility  of  fighting  together  for  prin- 
ciples. By  eliminating  all  designations  by 
which  people  would  work  together  for  some 
principle  or  idea,  municipal  campaigns 
would  be  thrown  back  again  upon  the  worst 
elements   in   our   political    life. 

The  experience  of  Boston  with  their  non- 
partisan    government    is     an    Illustration. 


Speaking  of  the   situation  there,  George 
Anderson,  writing  on   "The  First  Result 
Boston's    Elaborate    Political    Reform,' 
Pearson's    Magazine,    says: 

"The  aim  of  the  promoters  of  the  r 
charter  was  to  smash  party  lines  and 
break  up  party  fealty.  The  charter 
complished  this,  but  resulted  in  the  in: 
tion  of  race  and  religious  issues  as  sub;! 
tutes.  This  is  a  most  unfortunate  res 
but  it  is  not  wholly  logical.  In  ordin; 
campaigns  the  candidate  of  a  party  stan 
for  certain  principles  or  traditions  of  t! 
party.  Take  those  away,  and  the  can 
date's  personality  is  bound  to  be  the  le 
ing  issue,  and  his  race  or  religion  cam 
fail  to  be  discussed.  Which  arrangemcj 
is  better  Boston  knows  to  her  sorrow.  Otl 
cities  on  the  edge  of  a  reform  ferme 
if  they  are  wise,  will  pause  before  folio 
ing  her  example." 

And  this  is  what  might  naturally  be  t 
pected.      The   efforts    to    eliminate    what 
supposed    to    be    the    baneful    influence 
partisanship    and    the    party,    this    non-pg 
tisan     movement     eliminates     principle 
well.        And     eliminating      principle     leav 
nothing    but    personalities,    race     and     i 
ligious    prejudices    as    issues    in    municip 
campaigns. 

Against  the  elimination  of  national  par 
names  and  national  issues  even  more  mi 
be  said.  There  is  hardly  a  serious  proble 
of  municipal  government  that  can 
solved  at  all  aside  from  the  state  and  n 
tional  movement.  Take  the  question 
home  rule.  Here  in  the  very  nature  of  t 
case  the  city  is  powerless  in  the  hands 
the  state  legislature.  The  fight  for  hor 
rule  itself  is  a  state  and  national  figl 
Take  the  question  of  the  commission  for 
of  government  itself — it  has  been  an  iss1 
for  state  legislatures  very  largely.  Or 
consider  some  of  our  commercial  and  i 
dustrial  problems.  The  real  difficulti 
that  concern  a  people  in  a  city,  invol- 
state  and  national  issues.  For  examp] 
the  supply  of  coal  for  a  city — what  a 
any  city  in  America  do  on  a  problem 
that  sort  without  state  and  national  actioi 
The  city  may  establish  a  coal  yard?  Bi 
that  is  only  the  merest  fraction  of  tl 
problem.  The  coal  must  be  shipped  to  tl 
city  over  railroads  that  are  owned  by  pi 
vate  corporations.  It  must  be  mined 
mines  that  are  owned  by  the  monopoli* 
and  trusts.  The  transportation  of  the  co; 
becomes  a  problem  of  interstate  commerc 
Thus  the  most  elemental  problem  of  tl 
city  becomes  a  state  and  national  probler 
a  question  requiring  a  consistent  and  con 
prehensive  programme  for  state  and  ns 
tional  action.  To  undertake  to  solve  prol 
lems  of  this  kind  by  limiting  our  efforts  i 
local  issues,  and  separating  our  cities  fro: 
state  and  national   issues,   is   absurd. 

It  may  be  quite  true  that  neither  the  R 
publican  nor  the  Democratic  national  pa: 
ties  have  anything  in  their  platforms  < 
programmes,  looking  to  the  relief  of  th 
people  that  live  in  cities.  Perhaps  the 
purposely  omit  any  such  ideas.  That 
doubtless  a  part  of  the  plan  of  the  figl 
of  modern  plutocracy,  to  keep  the  grej 
political  parties  out  of  the  most  essenth 
part  of  the  fight.  But  to  attempt  to  teac 
the  people  that  they  can  find'  any  relic 
from  the  evils  that  torment  them  withov 
state  and  national  action,  is  the  height  < 
folly.  If  the  Republican  and  Democrat: 
parties  have  no  programme  and  no  prii 
ciples  that  apply  to  the  great  problem  c 
municipal  government,  so  much  the  wor? 
for  them.  Let  the  people  know  it,  th 
sooner  the  better.  It  is  exactly  what  shoul 
be   expected. 


Jt 


APPENDIX 


18. 


Such  is  llOfc  the  case  with  the  Socialist 
party.  It  has  a  programme — municipal, 
state  and  national.  And  they  are  a  part 
of  one  consistent  whole.  The  same  prin- 
ciples for  which  the  socialist  party  stands 
in  the  state  and  nation,  apply  with  equal 
force,  though  with  different  details,  to  the 
city  as  well.  And  what  its  more,  there  is 
no  solution  of  municipal  problems  apart 
from  the  principles  of  social  democracy. 
And  the  principles  of  social  democracy  can- 
not be  applied  except  through  state  and 
national  action.  The  effort  therefore  to 
eliminate  national  and  state  issues  and 
to  prevent  the  organization  of  a  state  and 
national  political  party  that  shall  have  also 
a  municipal  programme,  is  to  block  the 
way  to  a  final  solution  of  the  problems  of 
municipal   government. 

Furthermore,  let  the  Socialist  party  of 
America  grow  to  sufficient  strength  and 
numbers;  let  it  capture  enough  of  the  cities 
of  this  country,  let  it  secure  enough  repre- 
sentatives in  a  few  of  the  state  legislatures 
and  the  national  congress  to  make  its  mu- 
nicipal, state  and  national  programme  a 
real  menace  to  the  capitalistic  parties  of 
today,  and  we  shall  very  quickly  see  the 
political  powers  of  capitalism  rush  into  a 
party  that  will  be  the  most  bitterly  par- 
tisan that  this  country  has  known  since 
the    anti-slavery    times. 

There  is  an  issue  in  municipal  govern- 
ment that  is  bound  up  inseparably  with  the 
state  and  national  programme.  It  is  im- 
possible to  solve  the  municipal  problems 
apart  from  these  larger  state  and  national 
problems.  So  the  lines  of  this  struggle 
may  as  well  be  drawn  sharply  and  as 
closely  as  possible.  We  believe  it  to  be 
the  task  of  the  Socialist  party  to  bring 
this  issue  into  the  open  and  to  make  the 
people  of  This  country  realize  that  the 
struggle  between  plutocracy  and  the  com- 
mon people  is  not  only  a  municipal  struggle 
but  a  state  and  national  one  as  well.  And 
the  effort  to*- conceal  this  struggle  by  de- 
taching the  city  and  its  issues  and  problems 
from  the  state  and  national  situation, 
serves  only  to  deceive  the  people  and  to 
prolong   the   period   of  their   enslavement. 

(3)  ELIMINATION  OF  MINORITY  REP- 
RESENTATION. The  elimination  of  mi- 
nority representation  is  another  serious  ob- 
jection to  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment which  is  urged  by  all  its  critics.  By 
abolishing  ward  representation  and  electing 
the  commissioners  at  large,  the  possibility 
of  a  minority  party  securing  a  representa- 
tion is  destroyed.  This  is  particularly  true 
with  regard  to  the  working  class.  In  the 
nature  of  the  case  certain  wards  in  our 
cities  are  inhabited  by  the  working  class. 
Other  wards  are  inhabited  mostly  by  the 
capitalistic  class.  Under  the  method  of 
ward  organization  there  are  sure  to  be 
some  wards  where  the  working  class  pre- 
dominate and  where  therefore  they  can 
secure  representation  long  before  they  are 
able  to  capture  the  city.  This  minority 
representation  serves  not  only  to  give  the 
working  class  a  voice  in  the  government  to 
that  extent,  but  it  affords  the  working 
class   experience   in   public   affairs. 

All  of  this  is  sacrificed  by  the  commis- 
sion form  of  government  and  we  believe  is 
a    serious    loss. 

Furthermore  the  arguments  in  favor  of 
representation  aL  large  is  offset  by  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  ward  representation.  For 
while  it  may  be  true  that  representatives 
from  certain  districts  of  the  city  will  be 
inclined  to  neglect  the  general  welfare  of 
the  city  in  their  concern  for  their  own 
constituency,  yet  on  the  other  hand  it  is 
also  true,  particularly  in  larger  cities,  that 
the    needs    of    a   certain    district    are    likely 


to  be  overlooked  by  a  form  of  representa- 
tion that  concerns  itself  solely  with  the 
general  welfare  of  a  city.  The  jrinciple  of 
ward  representation  has  always  been  that 
in  this  way  residents  of  a  certain  district 
are  better  able  to  bring  the  requirements 
of  their  district  to  the  attention  of  the  gov- 
erning body.  And  this  argument  cannot  be 
overlooked. 

The  cities  which  have  combined  a  repre- 
sentation from  wards  with  a  group  of  al- 
dermen elected  at  large,  secure  both  of 
these  advantages.  We  have  such  a  form  of 
municipal  government  in  Milwaukee  at  the 
present  time.  The  commission  form  of 
government  sacrifices  one  of  these  advan- 
tages  entirely. 

(4)  OTHER  OBJECTIONS.  In  addition 
to  the  above,  which  are  the  chief  and  most 
serious  objections,  there  are  others  which 
should  not  be  overlooked.  For  example, 
whether  intentional  or  not,  there  seems  to 
have  crept  into  many  of  the  laws  and  char- 
ters providing  for  the  commission  form  of 
government,  features  which  can  hardly  be 
regarded  other  than  as  jokers.  For  ex- 
ample, in  many  cases  the  percentage  re- 
quired for  the  initiative,  referendum  and 
r.ecall  are  so  high  as  to  practically  destroy 
their  value.  The  most  notable  case  of  this 
kind  was  the  Illinois  law  which  at  first  re- 
quired a  seventy-five  per  cent  of  the  total 
vote  in  order  to  start  a  recall.  Of  course 
such  a  percentage  is  absolutely  prohibitive. 
It  should  be  said,  however,  that  the  next 
session  of  the  legislature  reduced  that  per- 
centage to  fifty-five,  but  even  that  is  pro- 
hibitive. 

In  many  of  the  cities  twenty-five  per 
cent  and  in  some  even  thirty-five  per  cent 
of  the  voters  are  required  for  referendum. 
These  are  too  high.  The  same  may  be  said 
with  regard  to  the  initiative.  Twenty-five 
and  thirty  per  cent  are  frequently  required 
and  in  one  case  the  Kansas  law  required 
forty  per  cent  in  cities  of  the  second  class. 
(For  analysis  of  this  point  see  Commis- 
sion Government  in  America,  by  Bradford, 
pages    220-233.) 

It  is  also  important  to  know  that  in 
many  of  the  charters  and  many  of  the 
state  laws,  one  or  the  other  of  these  demo- 
cratic devices  have  been  omitted  entirely. 
For  example,  thirteen  out  of  fifty-one  cities 
omitted  the  referendum  entirely  in  their 
charters  and  seven  states  out  of  twenty- 
four  omitted  it  from  their  general  state 
laws. 

Twelve  cities  have  omitted  the  recall 
provision  from  their  charters  and  eight  out 
of  the  cities  adopting  a  general  commis- 
sion law,  have  omitted  the  recall  from  the 
provision   of   their   general   acts. 

5a.  SOME  OP  THE  CLAIMS  INVESTI- 
GATED. 
DOES  IT  CONCENTRATE?  In  spite  of 
the  fact  that  the  most  characteristic  fea- 
ture of  the  commission  form  is  its  concen- 
tration of  power  and  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  this  is  urged  as  the  strongest  argu- 
ment in  favor  t>f  the  commission  form  it 
is  interesting  to  note  that  in  one  or  two 
respects  it  fails  even  at  this  point.  For 
example,  the  school  boards  or  boards  of 
education  are  almost  nowhere  brought  un- 
der the  control  of  the  commissions.  So 
here  is  one  other  important  part  of  the 
government  In  a  city  which  is  not  concen- 

But  more  important  still,  if  concentration 
is  to  be  considered  an  argument  in  favor 
Of  the  commission  form,  is  the  fact  that 
it  does  not  concentrate  the  judicial  power. 
While  in  many  cases  the  municipal  court 
Is  brought   under  the  control   of  the   com* 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION. 


mission,  this  does  not  relieve  the  munici- 
pality of  the  interference  of  the  courts 
where  they  may  be  hostile  to  the  local  gov- 
ernment. And  any  student  of  municipal 
government,  and  particularly  those  who 
have  been  following  the  struggles  of  the 
cities  that  are  trying  to  free"  themselves 
from  the  grip  of  the  corporations,  under- 
stand how  serious  the  power  of  the  courts 
is.  Wherever  a  city  has  made  a  really 
serious  stand  against  the  domination  of 
the  interests  the  capitalistic  courts  have 
immediately  swung  into  line  against  the 
local  government.  In  the  city  of  Cleve- 
land, Ohio,  for  example,  this  went  so  far 
that  in  Order  to  defeat  Tom  D.  Johnson  in 
his  fight  for  the  three-cent  fare,  which  he 
had  practically  won,  the  matter  was  taken 
to  the  Supreme  CSurt  of  the  state  and  the 
charter  of  the  city  itself  declared  uncon- 
stitutional. And  in  this  way  the  city  was 
beaten  by  the  courts.  Similar  experiences 
could  be  cited  in  scores  of  cases. 

It  is  well  understood  and  perfectly  nat- 
ural that  the  capitalistic  courts  should  be 
everywhere  the  last  resort  of  the  corporate 
interests.  If  we  are  to  secure  an  inde- 
pendent and  free  local  government  for  a 
city  we  shall  have  to  find  some  way  of 
preventing  the  courts  from  overthrowing 
the  acts  of  the  local  government  through 
injunction  proceedings  and  the  like.  And 
after  all  this  is  one  of  the  most  serious 
problems  for  the  student  of  municipal  gov- 
ernment. And  the  commission  form  does 
not  meet  it  in  any  sense  of  the  word,  x  In 
fact  it  does  not  contemplate  it. 
the  freedom  of  action  on  the  part  of  the 
municipal  government  by  means  of  con- 
centration of  power,  the  commission  form 
of   government   breaks   down   at   this   point. 

DOES  IT  FIX  RESPONSIBILITY?  It  is 
also  argued  that  by  concentrating  the 
power  of  a  municipal  government  in  the 
hands  of  a  few  we  are  able  to  fix  the  re- 
sponsibility, to  know  exactly  who  is  to 
blame  if  things  do  not  go  right. 

How  far  is  this  true?  .  A  commission  iy 
elected  of,  let  us  say,  five  men.  The  ques- 
tion of  a  certain  line  of  action  is  decided 
by  a  majority  vote.  One  of  the  commis- 
sioners who  is  at  the  head  of  a  depart- 
ment, decides  upon  a  certain  line  of  action. 
Three  of  the  five,  however,  vote  against  it. 
The  work   cannot  be   done. 

Who  now  is  to  blame  for  the  failure  of 
the  commission  to  act? 

The  commissioner  who  proposed  the  ac- 
tion did  his  part.  He  lays  the  blame  upon 
the  others.  But  th.e  neglected  work  is  in  his 
department,  so  the  others  shift  the  blame  on 
to  him. 

Another  illustration  of  the  shifting  of  re- 
sponsibility occurred  in  Oklahoma  City. 
A  circuit  judge  was  elected  as  one  of  the 
commissioners  because  of  his  known  friend- 
ly attitude  toward  union  labor.  When  he 
was  elected  he  was  put  at  the  head  of  the 
Department  of  Public  Works..  But  when 
the  question  of  engaging  union  labor  came 
up  he  dodged  the  issue  and  shifted  the  re- 
sponsibility by  referring  the  question  to  the 
commission.  The  commission  then  decided 
that  they  could  not  under  the  laws  "dis- 
criminate against"  the  non-union  workers. 
Tn  this  way  the  labor  question  was  shifted 
from  one  commissioner  to  the  other  and 
so  disposed  of. 

Again  in  Dps  Moines  the  citizens  circu- 
lated a  petition  asking  for  the  submission 
of  the  Question  of  the  purchase  of  the  street 
ear  system.  The  signatures  of  16  per  cent 
of  the  voters  were  secured.  Now.  the  com- 
missioners did  not  want  to  submit  the 
Question.  On  the  other  hand,  they  did  not 
wish    to    offend    the    2,300    voters    who    had 


signed  the  petition.  So  they  shifted  th« 
responsibility  by  referring  the  question  to 
the  legal  department.  The  city  attorney 
gave  them  an  opinion  in  which  he  held 
that  the  form  of  the  ordinance  was  illegal. 
In  spite  of  the  opinion  of  the  legal  de- 
partment the  commissioners  decided  .to  sub- 
mit the  question  to  a  vote  of  the  people, 
after  which  the  district  court  at  the  insti- 
gation of  the  street  railway  company  in- 
tervened, restraining  the  commission  from 
submitting  the  question.  But  they  again 
shifted  the  responsibility  from  the  city  at- 
torney's shoulder  and  in  spite  of  his  opin- 
ion submitted  the  question.  Then  the  dis- 
trict court  stepped  in  upon  the  petition  of 
one  of  the  citizens  and  issued  an  injunc- 
tion restraining  the  commission  from  sub- 
mitting  the    question. 

Thus,  we  have  in  this  case  the  shifting 
of  responsibility  first  from  the  shoulders 
of  the  commission  to  those  of  the  city  at- 
torney; back  again  from  the  shoulders  of 
the  city  attorney  to  those  of  the  commis- 
sioners; and  finally  again  from  their  shoul- 
ders to  those  of  the  district  court.  It 
would  be  pretty  hard  to  conceive  of  a  bet- 
ter illustration  oT  the  failure  of  the  com- 
mission form  of  government  to  "fix  .re- 
sponsibility." ^ 

From  this  it  would  appear  that  so  long 
as  you  have  more  than  one  in  your  com- 
mission, there  is  more  or  less  shifting  of 
responsibility  inevitable.  And  hence  the 
arguments  actually  made  in  favor  of  a  one- 
man  commission. 

And  even  more  serious  is  the  interference 
of  State  legislatures  and  courts.  The  es- 
tablishment of  the  commission  form  of 
government  in  a  city  does  not  take  away 
the  possibility  of  interference  by  the  legis- 
lature and  the  courts.  So  long  as  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  citv  is  in  harmony  in 
its  purposes  and  policies  with  the  State 
legislature  and  the  courts,  so  long  matters 
may  go  smootfilv.  But  let  anv  city  admin- 
istration undertake  to  withstand  the  cap- 
italistic policies  of  the  courts  and  the  State 
legislature  and  there  soon  is  a  manifesta- 
tion of  these  superior  powers.  It  only  re- 
quires one  man  in  a  city  to  apply  to  the 
courts  for  an  injunction.  And  the  domi- 
nant political  party  in  the  State  legislature 
when  controlled  bv  capitalistic  influences, 
can  be  very  quickly  swung  into  opposi- 
tion to  the  city  administration.  When  this 
happens,  as  it  is  constantlv  happening,  will 
not  then  the  resDonsibility  bp  shifted  again? 
When  a  commission  in  such  a  case  at- 
tempts or  even  proposes  to  do  something 
for  the  people  of  a  citv.  mav  it  not  very 
easily  shift  the  responsibility  for  not  hav- 
ing succeeded  either  on  to  the  courts  or  the 
State   legislature? 

So  it  is  evident  that  the  commission 
form  does  not  wholly  solve  the  problem  of 
"fixing  the  responsibility." 

With  the  Socialist  party  this  question  is 
a  very  simple  one.  The  party  itself  as- 
sumps  and  wishes  to  carry  the  responsibil- 
ity for  the  handling  of  any  degree  of  po- 
litical power  that  is  given  to  its  representa- 
tives. If  any  of  the  men  elected  bv  the 
party  fail  to  make  good,  let  it  count  against 
the  party.  Why  should  not  other  organiza- 
tions and  parties  assume  the  same  responsi- 
bility? And  whv  should  they  not  stand  or 
fall  as  the  Socialist  party  proposes  to  stand 
or  fall  upon  the  record  that  it  makes. 

In  this  connection  it  seems  to  us  that  the 
commission  form  of  government  has  a  se- 
(i  rious  weakness.  Having  destroyed  entirely 
•  parties  and  party  organizations,  there  is  no 
one  that  can  he  held  responsible  for  what 
the  elected  officers  do.  Tn  this  sense  the 
commission    form    of   government   makes   it 


V 


APPENDIX 


sion  form  of  government.  And  they  have 
than  less,  and  this  phase  of  the  matter 
•hould    be    considered. 

IS  IT  MORE  EFFICIENT?  Another 
claim  of  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment that  should  be  investigated  is,  the 
claim  put  forward  by  all  of  its  advocates 
that  it  greatly  increases  efficiency  of  the 
with  regard  to  certain  matters.  A  gre^t 
deal  has  been  written  and  said  by  the 
friends  of  the  commission  form  along  these 
V  lines.  When  we  come  to  examine  the  de- 
tails upon  which  this  claim  is  based,  how- 
ever, the  argument  does  not  seem  to  carry 
so  much  weight, 
government. 

It  may  be  frankly  admitted,  for  the  sake 
of  argument,  that  the  cities  that  have 
adopted  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment, have  shown  evidences  of  improvement 

For  example,  it  is  claimed  for  certain 
of  the  commission  governed  cities  that  they 
have  greatly  reduced  the  burden  of  taxa- 
tion by  economies  effected.  But  hundreds 
of  cities  have  accomplished  things  of  that 
sort  without  being  under  the  commission 
form  of  government.  It  is  always  the  boast 
of  a  new  administration  that  it  has  reduced 
the  taxes.  And  most  capitalistic  campaigns 
in  the  cities  are  waged  on  the  promise  to 
reduce  the  taxes. 

Furthermore,  low  taxes  may  not  be  an 
evidence  of  efficiency  of  city  government  at 
all.  On  the  contrary,  a  partial  increase  of 
the  tax  burden  may  be  an  absolute  essential 
in  the  first  steps  towards  an  efficient  city. 
Practically  every  American  city  is  lacking 
in  school  facilities,  in  proper  street  equip- 
ment, parks  and  boulevards,  sewerage  and 
the  like,  ^o  bring  these  up  to  the  standard 
of  efficiency  shown  by  European  cities  will 
naturally  and  inevitably  require  increased 
expenditures.  But  what  is  much  more  vital 
than  this  even,  the  American  city  is  far 
behind  the  cities  of  every  progressive  na- 
tion in  the  world  in  the  matter  of  the  own- 
ership of  revenue  producing  enterprises. 
If  the  American  city  is  to  be  made  efficient 
in  the  true  sense  of  the  word,  it  will  be 
compelled  to  deliberately  assume  the  policy 
which  the  European  city  long  ago  assumed, 
viz.,  in  investing  in  revenue  producing  en- 
terprises— water  works,  gas  plants,  lighting 
plants,  street  car  system  and  all  other  pub- 
lic utilities,  and  especially  land  and  sites. 
But  every  step  in  this  direction  involves, 
of  course,  an  initial  investment.  And  while 
the  gradual  introduction  of  this  policy  will 
enable  the  cities  to  use  revenues  produced 
by  one  utility  in  instituting  the  public  own- 
ership and  operation  of  the  next,  it  is  never- 
theless difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  in- 
augurate this  programme  without  some  in- 
crease in  the  tax  burden.  And  yet  there 
is  no  more  essential  feature,  no  more  vital 
element  in  the  efficiency  of  city  government 
than  this. 

So  the  mere  matter  of  reduced  taxes  can- 
not be  taken  as  any  evidence'  of  efficiency. 
Other    matters    enter   for    consideration. 

Again  it  is  claimed  that  the  commissions 
in  certain  cities  have  introduced  more  busi- 
ness-like methods  in  the  municipal  account- 
ing. But  scientific  budget  making  is  being 
developed  on  a  much  larger  scale  and  in  a 
much  more  thorough-going  way  in  such 
cities  as  Chicago,  New  York  and  Milwaukee, 
than  in  any  of  the  commissioned  governed 
cities.  So  this  can  hardly  be  claimed  as 
an  evidence  of  increased  efficiency.  The 
achievements  of  a  purchasing  department, 
of  a  bureau  of  efficiency  and  economy  are 
also  urged  as  evidences  of  greater  efficiency. 
But  these  details  have  also  been  estab- 
lished in  many  cities  without  the  commis- 


189 


more  difficult  to  fix  the  responsibility  rather 

made    equally    good    recorus. 

In  short,  it  is  difficult  for  the  advocates 
of  the  commission  form  of  government  tc 
point  out  specific  instances  of  increased 
efficiency  unuer  their  commission,  that  has 
not  oeen  equalled  somewhere  in  other  cities 
that  are  not  under  the  commission  form. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  too  much  weight 
cannot  be  permitted  to  the  claims  made 
by  the  advocates  of  the  commission  form 
While  it  may  be  admitted  that  there  have 
been  some  gains,  they  do  not  all  stand  to 
the  credit  of  the  commission  form  of  gov- 
ernment as   to  mere  form. 

6.      EXPERIENCE    IN    OTHER    COUN- 

The  commission  form  of  government,  as 
has  already  been  pointed  out,  is  not  the 
result  of  a  careful  or  comprehensive  study 
of  the  problems  of  municipal  government 
It  seems  rather  to  have  been  stumbled 
upon  and  had  its  inception  in  an  accident — 
the  calamity  at  Galveston.  It  seems 
strange  that  the  students  of  municipal  gov- 
ernment in  America  should  not  have  come 
forward  long  before  this,  with  some  care- 
fully prepared  plan  of  municipal  reform 
based  upon  a  thorough  investigation  of  the 
subject  in  this  and  other  countries.  It  is 
not  to  be  expected,  of  course,  that  America 
should  copy  the  forms  of  municipal  govern- 
ment found  in  other  countries;  but  it  would 
be  the  height  of  folly  for  the  people  of 
this  nation  to  disregard  entirely  the  ex- 
perience of  other  lands  in  the  matter  of 
municipal  government,  especially  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  other  countries  have  made 
such  notable  achievements  in  that  line.  But 
this  seems  to  be  exactly  what  the  advo- 
cates of  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment nave  done.  They  have  overlooked  en- 
tirely and  disregarded  the  experience  of 
other  nations. 

(1)  THE  GERMAN  FORM  OF  MUNICI- 
PAL GOVERNMENT.  Without  doubt  the 
best  governed  cities  in  the  world,  and  par- 
ticularly the  most  efficient,  are  the  cities 
of  Germany.  While  of  course  the  Socialists 
of  this  country  would  by  no  means  advo- 
cate the  election  forms  of  the  German  cities, 
it  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  those  partic- 
ular respects  in  which  the  commission  form 
of  government  is  said  to  excel,  the  German 
cities  have  long  ago  made  their  greatest 
achievements.  The  German  municipal  gov- 
ernment is  efficient.  And  as  compared  to 
the  American  cities,  they  are  decidedly  pro- 
gressive as   well. 

These  things — efficiency  and  progressive- 
ness.  have  been  achieved  in  the  German 
cities,  not  under  the  commission  form  of 
government,  but  quite  the  opposite.  The 
general  form  of  city  government  in  Ger- 
many is  that  of  a  large  council.  There  are 
126  members  of  the  city  council  of  Berlin; 
Breslau  has  100;  Dresden  70.  The  coun- 
cilmen  are  also  elected  from  the  wards  or 
districts,  and  these  in  turn  elect  the  heads 
of  departments.  These  latter  constitute  a 
second  body,  handling  in  general  the  ad- 
ministrative affairs  of  the  city.  In  addi- 
tion to  these  two  bodies  are  numerous  com- 
missions, part  of  them  salaried  and  part  of 
them  rendering  services  without  pay.  The 
council  selects  the  mayor,  who  need  not  be, 
arid  generally  is  not,  a  resident  of  the  city, 
but  is  selected  solely  for  his  efficiency, 
ability  and  knowledge  of  municipal  prob- 
lems. The  heads  of  the  departments  are 
also  selected  in  a  similar  way  and  serve  for 
long  terms,  sometimes  for  life. 

Now,  whether  this  form  of  government  be 
better  than  the  usual  council  form  in 
America  or  not,  one  thing  is  certain — this, 
and   not   the   commission   form,    is    the   one 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


under  which  the  German  municipal  govern- 
ment has  reached  its  high  degree  of  effi- 
ciency. 

If  the  form  of  government  has  anything 
to  do  with  it,  then  the  experience  of  Ger- 
many is  against  the  commission  form  of 
government. 

(2)  THE  ENGLISH  FORM  OP  MUNICI- 
PAL GOVERNMENT.  The  experience  of 
England  is  somewhat  similar  to  that  of 
Germany.  Prior  to  1835  the  English  people 
had  their  problems  of  political  corruption 
and  municipal  misrule,  similar  to  those  we 
have  in  America  at  the  present  time.  Then 
came  the  municipal  reform  act,  which,  while 
it  did  not  change  the  form  of  their  govern- 
ment materially,  nevertheless  produced  a 
profound  effect  for  the  better  upon  munici- 
pal government  in  England  until  today 
probably  the  next  best  governed  cities  in 
the  world  to  those  of  Germany  are  the 
English. 

Here  again  it  is  not  the  commission  form 
of  government  under  which  efficiency  has 
arisen,  but  quite  the  opposite.  The  council 
is  a  large  body.  Glasgow  has  77  members; 
Manchester  124;  Liverpool  134.  They  are 
also  elected  as  in  Germany  from  the  va- 
rious ward?.  And  besides  politics  are  not 
excluded  from  municipal  government  as  is 
proposed  by  advocates  of  the  commission 
form.  There  are  generally  two  or  three 
councilmen  '  from  each  ward.  This  elected 
council  then  selects  a  second  body  one-third 
as  large  as  the  elective  council.  Theae  two 
houses  working  together  select  the  mayor, 
usually  from  their  own  membership.  But 
the  mayor  has  little  power  in  the  English 
city.  These  two  bodies  also  select  all 
other   city  officials. 

Thus  the  English  experience  further  dis- 
proves the  contention  of  the  advocates  of 
the  commission  form  of  government,  that 
only  by  the  abolition  of  ward  lines  and 
the  election  of  the  small  body  at  large,  can 
efficient  municipal  government  be  attained. 
The  English  cities  are  well  governed  and 
have  been  well  governed  for  nearly  three 
generations.  Moreover,  the  English  city 
government  is  comparatively  free  from 
graft  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  almost  uni- 
versally the  cities  own  and  operate  large 
and  important  public  utilities  and  employ 
thousands  of  men  and  spend  millions  of 
dollars  every  year. 

And  this  has  been  accomplished,  not  un- 
Ger  the  commission  form  of  government, 
but  quite  the  opposite. 

(3)  THE  FRENCH  FORM  OF  MUNICI- 
PAL GOVERNMENT.  The  municipal  code 
of  France  permits  the  cities  to  choose  their 
council  either  at  large  or  by  wards.  The 
majority  of  the  smaller  cities  elect  their 
council  at  large,  but  most  of  the  larger  ones 
have  chosen  the  ward  plan.  The  elections 
are  not  non-partisan,  nor  are  majority  elec- 
tions required.  The  council  here  as  in  Ger- 
many and  England  selects  the  administra- 
tive organizations.  Nor  is  the  council  a 
small  body  as  proposed  by  the  commission 
advocates.  The  average  for  the  ordinary 
French  city  is  at  least  thirty-six. 

In  the  French  city  the  council  elects  the 
mayor  who  is  a  much  more  responsible 
official  than  the  burgomaster  in  Germany 
and  much  more  so  than  the  mayor  in  Eng- 
land. He  appoints  all  city  officials  except 
the  treasurer  and  a  few  other  important 
officers  which  are  filled  by  the  national  gov- 
ernment. His  appointments  bt3  not  even 
subject  to  the  ratification  of  a  council  and 
he  can  remove  any  official  except  those  of 
the  police  department. 

Thus  the  experience  of  these  countries  In 
■which  the  highest  degree  of  efficiency  of 
municipal    government    has    been    attained, 


affords  no  encouragement  to  the  idea  of 
the  commission  form.  On  the  contrary, 
whatever  efficiency  has  been  (  attained  in 
these  countries  has  been  attained  by  a 
movement   in   the   opposite   direction. 

7.     DESIRABLE  FORMS  AND  FEATURES 
OF  MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT. 

In  connection  with  the  commission  form 
of  government  are  a  number  of  features 
which  all  must  agree  are  desirable.  This 
fact  requires  discrimination  in  stating  the 
position  which  the  socialist  party  should 
take.  If  the  party  either  locally  or  other- 
wise takes  a  stand  against  the  commission 
form  of  government  unqualifiedly,  it  there- 
by puts  itself  in  opposition  to  certain  de- 
sirable features  that  have  been  attached 
to  the  commission  form.  It  is  necessary 
therefore  to  study  carefully  the  form  and 
the  various  features  of  each  particular  city 
charter  and  the  general  state  act  as  it 
comes  forward.  The  attitude  that  the  party 
is  to  take  in  any  city  or  state  can  be  de- 
termined~  by  the  particular  form  and  the 
specific  features  of  the  commission'  form 
proposed. 

'  (1)  HOME  RULE.  Wherever  the  general 
state  acts  establishing  the  commission  form 
of  government  proposes  a  greater  degree  of 
home  rule  than  the  cities  in  that  state  al- 
ready enjoy,  the  party  will  have  to  con- 
sider seriously  whether  such  a  law  even 
though  objectionable  in  some  other  fea- 
tures, will  not  be  to  the  advantage  of  the 
cities  in  the  state.  Above  almost  every- 
thing else,  home  rule  and  the  right  of 
self-government,  the  right  of  the  city  to 
manage  its  own  affairs,  is  most  important. 
Especially  in  the  fight  for  municipal  own- 
ership, for  direct  employment,  for  trades 
union  conditions  of  labor,  the  union  label, 
the  union  scale,  the  eight-hour  day  and 
union  conditions,  home  rule  is  essential. 

Many  of  the  commission  charters,  so  far 
as  we  can  discover,  do  not  add  one  iota  of 
home  rule  to  the  city's  power.  Many  of 
the  states  have  secured  home  rule  entirely 
apart  from  the  commission  form  and  we 
believe  the  rest  of  the  states  would  in  time 
secure  the  same.  Where  the  cities  do  not 
yet  enjoy  home  rule,  and  the  state  law  es- 
tablishing the  commission  form  does  give 
the  city  more  home  rule,  there  the  party 
should  consider  seriously  whether  it  is  not 
better  to  support  the  commission  form  on 
that  account.  And  this  will  have  to  be 
determined  in  each  case  by  a  careful  and 
discriminate  estimate  of  the  degree  of  home 
rule  secured,  and  the  question  of  whether 
there  are  other  objectionable  features  that 
overbalance  the  possible  advantages  of  the 
home  rule  involved. 

(2)  THE  INITIATIVE,  REFERENDA 
AND  RECALL.  The  Socialist  party  every- 
where, of  course,  is  seeking  to  establish 
direct  legislation  and  greater  control  by 
the  people  over  the  government.  The  ini- 
tiative, referendum  and  recall  are  means  to 
that  end.  They  are  proposed  in  connec- 
tion with  the  commission  form  in  the  great 
majority  of  cases.  Here,  again,  the  party 
will  have  to  exercise  discriminating  judg- 
ment  in   determining  its   attitude. 

Some  matters  are  clear,  however.  Where 
any  of  these  forms  are  missing  in  the  pro- 
posed charter  or  State  law.  there  the  party 
should  make  a  vigorous  fight  to  have  them 
included.  And  where  the  percentages  are 
too  high,  the  party  should  fight  for  their 
reduction.  In  our  opinion  the  initiative 
should  not  require  the  signatures  of  more 
than  ten  per  cent  of  the  voters;  the  rpfer- 
endum  should  rot  require  more  than  fifteen 
per  cent  and  the  recall  should  not  require 
more  than  twenty  per  cent.     These  figures, 


V 


APPENDIX 


i9i 


rever,  are  arbitrary  but  are  the  figures, 
J  t    are    coming    to    be    regarded    by    the 
»  mds  of  direct  legislation  as  being  near- 
the    desired    point.       The     percentages 
uld  not  be  so   high   as   to   make  the  de- 
3S  too  difficult  of  putting  into  operation, 
should   they  be  so   low   as   to   interfere 
h  the  efficient  operation  of  the  municipal 
eminent. 

3)  SIZE  OF  THE  GOVERNING  BODY, 
the  smaller  cities,  the  five  members  pro- 
i  .ed  by  the  commission  form  are  doubt- 
3  sufficient.  It  is  desirable  to  keep  the 
ms  of  government  as  simple  as  the  sit- 
;ion  will  warrant.  But  in  the  larger 
es,  we  do  not  believe  the  small  body 
five  men  is  sufficient  to  insure  efficiency, 
do  not  agree  with  the  contention  put 
th  by  most  advocates  of  the  commis- 
n  form,  that  there  should  be  such  a 
eeping  reduction  of  the  number  of 
cted  officials  and  increase  of  the  num- 
of  appointive  officials  as  would  be  in- 
ved  by    the   change   of   form    of   govern- 

Idnt  in  a  large  city  of  say  400,000  popula- 
n  or  more,  from  the  present  council  and 
yor  form  of  government,  to  that  of  a 
nmission  form.  For  the  large  cities, 
ur  committee  would  recommend  a  medi- 
ation of  the  present  form  of  municipal 
vernment,  drawn  from  the  best  expen- 
ses of  European  and  American  cities  in 
s  respect  rather  than  the  commission 
•m. 

(4)  SALARIES.  One  good  feature  of 
3  commission  form  of  government  is  the 

t  that  it  generally  provides  for  a  salary 
the  elected  commissioners  and  large 
ough  to  attract  men  of  capacity  into  the 
blic  service  and  to  enable  them  to  de- 
te  their  entire  time  .to  it.  This  we  be- 
ve  to  be  essential.  Without  salaries  for 
blic  officials,  the  working  class  can  hardly 
er  hope  to  take  a  iy  part  in  civic  life, 
le  necessity  of  earning  a  living  and  the 
fficulty  attendant  thereto  makes  it  im- 
ssible  for  them  to  devote  their  time  to 
e  public  service.  The  failure  to  provide 
laries,  therefore,  results  either  in  office 
dding  becoming  the  special  privilege  of 
e  wealthy  class,  or  it  deteriorates  into 
mething  worse.  The  provision  of  ade- 
late  salaries  we  believe  to  be  an  essential 
ature   of  municipal  government. 

(5)  SELECTING  THE  HEADS  OF  DE- 
ARTMENTS.  One  serious  and  objection- 
)le  feature  of  most  of  the  commission 
>rm  charters  and  laws  is  the  fact  that 
le  five  commissioners  are  elected  without 
iy  reference  to  the  work  that  they  are 
i  perform  and  are  allowed  afterwards  to 
?cide  among  themselves  which  men  are 
»  be  put  at  the  head  of  the  five  respective 
epartments.  A  few  of  the  commission 
larters.  however,  have  remedied  this  de- 
jct.  This  is  notably  the  case  of  the  Grand 
unction,  Colorado,  charter,  which  is  per- 
aps  on  the  whole  one  of  the  best.     Under 


the  usual  form,  the  five  most  popular  can- 
didates might  be  elected  as  commissioners 
and  all  of  them  be  well  qualified  to  fill  one 
or  two  of  tne  offices  of  heads  of  depart- 
ments, while  no  one  might  be  elected  who 
is  qualified  to  fill  the  others.  The  people 
are  better  able  to  determine  the  fitness  of 
a  man  for  a  certain  office  than  are  the 
commissioners  by  trade  and  wire  pulling 
after  election. 

It  seems  strange  that  the  Grand  Junction 
form  should  not  have  been  insisted  upon 
in  more  of  the  charters.  There  can  be  no 
justification  for  the  plan  by  which  the 
commissioners  are  allowed  to  select  the  of- 
fices for  themselves  after  they  are  elected. 
IN  CONCLUSION. 

In  conclusion,  the  study  of  the  move- 
ment for  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment for  cities  in  America  reveals  the  fact 
that  the  forms  proposed  vary  greatly  in 
detail.  Indeed,  there  is  a  great  variation 
even  in  essential  features.  Furthermore, 
the  form  itself  has  been  passing  through 
the  process  of  modification  since  its  incep- 
tion. This  change  and  modification  is  still 
going  on.  There  has  not  yet  been  proposed 
a  final  and  definite  form  of  the  commission 
form  of  government;  the  whole  matter  is  in 
process  of  development. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  it  is  impossible 
at  the  present  time,  we  believe,  to  lay  down 
or  to  fix  any  definite  policy  that  shall  ap- 
ply equally  to  all  the  states  and  all  of 
the  cities  with  reference  to  this  matter. 
Certain  general  principles  may  be  stated. 
Certain  errors  and  fallacies  of  the  argu- 
ments may  be  pointed  out,  certain  ev^s 
opposed.  And  where  the  form  is  entirely 
objectionable,   it   may   be   defeated. 

In  some  cases  the  Socialist  party  or- 
ganizations have  already  used  their  in- 
fluence against  certain  objectionable  forms 
and  defeated  them.  In  other  cases  they 
have  compelled  a  modification  of  the  form 
by  insisting  on  the  introduction  of  certain 
features  that  had  been  omitted.  And  so 
far  as  your  committee  can  see,  this  dis- 
criminating attitude,  varying  with  the  con- 
ditions that  concern  the  party  in  different 
localities,  and  varying  as  the  movement 
varies,  will  have  to  be  the  position  of  the 
party. 

One     thing,     however,     your     committee 
would    recottimend,    viz.,   That   a   committee 
be    appointed    by    the    convention    to    study 
further  the  best   forms   of    municipal    gov- 
ernment and  to  submit  the  results  of  their 
work   as   a  basis  for   a   form   that   mav   be 
proposed    as    an    alternative    and    improve- 
ment upon  the  commission  plan. 
Respectfully    submitted, 
J.  J.  JACOBSEN   (la.).  Chairman, 
CARL  D.  THOMPSON  (Wis.),  Secretary, 
WINNIE  E.  BRANSTETTER   (Okla.), 
JASPER  M'LEVY  (Conn.). 

Committee. 


192 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION, 


APPENDIX  D 


Report  of  Farmers'  Committee. 


During  the  decade  just  passed  agriculture 
in  America  has  entered  upon  a  new  stage 
of  evolution,  which  both  in  direction  and 
velocity  of  movement  differs  sharply  from 
that  of  previous  years.  The  causes  of  this 
change  are  several. 

1.  Free  land  has  disappeared  and  the 
value  of  that  now  under  cultivation  is  in- 
creasing more  rapidly  than  ever  before. 
From  1900  to  1910  this  increase  amounted 
to  over  100  per  cent  for  the  entire  nation. 
In  the  upper  Mississippi  valley,  in  so  far 
as  the  census  statistics  are  available,  it  ap- 
pears that  the  value  of  the  average  farm 
is  now  about  $15,000.  (In  Illinois,  $15,- 
505;  in  Iowa,  $17,259.)  This  is  a  sum 
fully  equal  to  that  which  now  separates 
the  average  wage  worker  from  ownership 
in  the  tools  of  his  industry,  and  indicates 
that  from  now  on  the  landless  farmer  must 
surrender  all  hope  of  ever  entering  the  class 
of  farm  owners. 

2.  That  the  conclusion  drawn  above  is 
correct  is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  in  the 
three  states  of  Indiana,  Iowa  and  Illinois 
(the  only  ones  in  this  locality  from  which 
the  census  data  is  available)  the  total  num- 
ber of  farms  has  decreased  from  714,670 
in  1900  to  684,410  in  1910.  The  agricultural 
counties  of  these  states,  almost  without  ex- 
ception show  an  absolute  decrease  in  popu- 
lation,   a   still    further   proof   of   the    same 

Still  another  fact  leading  to  the  same 
conclusion  that  the  class  of  small  farm 
owners  is  disappearing  is  the  census  state- 
ment that  in  these  three  states  the  num- 
ber of  farms  of  between  20  and  100  acres 
in  area  has  absolutely  decreased,  while 
those  of  less  than  ten  acres  and  of  more 
than  175,  show  the"  most  rapid  rate  of  in- 
crease. This  fact  is  indicative  of  the  two 
forms  in  which  agricultural  concentration 
is  operating:  through  the  formation  of  in- 
tensively cultivated,  artificially  heated  and 
wage-worker  operated  suburban  market 
gardens,  and  large  mechanically  cultivated 
farms. 

Perhaps  more  Important  than  any  of  the 
above  facts  as  showing  the  growing  separa- 
tion of  the  farmer  from  the  land  is  seen 
in  the  remarkably  accelerating  rate  at 
which  farm  tenantry  is  progressing.  The 
census  bulletins  show  that  in  the  three 
states  of  Indiana,  Iowa  and  Illinois,  30  per 
cent,  38  per  cent  and  41  per  cent  of  all  farms 
are  now  operated  by  tenants.  Independent 
research  shows  that  in  the  purely  agricul- 
tural sections  the  actual  average  is  over 
60  per  cent  in  these  states.  The  situation 
in  the  South  is  even  more  striking.  Here 
the  census  figures  show  that  from  45  per 
cent  to  66  per  cent  of  all  farms  are  op- 
erated by  tenants,  while  investigation  of 
the  cotton  farming  districts  (the  over- 
whelmingly dominant  agricultural  industry) 
shows  that  fully  80  per  cent  of  the  cotton 
farms  are  operated  by  tenants,  whose  con- 


dition is  far  below  that  of  the  average 
tory  wage-worker. 

The  land  is  not  the   only  instrument 
sential    to    agricultural    production    wl 
ownership  by  the  producer  is  growing  n 
difficult.     The  cost  of  farm  machinery 
the      animals      necessary      for      cultiva 
where    animal    power    is    used    is    also 
creasing  rapidly.     With  the  introduetioi 
other    than    animal    power,    which    is 
progressing  at   a   most   revolutionary   i 
this    cost    will    soon    render    these    ins 
ments    also    far    beyond    the    reach    of 
farm    worker.      Along    with    this    goes 
multiplication  of  subsidiary  industries 
forming      operations      hitherto      perfor 
upon   the   farm,    or   which  are   immedia 
essential  to  agriculture,  but  the  machii 
for  which  are   completely  out   of   the  c 
ership  of  the  farmer.     Such  are  sugar 
factories,  canning  factories,  packing  hou 
alfalfa  mills,  cotton  gins,  rice  mills,   et 

The  workers  affected  by  these  condit 
reached  a  total  of  more  than  ten  mil 
in  1910,  and  constitute  by  far  the  Ian 
number  embraced  in  any  single  brand 
industry.  To  confess  ourselves  unabh 
include  these  in  the  program  of  Social 
is  to  surrender  our  position  as  the  p» 
ical  representative  of  the  working  clas 

Of  these    ten   million,    3,933,705    are 
farm  owners,   and   in   spite   of  all   the 
dencies     mentioned    above    this    group 
creased  over  a  quarter  of  a  million  in 
last  ten  years,  a  greater  increase  tha: 
to  be  found   in   any   other   single   groul 
industrial     workers,    with     the    single 
tremely   significant   exception   of  the   gi 
of  farm  tenants,  which  added  a  little  < 
320,000    to    its    numbers    during    the    s 
period,    and    which    now    includes    2,349 
workers. 

Far  larger  than  either  of  these  divis 
is  that  of  agricultural  laborers,  of  wl 
there  were  nearly  four  million  in  1910. 
is  significant,  however,  that  these  are 
cated  geographically,  in  sections  larj 
apart  from  the  other  classes.  So  far  as 
census  data  is  available  it  appears 
nearly  twice  as  much  money  is  spent 
agricultural  labor  in  the  little  county 
Cook,  in  which  the  city  of  Chicago  is 
cated.  than  in  any  other  county  in 
United  States.  In  so  far  as  farm  labo 
are  employed  either  upon  the  hierhly  < 
italized  and  intensively  cultivated  gavt 
and  green  houses  or  upon  large  capita 
tically  organized  ranches,  fruit  farms, 
mechanically  operated  farms  in  gen( 
their  problem  is  not  distinctively  diffe: 
from  that  of  other  wage-workers  save  \ 
hitherto  the  difficulties  of  propaganda,  « 
cation  and  organization  among  them  t 
been  greater  than  among  other  classe* 
wage-workers.  There  are,  however,  cer 
definite  steps  (some  of  which  are  indici 
in  the  program  presented)  which  can 
taken  by  a  Socialist  administered  loca' 


VN 


APPENDIX 


193 


te  government  that  Will  assist  them  in 

ir  struggle. 

'he  extent,  of  the  problem,  the  complex- 

of  the  factors  involved  and  the  rapid 
nges  that  are  now  taking  place  in  ag- 
ulture  all  emphasize  the  necessity  of 
ser  study  of  this  problem  and  the  need 
the  preparation  of  literature  especially 
ed  to  this  field,  and  the  committee  would 

especial  stress  upon  the  urgent  need 
the  preparation  of  literature  and  its  ex- 
sive   circulation. 

ls  measures  particularly  suited  to  meet 
s  problem  we  would  recommend  the 
ption  by   the   convention  of  the  follow- 

program  as  indicating  the  lines  of  work 
be  pursued  by  a  working  class  govern- 
nt  for  the  especial  relief  of  this  largest 
ision   of   that   class: 

PROPOSED  FARMERS*  PROGRAM. 
m.  The  Socialist  party  demands  that  the 
ans  of  transportation  and  storage  and 
:  plants  used  in  the  manufacture  of  farm 
)ducts  and  farm  machinery,  when  such 
ans  are  used  for  exploitation,  shall  be 
jially  owned  and  democratically  man- 
3d. 
i.     To   prevent   the   holding   of   land   out 

use  and  to  eliminate  tenantry,  we  de- 
md  that  all  farm  land  not  cultivated  by 
ners  shall  be  taxed  at  its  full  rental 
iue,  and  that  actual  use  and  occupancy 
ill  be  the  only  title  to  land. 
5.  We  demand  the  retention  by  the  na- 
inal,    state    or   local    governing   bodies    of 

land  owned  by  them,  and  the  continuous 
quirement  of  other  land  by  reclamation, 
rchase.  condemnation,  taxation  or  other- 
se;   such  land  to  be  organized  as  rapidly 

possible  into  socially  operated  farms  for 
conduct    of   collective   agricultural    en- 
rprises. 


4.  Such  farms  should  constitute  educa- 
tional and  experimental  centers  for  crop 
culture,  the  use  of  fertilizers  and  farm  ma- 
chinery and  distributing  points  for  im- 
proved seeds  and  better  breeds  of  animals. 

5.  The  formation  of  co-operative  asso- 
ciations for  agricultural  purposes  should  be 
encouraged. 

6.  Insurance  against  diseases  of  animals 
and  plants,  insect  pests  and  natural  calam- 
ities should  be  provided  by  national,  state 
or  local   governments. 

7.  We  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
elimination  of  farm  tenantry  and  the  de- 
velopment of  socially  owned  and  operated 
agriculture  will  open  new  opportunities  to 
the  agricultural  wage-worker  and  to  that 
extent  free  him  from  the  tyranny  of  the 
private   employer. 

8.  The  Socialist  party  pledges  its  sup- 
port   to    the    renters    and    the    agricultural 

•wage  workers  in  their  attempts  to  organize 
to  protect  themselves  from  the  aggressions 
of  capitalism  and  the  employers  in  agri- 
culture. 

While  the  above  is  offered  as  a  general 
outline  for  the  National  Agricultural  i-ro- 
gram  of  the  Socialist  party,  we  wish  to 
point  out  that  there  are  such  variations  of 
conditions  in  the  widely  separated  districts. 
of  the  United  States  that  to  each  section 
and  to  each  state  must  be  left  the  task  of 
working  out  the  further  details  of  a  pro- 
gram applicable  to  the  peculiar  agricultural 
conditions    in    their    respective    states    and 


districts. 


A.  M.   SIMONS,  Chairman, 
A.   LEE. 

OSCAR  AMERINGER. 
CARL  D.   THOMPSON, 
JAMES  H.   MAURER, 
CLYDE  J.   WRIGHT. 

Committee. 


It* 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION. 


APPENDIX  E 


Report  oT  Committee  on  Co-operative  Movement. 


(Adopted  by  the  Convention.) 

Just  as  the  labor  unions  fight  for  indus- 
trial self-control  for  the  working  class,  the 
Socialist  party  for  political  self-control,  and 
the  labor  and  Socialist  press  for  intellec- 
tual self-control  for  the  workers,  so  the  co- 
operative movement  fights  for  an  increasing 
degree  of  economic  self-control  for  the 
workers  through  the  ownership  and  use  of 
industrial  and  commercial  capital  by  or- 
ganized groups  of  the  workers. 

The  development  and  successful  opera- 
tion of  the  "co-operative  movement  in  con- 
nection with  the  international  labor  move- 
ment is  an  historical  fact,  which  cannot 
be  disputed.  While  in  some  countries  it 
may  seem  for  the  time  being  to.  have 
checked  other  lines  of  working  class  ac- 
tivity, it  seems  to  be  true  also  that  "the 
economic  power  of  a  class  at  a  given  stage 
of  development  turns  into  political  power." 

The  value  of  the  co-operative  movement 
to  the  working  class  has  been  recognized 
by  the  Socialist  party,  though  reluctantly 
at  first.  It  was  recently  so  recognized  at 
the  Copenhagen  congress  in  1910,  the  Amer- 
can  delegates  voting  for   the  resolution. 

Following  the  path  of  other  national  or- 
ganizations of  the  Socialist  party,  the  So- 
cialist party  of  America  must  recognize 
the  fact  of  the  existence  on  the  American 
continent  of  a  successful  co-operative  move- 
ment, though  it  has  not  as  yet  been  brought 
into    any    unified    form. 

Your  committee  has  not  been  able  to 
gather  any  adequate  data,  but  is  informed, 
from  the  personal  knowledge  of  those  who 
came  before  the  committee,  of  distributive 
co-operatives  doing  a  total  business  of  not 
less  than  twenty  million  dollars  a  year,  in 
only  a  few  of  the  states  of  the  Union. 
Nearly  one  thousand  local  organizations  are 
within  the  knowledge  of  those  reporting 
these  facts  to  your  committee,  which  are 
operating    successfully. 

That  there  is  still  room  within  the  devel- 
oping processes  of  the  capitalist  system  in 
this  country  for  the  inauguration  and  build- 
ing up  of  a  strong  and  successful  co-oper- 
ative movement,  is  evident  from  the  facts 
already  adduced,  especially  in  view  of  other 
and  as  yet  unverified  statements  which  are 
nevertheless  largely  of  common  knowledge. 

The  benefits  claimed  by  those  most  close- 
ly connected  with  the  international  co-oper- 
ative  movement  are   three-fold,   and   relate 


1.  The  furnishing  of  an  improved  qua 
ity  of  food  and  other  supplies  to  the  c 
operators; 

2.  The  actual  increase  of  the  econom 
resources  of  the  co-operators,  through  tl 
control  of  their  own  purchasing  power,  ai 
the  building  up  of  reserve  funds  whi< 
have  been  of  great  service  to  the  industri 
and  political  arms  of  the  labor  movemen 

3.  The  training  of  members  of  the  wor 
ing  class  in  the  processes  of  industrial  ai 
commercial  administrative  work,  and  d 
veloping  this  new  capacity  among  thei 
thus  proving  that  it  is  possible  not  only 
do  without  the  capitalist's  capital  but  al: 
to  do  without  his  alleged  superior  intell 
gence. 

The  most  successful  co-operatives 
America  seem  to  be  among  the  groups  i 
foreign-speaking  workers  of v  the  same  n 
tionality,  who  furnish  a  community  high 
homogeneous,  having  similar  habits  ai 
customs  of  life;  and  among  the  farmer 
who  find  it  possible  to  combine  at  on 
their  buying  and  selling  powers  in  the  san 
organization. 

In  view  of  the  failures  which  have  o 
curred  in  this  and  other  countries  in  coi 
nection  with  the  efforts  to  establish  c 
operatives,  we  recommend  that  a  commits 
of  five  persons  be  elected  by  this  conve: 
tion,  not  confined  to  delegates  in  the  coi 
vention,  who  shall  be  given  the  assistan< 
of  the  national  office  in  making  an  invest 
gation  into  the  facts  concerning  the  co-o] 
erative  movement;  the  committee  to  mal 
a  special  effort  to  ascertain  what  bearir 
the  degree  of  industrial  development  ar 
organization  in  any  particular  locality  hi 
upon  the  operation  of  co-operation  in  thi 
locality;  to  make  tentative  reports  fro: 
time  to  time  through  the  national  office  ar 
the  party  pre?:s;  and  to  make  a  final  repo; 
at  the  next  national   convention. 

W.  R.  GATLORD, 

Wisconsin. 

MRS.  E.   D.   CORY. 

Washington. 

CALEB   LIPSCOMB. 

Missouri. 

J.  T.  CUMBIE, 


LEE  LANG. 

E.   E.   POWELL. 


Oklahoma. 
Iowa. 


Ohio. 

Committe 


APPENDIX 


195 


v. 


APPENDIX  F 


port  of  Committee  on  Labor  Organization  and  Their  Relation  to  the  Party. 


m 


ADOPTED  BY  THE  CONVENTION, 
olitical  organization  and  economic  or- 
ization  are  alike  necessary  in  the 
lggle  for  working  class  emancipation. 
!  most  harmonious  relations  ought  to 
5t  between  the  two  great  forces  of  the 
•king  class  movement — the  Socialist 
ty  and  the  Labor  Unions, 
he.  labor  movement  of  the  United  States 
of  recent  years  made  marvelous  prog- 
I  in  all  directions.  It  has  steadily  in- 
ased  in  numbers  and  has  reached  trades 
industries  which  were  before  unor- 
ized.  It  has  in  many  instances  con- 
trated  its  power  and  increased  its  effi- 
lcy  by  the  amalgamation  of  related 
les  into  federations  and  industrial 
ons.  Many  unions  have  opened  their 
stings  and  journals  to  the  discussion 
vital  social  and  political  problems  of 
working  class,  and  have  repudiated 
demoralizing  politics  represented  by 
National  Civic  Federation.  The  organ- 
I  workers  are  rapidly  developing  an 
ightened  and  militant  class-cortscious- 
s. 

'he  reality  of  this  progress  is  attested 
the    increasing    virulence    with    which 
organized   capitalists   wage    their   war 
dnst     the    union.     This    improved    eco- 
,nic    organization    is    not    a    matter    of 
tract    theory,    but    grows    out    of    the 
•erience    of    the    wage    workers    in    the 
ly  class   struggle.     Only   those  actually 
,,-aged    in    the    struggle    in    the    various 
ides  and  industries  can  solve  the  prob- 
ts   of   form    of    organization, 
'he    Socialist   party    therefore    reaffirms 
position  it  has  always  taken  with  re- 
Id  to  the  movement  of  organized  labor: 
That  the  party  has  neither  the  right 
the    desire    to    interfere    in    any    con- 
versies    which    may*  exist    within    the 
or    union    movement    over    questions    of 
m    of    organization    or    technical    meth- 
of    action    in    the    industrial    struggle, 
trusts     to     the     labor     organizations 
mselves  to  solve  these  questions. 


2.  That  the  Socialists  call  the  atten- 
tion of  their  brothers  in  the  labor  unions 
to  the  vital  importance  of  the  task  of  or- 
ganizing the  unorganized,  especially  the 
immigrants  and  the  unskilled  laborers, 
who  stand  in  greatest  need  of  organized 
protection  and  who  will  constitute  a  great 
menace  to  the  progress  and  welfare  of  or- 
ganized labor,  if  they  remain  neglected. 
The  Socialist  party  will  ever  be  ready  to 
co-operate  with  the  labor  unions  in  the 
task  of  organizing  the  unorganized  work- 
ers, and  urges  all  labor  organizations, 
who  have  not  already  done  so,  to  throw 
their  doors  wide  open  to  the  workers  of 
their  respective  trades  and  industries, 
abolishing  all  onerous  conditions  of  mem- 
bership and  artificial  restrictions.  In  the 
face  of  the  tremendous  powers  of  the 
American  capitalists  and  their  close  indus- 
trial and  political  union  the  workers  of 
this  country  can  win  their  battles  only  by  a 
strong  class-consciousness  and  closely 
united  organizations  on  the  economic  field, 
a  powerful  and  militant  party  on  the  polit- 
ical field  and  by  joint  attack  of  both  on  the 
common  enemy. 

3.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Party  to 
give  moral  and  material  support  to  the  labor 
organizations  in  all  their  defensive  or  ag- 
gressive struggles  against  capitalist  oppres- 
sion and  exploitation,  for  the  protection  and 
extension  of  the  rights  of  the  wage  work- 
ers and  the  betterment  of  their  material 
and  social  condition. 

4.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  members  of 
the  Socialist  party  who  are  eligible  to 
membership  in  the  unions  to  join  and  be 
active  in  their  respective  labor  organiza- 
tions. 

OSCAR    AMERINGER, 
TOM  CLIFFORD, 
JOB   HARRIMAN, 
TOM   HICKEY, 
ALGERNON  LEE, 
TOM  J.   LEWIS. 
JAMES  H.   MAURER, 
WILLIAM    E.    RODRIGUEZ, 
DAN  A.  WHITE,  Committee. 


196 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION. 


APPENDIX  G 


Report  of  P  atform  Committee  as  Revised  and  Adopted  by  the  Conventioj 


The  Socialist  party  declares  that  the 
capitalist  system  has  outgrown  its  his- 
torical function,  and  has  become  utterly 
incapable  of  meeting  the  problems  now  con- 
fronting society.  We  denounce  this  out- 
grown system  as  incompetent  and  corrupt 
and  the  source  of  unspeakable  misery  and 
suffering  to  the  whole  working  class. 

Under  this  system  the  industrial  equip- 
ment of  the  nation  has  passed  into  the 
absolute  control  of  a  plutocracy  which  ex- 
acts an  annual  tribute  of  hundreds  of  mil- 
lions of  dollars  from  the  producers.  Un- 
afraid of  any  organized  resistance,  It 
stretches  out  its  greedy  hands  over  the 
still  undeveloped  resources  of  the  nation — 
the  land,  the  mines,  the  forests  and  the 
water-powers    of   every   state   in    the   union. 

In  spite  of  the  multiplication  of  labor- 
saving  machines  and  improved  methods  in 
industry  which  cheapen  the  cost  of  produc- 
tion, the  share  of  the  producers  grows  ever 
\ess,  and  the  prices  of  all  the  necessities  of 
life  steadily  increase.  The  boasted  pros- 
perity of  this  nation  is  for  the  owning 
class  alone.  To  the  rest  it  means  only 
greater  hardship  and  misery.  The  hign 
cost  of  living  is  felt  in  every  home.  Mil- 
lions of  wage-workers  have  seen  the  pur- 
chasing power  of  their  wages  decrease  un- 
til life  has  become  a  desperate  battle  for 
mere  existence. 

Multitudes  of  unemployed  walk  the 
streets  of  our  cities  or  trudge  from  state 
to  state  awaiting  the  will  of  the  masters  to 
move  the  wheels   of  industry. 

The  farmers  in  every  state  are  plundered 
by  the  increasing  prices  exacted  for  tools 
and  machinery  and  by  extortionate  rent, 
freight   rates   and   storage   charges. 

Capitalist  concentration  is  mercilessly 
crushing  the  class  of  small  business  men 
and  driving  its  members  into  the  ranks  of 
propertiless  wage-workers.  The  over- 
whelming majority  of  the  people  of  Amer- 
ica are  being  forced  under  a  yoke  of  bond- 
age   by    this    soulless    industrial    despotism. 

It  is  this  capitalist  system  that  is  re- 
sponsible for  the  increasing  burden  of  arm- 
aments, the  poverty,  slums,  child  labor, 
most  of  the  insanity,  crime  and  prostitu- 
tion, and  much  of  the  disease  that  afflicts 
mankind. 

Under  this  system  the  working  class  is 
exposed  to  poisonous  conditions,  to  fright- 
ful and  needless  perils  to  life  and  limb,  is 
walled  around  with  court  decisions,  injunc- 
tions and  unjust  laws,  and  is  preyed  upon 
incessantly  for  the  benefit  of  the  controll- 
ing oligarchy  of  wealth.  Under  it  also,  the 
children  of  the  working  class  are  doomed 
to  ignorance,  drudging  toil  and  darkened 
lives. 

In  the  face  of  these  evils,  so  manifest 
that  all  thoughtful  observers  are  appalled 
at  them,  the  legislative  representatives  of 
the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  re- 
main   the    faithful    servants    of   the    oppres- 


sors. Measures  designed  to  secure  to  tl 
wage  earners  of  this  nation  as  humane  ai| 
just  treatment' as  is  already  enjoyed  by  t) 
wage  earners  of  all  other  civilized  natio: 
have  been  smothered  in  committee  witho 
debate,  and  laws  ostensibly  designed 
bring  relief  to  the  farmers  and  gener 
consumers  are  juggled  and  transformed  i 
to  instruments  for  the  exaction  of  furth 
tribute.  The  growing  unrest  under  oppre 
sion  has  driven  these  two  old  parties 
the  enactment  of  a  variety  of  regulati1 
measures,  none  of  which  has  limited  in  ai 
appreciable  degree  the  power  of  the  pluto 
racy,  and  some  of  which  have  been  pe 
verted  into  means  for  increasing  th 
power.  Anti-trust  laws,  railroad  restri 
tions  and  regulations,  with  the  prosec 
tions,  indictments  and  investigations  bas< 
uoon  such  legislation,  have  prpved  to  1 
utterly  futile  and  ridiculous. 

Nor  has  this  plutocracy  been  serious 
restrained  or  even  threatened  by  any  R 
publican  or  Democratic  executive.  It  h: 
continued  to  grow  in  power  and  insolen 
alike  under  the  administrations  of  Clev 
land,  McKinley,   Roosevelt  and  Taft. 

In  addition  to  this  legislative  jugglh 
and  this  executive  connivance,  the  cour 
of  America  have  .^sanctioned  and  strengt 
ened  the  hold  of  this  plutocracy  as  t] 
Dred  Scott  and  other  decisions  strengthen^ 
the  slave-power  before  the  civil  war.  Th< 
have  been  used  as  instruments  for  the  o 
pression  of  the  working  class  and  for  tl 
suppression  of  free  speech  and  free  a 
sembly. 

We  declare,  therefore,  that  the  long 
sufferance  of  these  conditions  is  impossih 
and  we  purpose  to  end  them  all.  We  d 
clare  them  to  be  the  product  of  the  prese 
system  in  which  industry  is  carried  on  f 
private  greed,  instead  of  for  the  welfare 
society.  We  declare,  furthermore,  that  f 
these  evils  there  will  be  and  can  be  i 
remedy  and  no  substantial  relief  exce 
through  Socialism,  under  which  indust 
will  be  carried  on  for  the  common  good  a: 
every  worker  receive  the  full  social  val 
of   the   wealth  he  creates. 

Society  is  divided  into  warring  grou 
and  classes,  based  upon  material  interesi 
Fundamentally,  this  struggle  is  a  confii 
between  the  two  main  classes,  one  of  whic 
the  capitalist  class,  owns  the  means 
production,  and  the  other,  the  working  claf 
must  use  these  means  of  production  < 
terms  dictated  by  the  owners. 

The  capitalist  class,  though  few  in  nui 
bers,  absolutely  controls  the  government 
legislative,  executive  and  judicial.  This  cla 
owns  the  machinery  of  gathering  and  di 
seminating  news  through  its  organiz 
press.  It  subsidizes  seats  of  learning — t 
colleges  and  schools — and  even  religious  a: 
moral  agencies.  It  has  also  the  added  pre 
tigc  which  established  customs  give  to  a; 
order  of  society,   right  or  wrong. 


APPENDIX 


197 


The  working  class,  which  includes  all 
ose  who  are  forced  to  work  for  a  living, 
aether  by  hand  or  brain,  in  shop,  mine  or 
.  the  soil,  vastly  outnumbers  the  capitalist 
iss.  Lacking  effective  organization  and 
ass  solidarity,  this  class  is  unable  to  en- 
rce  its  will.  Given  such  class  solidarity 
id  effective  organization,  the  workers  will 
Lve  the  power  to  make  all  laws  and  con- 
ol  all  industry  in  their  own  interest. 
All  political  parties  are  the  expression  of 
onomic  class  interests.  All  other  parti.es 
an  the  Socialist  party  represent  one  or  an- 
her  group  of  the  ruling  capitalist  class, 
leir  political  conflicts  reflect  merely  super- 
nal rivalries  between  competing  capitalist 
■oups.  However  they  result,  these  conflicts 
ive  no  issue  of  real  value  to  the  workers, 
'hether  the  Democrats  or  Republicans  win 
ditically,  it  is  the  capitalist  class  that  is 
ctorious  economically. 

The  Socialist  party  is  the  political  expres- 
ojon  of  the  economic  interests  of  the  work- 
's. Its  defeats  have  been  their  defeats 
id  its  victories  their  victories.  It  Is  a 
r  irty  founded  on  the  science  and  laws  of 
icial  development.     It  proposes  that,  since 

1  social  necessities  today  are  socially  pro- 
e  iced,    the    means    of    their    production    and 

stribution  shall  be  socially  owned  and 
jmocratically  controlled. 

In  the  face  of  the  economic  and  political 
agressions  of  the  capitalist  class  the  only 
iliance  left  the  workers  is  that  of  their 
jonomic  organizations  and  their  political 
)wer.  By  the  intelligent  and  class-con- 
nous  use  of  these,  they  may  resist  sue- 
issfully  the  capitalist  class,  break  the 
itters  of  wage-slavery,  and  fit  themselves 
>r  the  future  society,  which  is  to  displace 
le  capitalist  system.  The  Socialist  party 
ppreciates  the  full  significance  of  class  or- 
lanization  and  urges  the  wage  earners, 
le  working  farmers  and  al?  other  useful 
orkers  everywhere  to  organize  for  eco- 
omic  and  political  action,  and  we  pledge 
urselves  to  support  the  toilers  of  the  fields 
s  well  as  those  in  the  shops,  factories  and 
lines  of  the  nation  in  their  struggles  for 
^onomic   justice. 

In  the  defeat  or  victory  of  the  working 
lass  party  in  this  new  struggle  for  free- 
om  lies  the  defeat  or  triumph  of  the  com- 
lon  people  of  all  economic  groups,  as  well 
s  the  failure  or  the  triumph  of  popular 
overnment.  Thus  the  Socialist  party  is 
he  party  of  the  present  day  revolution, 
hich  marks  the  transition  from  economic 
idividualism  to  socialism,  from  wage  slav- 
ry  to  free  co-operation  from  capitalist 
ligarchy  to  industrial  democracy. 

WORKING  PROGRAM. 
As  measures  calculated  to  strengthen 
She  working  class  in  its  fight  for  the  real- 
zation  of  its  ultimate  aim,  the  co-opera- 
ive  commonwealth,  and  to  increase  its 
ower  of  resistance  capitalist  oppression, 
fe  advocate  and  pledgf  ourselves  and  our 
lected  officers  to  the  following  program: 

COLLECTIVE  OWNERSHIP. 
1.  The  collective  ownership  and  demo- 
•ratic  management  of  railroads,  wire  and 
tireless  telegraphs  and  telephones,  express 
ervices,  steamboat  lines  and  all  other 
ocial  means  of  transportation  and  eom- 
nunication  and  of  all  large-scale  indus- 
ries. 

2  The  immediate  acquirement  by  the 
municipalities,  the  states  or  the  federal 
rovernment    of    all    grain    elevators,    stock 

ards,  storage  warehouses,  and  other  dis- 
ributing  agencies,  in  order  to  reduce  the 
sresent  extortionate  cost  of  living. 


3.  The  extension  of  the  public  domain  to 
include  mines,  quarries,  oil  wells,  forests 
and  water  power. 

4.  Tue  further  conservation  and  develop- 
ment of  natural  resources  for  the  use  and 
benefit  of  all  the  people: 

(a)  By  scientific  forestation  and  timber 
protection. 

(b)  By  the  reclamation  of  arid  and 
swamp   tracts. 

(c)  By  the  storage  of  flood  waters  and 
the   utilization   of   water  power. 

(d)  By  the  stoppage  of  the  present  ex- 
travagant waste  of  the  soil  and  of  the  pro- 
ducts of   mines   and  oil  wells. 

(e)  By  the  development  of  highway  and 
waterway   systems. 

5.  The  collective  ownership  of  land 
wherever  practicable,  and  in  cases  where 
such  ownership  is  impracticable,  the  appro- 
priation by  taxation  of  the  annual  rental 
value  of  all  land  held  for  speculation  or 
exploitation. 

6.  The  collective  ownership  and  demo- 
cratic management  of  the  banking  and  cur- 
rency system. 

UNEMPLOYMENT. 
The  immediate  government  relief  of  the 
unemployed  by  the  extension  of  all  useful 
public  works.  All  persons  employed  on 
such  works  to  be  engaged  directly  by  the 
government  under  a  workday  of  not  more 
than  eight  hours  and  at  not  less  than  the 
prevailing  union  .  wages.  The  government 
also  to  establish  employment  bureaus;  to 
lend  money  to  states  and  municipalities 
without  interest  for  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing on  public  works,  and  to  take  such  other 
measures  within  its  power  as  will'  lessen 
the  widesoread  misery  of  the  workers 
caused    by    the    misrule    of    the     capitalist 

INDUSTRIAL  DEMANDS. 
The     conservation     of     human     resources, 
particularly  of  the   lives   and   well-being  of 
the   workers  and  their  families: 

1.  By  shortening  the  workday  in  keep- 
ing with  the  increased  productiveness  of 
machinery. 

2.  By  securing  to  every  worker  a  rest 
period  of  not  less  than  a  day  and  a  half  in 
each  week. 

3.  By  securing  a  more  effective  inspec- 
tion of  workshops,  factories  and  mines. 

4.  By  forbidding  the  employment  of  chil- 
dren under  sixteen  years  of  years. 

5.  By  the  co-operative  organization  of 
the  industries  in  the  federal  penitentiaries 
for  the  benefit  of  the  convicts  and  their 
dependents. 

6.  By  forbidding  the  interstate  transpor- 
tation of  the  products  of  child  labor,  of 
convict  labor  and  of  all  uninspected  fac- 
tories and  mines. 

7.  By  abolishing  the  profit  system  in 
government  work  and  substituting  either 
the  direct  hire  of  labor  or  the  awarding  of 
contracts  to  co-operative  groups  of  work- 
ers. V 

8.  By  establishing  minimum.  wage 
scales.* 

9.  By  abolishing  official  charity  and  sub- 
stituting a  non-contributory  system  of  old- 
age  pensions,  a  general  system  of  insur- 
ance by  the  State  of  all  its  members 
against  unemployment  and  invalidism  and  a 
system  of  compulsory  insurance  by  em- 
ployers of  their  workers,  without  cost  to 
the  latter,  against  industrial  diseases,  ac- 
cidents and   death. 

POLITICAL  DEMANDS. 

1.  The  absolute  freedom  of  press, 
speech  and  assemblage. 

2.  The  adoption  of  a  graduated  income 
tax,  the  increase  of  the  rates  of  the  pres- 
ent   corporation    tax    and    the    extension    of 


198 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


inheritance  taxes,  graduated  in  proportion 
to  the  value  of  the  estate  and  to  nearness 
of  kin — the  proceeds  of  these  taxes  .to  be 
employed  in  the  socialization  of  industry. 

3.  The  abolition  of  the  monopoly  owner- 
ship of  patents  and  the  substitution  of  col- 
lective ownership,  with  direct  rewards  to 
inventors  by  premiums  or  royalties. 

4.  Unrestricted  and  equal  suffrage  for 
men  and  women. 

5.  The  adoption  of  the  initiative,  refer- 
endum and  recall  and  of  proportional  repre- 
sentation, nationally  as  well  as  locally. 

6.  The  abolition  of  the  Senate  and  of  the 
veto  power  of  the  President. 

7.  The  election  of  the  President  and  the 
Vice-President  by  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

8.  The  abolition  of  the  power  usurped 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
to  pass  upon  the  constitutionality  of  the 
legislation  enacted  by  Congress.  National 
laws  to  be  repealed  only  by  act  of  Congress 
or  by  a  referendum  vote  of  the  whole  peo- 
ple. 

9.  The  abolition  of  the  present  restric- 
tions upon  the  amendment  of  the  constitu- 
tion, so  that  instrument  may  be  made 
amendable  by  a  majority  of  the  voters  in  a 
majority  of  the  States. 

10.  The  granting  of  the  right  of  suffrage 
in  the  District  of  Columbia  with  representa- 
tion in  Congress  and  a  democratic  form  of 
municipal  government  for  purely  local 
affairs. 

11.  The  extension  of  democratic  govern- 
ment to  all  United  States  territory. 

12.  The  enactment  of  further  measures 
for  general  education  and  particularly  for 
vocational     education     in     useful     pursuits. 


The    Bureau    of    Education    to    be    made 
Department. 

13.  The  enactment  of  further  measui 
for  the  conservation  of  health.  The  cr< 
tion  of  an  independent  bureau  of  heal 
with  such  restrictions  as  will  secure  f 
liberty  to  all  schools  of  practice. 

14.  The  separation  of  the  prese 
Bureau  of  Labor  from  the  Department 
Commerce  and  Labor  and  its  elevation 
the  rank  of  a  department. 

15.  Abolition  of  all  federal  distr 
courts  and  the  United  States  circuit  com 
of  appeals.  State  courts  to  have  jurisd 
tion  in  all  cases  arising  between  citize 
of  the  several  states  and  foreign  corpoi 
tions.  The  election  of  all  judges  for  she 
terms.  > 

16.  The  immediate  curbing  of  the  po\n 
of   the   courts   to   issue   injunctions. 

17.  The  free  administration  of   the  lai 

18.  The  caning  of  a  convention  for  t 
revision  of  the  constitution  of  the  Unit 
States. 

Such  measures  of  relief  as  we  may 
able  to  force  from  capitalism  are  but 
^reparation  of  the  workers  to  fceize  t 
whole  powers  of  government,  in  order  th 
they  may  thereby  lay  hold  of  the  wht 
system  of  socialized  industry  and  th 
come  to  their  rightful  inheritance. 

CHARLES   EDWARD   RUSSELL, 

VICTOR   L.    BERGER, 

JAMES    F.    CAREY, 

J.    STITT    WILSON, 

W.   J.   GHENT, 

LEWIS    J.    DUNCAN, 

CHARLES   DOBBS, 

DAN    HOGAN, 

A.    W.    RICKER,    Committee. 


APPENDIX 


100 


APPENDIX  H 


National  Constitution  as  Revised  and  Adopted  by  the  Convention. 


Amended  by  the  National  Convention 
f  the  party,  May,  1912,  and  approved  by 
eferendum  Aug.  4,  1912. 

Issued  by  the  National  Office  of  the  So- 
ialist  Party,  111  North  Market  street, 
Ihicago. 

ARTICLE  I. 
Name. 

Sec.    1.    The   name    of    this    organization 

hall    be    the    Socialist    Party,     except    in 

uch    states    where    a    different    name    ha? 

r  may  become  a  legal  requirement. 

ARTICLE  II. 

Membership. 

Sec.  1.  Every  person,  resident  of  the 
Tnited  States  of  the  age  of  eighteen  years 
nd  upward,  without  discrimination  as  to 
ex,  race,  color  or  creed,  who  has  severed 
is  connection  with  all  other  political 
arties  and  political  organizations,  and 
ubscribes  to  the  principles  of  the  Social- 
3t  T^arty,  including  political  action  and 
nrestricted  political  rights  for  both 
exes,  shall  be  eligible  to  membership  in 
he  party. 

Sec.  2.  No  person  holding  an  elective 
ublic  office  by  gift  of  any  party  or  or- 
anization  other  than  the  Socialist  Party 
hall  be  eligible  to  membership  in  the  So- 
ialist  Party  nor  shall  any  member  of 
he  party  accept  or  iiold  any  appointive 
ublic  office,  honorary  or  remunerative 
Civil  Service  positions  excepted),  with 
ut  the  consent  of  his  state  organization. 
To  party  member  shall  be  a  candidate 
or  public  office  without  the  consent  of 
he  City,  County  or  State  organizations, 
ccording  to  the  nature   of  the  office. 

Sec.  3.  A  member  who  desires  to  trans- 
fer his  membership  from  the  party  in  one 
tate   to   the   party   in   another   state  may 

0  so  upon  the  presentation  of  his  card 
howing  him  to  be  in  good  standing  at 
he  time  of  asking  for  such  transfer  arid 
lso  a  transfer  card  duly  signed  by  the 
ecretary  of  the  local  from  which  he 
ransfers. 

Sec.  4.  No  member  of  the  party,  in  any 
tate  or  territory,  shall,  under  any  pre- 
sxt.  interfere  with  the  regular  or  or- 
anized  movement  in   any  other  state. 

Sec.  5.  All  persons  joining  the  Socialist 
'arty  shall  sign  the  following  pledge: 
I.  the  undersigned,  recognizing  the  class 
truggle  between  the  capitalist  class  and 
he  working  class  and  the  necessity  of 
he  working  class  constituting  itself  into 

political  party  distinct  from  and  op- 
osed  to  all  parties  formed  by  the  cap- 
:alist  class,  hereby  declare  that  I  have 
evered  my  relations  with  all  other  par- 
ies, and  I  indorse  the  platform  and  con- 
titution  of  the  Socialist  Partv  including 
he  principle  of  political  action,  and  here- 

1  apply  for   admission  to  said  party." 
Sec.    6.     Any  member   of  the  party  who 

pposes     political     action      or     advocates 


crime,  sabotage,  or  other  methods  of  vio- 
lence as  a  weapon  of  the  working  class 
to  aid  in  its  emancipation  shall  be  ex- 
pelled from  membership  in  the  party. 
Political  action  shall  be  construed  to 
mean  participation  in  elections  for  public 
office  and  practical  legislative  and  admin- 
istrative work  along  the  lines  of  the  So- 
cialist Party  platform. 

ARTICLE   III. 
Management. 

Sec.  1.  The  affairs  of  the  Socialist 
Party  shall  be  adrhinistered  by  the  Na- 
tional Committee,  its  sub-committees  and 
officials,  the  National  Convention  and  the 
general  vote  of  the  party. 

ARTICLE    IV. 
National    Committee. 

Sec.  1.  The  National  Committee  shall 
consist  of  the  State  Secretaries  of  all  or- 
ganized states  and  territories,  or  such 
other  person  as  the  members  of  the  party 
in  the  state  shall  elect  by  referendum 
vote,  and  of  one  additional  member  from 
each  state  or  territory  for  every  3,000 
members  in  good  standing  in  such  state 
or  territory.  For  the  purpose  of  deter- 
mining the  representation  to  which  each 
state  or  territory  may  be  entitled,  the 
Executive  Secretary  shall  compute  at  the 
beginning  of  each  calendar  year  the  aver- 
age dues-paying  membership  of  such 
state  or  territory   for  the  preceding  year. 

Sec.  2.  Three  years'  consecutive  mem- 
bership in  the  party  shall  be  necessary  to 
qualify  for  membership  in  the  National 
Committee,  its  standing  sub-committees, 
and    executive    officials. 

Sec.  3.  The  National  Committee  shall 
meet  in  regular  session  on  the  first  Sun- 
day after  the  first  Monday  in  May  of  each 
year,  except  in  years  when  National  Con- 
ventions of  the  party  are  to  be  held,  in 
which  years  it  shall  hold  its  sessions  in 
conjunction  with  the  convention. 

Sec.  4.  Special  meetings  of  the  National 
Committee  shall  be  held  when  determined 
by  vote  of  two-thirds   of  its  members. 

Sec.  -5.  Th*  members  of  the  National 
Committee  attending  the  meetings  shall 
be  paid  from  the  national  treasurv  their 
railroad  fares  and  $2.50  per  day  to  cover 
expenses. 

ARTICLE   V. 

The   Duties*   and   Powers    of   the   National 

Committee. 

Sec.  1.  The  duties  of  this  committee 
shall  be: 

(a)  To  represent  the  party  in  all  Na- 
tional and   International   affairs. 

(b)  To  call  National  Conventions  and 
special  conventions  decided  upon  by  the 
referendum    of  the    party. 

(c)  To  make  reports  of  the  membership 
and  reports  and  recommendations  to  the 
National    Conventions. 


F 


800 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


(d)  To  perfect  and  strengthen  the  or- 
ganization and  the  worK  of  propaganda 
in  such  states  and  territories  as  may  re- 
quire the  assistance  of  the  National  Or- 
ganization. 

(e)  To  maintain  in  connection  with  the 
National  Office  a  Lecture  Bureau  for  tne 
purpose  of  arranging  lectures  or  lecture 
courses  for  the  propaganda  of  Socialism; 
a  Literature  Bureau  for  the  publication 
and  dissemination  of  Socialist  literature, 
a  press  service  that  will  furnish  patent 
and  plate  matter  for  Socialist  papers,  and. 
such  other  bureaus  or  departments  as  it 
may  from  time  to  time  decide  to  establish. 

(f)  To  establish  a  uniform  rate  of  com- 
pensation for  all  lecturers  and  organizers 
working  under  the  auspices  of  the  Na- 
tional   organization. 

(g)  To  formulate  the  rules  and  order 
of  business  of  the  National  Conventions 
of  the  party  and  otherwise  provided  for 
by  this  constitution,  subject  to  adoption 
and  amendment  by  the  convention. 

(h)  To  receive  dues  and  reports  from 
state    organizations. 

(i)  To  conduct  national  referendums  in 
the  manner  provided  by  this  constitution, 
to  consider  and  report  upon  the  program, 
propaganda  and  organization  of  the  party. 

(j)  To  recommend  to  the  membership 
of  the  party  amendments  to  the  constitu- 
tion. 

(k)  To  supervise  the  work  and  to  trans- 
act all  current  business  of  the  National 
Office. 

Sec.  2.  The  National  Committee  shall 
elect  an  Executive  Committee  of  five 
members  and  a  Woman's  National  Com- 
mittee of  seven  members;  no  two  mem- 
bers of  either  of  these  committes  shall  be 
from    the  same   state. 

Sec.  3.  It  shall  also  elect  an  Executive 
Secretary,  and  a  General  Correspondent 
for  the  Woman's  National  Committee. 

Sec.  4.  The  members  of  the  Executive 
Committee  and  of  the  Woman's  National 
Committee  need  not  be  members  of  the 
National  Committee  and  the  Executive 
Secretary  and  General  Correspondent  of 
the  Woman's  National  Committee  shall 
not  be  members  of  the  committee. 

Sec.  5.  Members  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee, Woman's  National  Committee,  the 
Executive  Secretary  and  the  General  Cor- 
respondent of  the  said  committee  may  at 
any  time  and  on  proper  motion  be  re- 
called or  temporarily  suspended  from 
office  by  the  National  Committee. 

Sec.  6.  No  member  of  the  National 
Committee  or  of  the  Executive  Commit- 
tee shall  be  eligible  to  any  position  of 
permanent  employment  in  the  National 
Office,  but  such  members  may  be  ap- 
pointed lecturers  of  courses  arranged  by 
the  National  Office  and  may  be  given  tem- 
porary assignments  for  special  party 
work. 

Sec.  7.  The  National  Committee  shall 
elect  from  its  own  membership*  a  per- 
manent chairman,  who  shall  serve  without 
salary.  The  committee  shall  formulate 
its  own  rules  of  procedure,  not  inconsist- 
ent with  the  provisions  of  this  constitu- 
tion. 

Sec.  8.  All  standing  committees  and 
permanent  officers  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee shall  be  elected  at  the  regular 
meetings  of  the  committee  and  shall  serve 
for  the  term  of  one  year  from  the  first 
day  of  June  following  the  date  of  their 
election. 

Sec.  9.  The  election  of  the  Executive 
Committee,  the  Woman's  National  Com- 
mittee, the  Executive  Secretary,  General 
Correspondent  of  the  Woman's  National 
Committee  and  the  submission  of  proposed 
amendments   to   this  constitution,   and  all 


other   affirmative    actions    of   the    comm 
tee   shall   be   taken   at  its  regular   or   so- 
cial   meetings.       Between    such    meetin 
^the   National   Committee   shall   initiate 
motions    or   resolutions   except   as    here: 
after     provided,     and     except    motions 
recall  members  of  the  sub-committees, 
officials  elected   by   it,   or   to  fill  vacanc] 
in  such  committees  and  offices.     All  bui 
ness   of   the   National   Committee   shall, 
the     intervals     between     its     sessions, 
transacted   by   correspondence. 

Sec.  10.  Members  of  the  Executi 
Committee,  the  Woman's  National  Coi 
mittee,  the  Executive  Secretary,  Genei 
Correspondent  of  the  Woman's  Natior 
Committee  and  all  other  National  Officia 
may  be  recalled  at  an^y  time  by  the  mei 
bership  of  the  party  in  the  same  manr 
which  has  been  provided  for  the  initiati 
and  conduct  of  national  referendums. 

Sec.  11.  No  motion  shall  be  submitt 
to  a  referendum  of  the  National  Comm 
tee  by  correspondence  unless  support 
within  fifteen  days  by  not  less  than  fi 
members  of  the  National  Committee  fr< 
three  different  states. 

Sec.  12.  Neither  the  National  Comm 
tee  nor  the  Executive  Committee  shall  a 
propriate  funds  of  the  National  organis 
tion  for  any  purpose  not  directly  cc 
nected  with  the  propaganda  of  Sociali: 
or  the  struggles  of  labor;  no  more  th 
one  hundred  dollars  shall  be  appropriat 
to  any  organization  other  than  a  st 
division  of  the  party;  no  application  1 
financial  assistance  coming  from  loc: 
or  other  subdivisions  of  state  organij 
/  etions  shall  be  entertained  unless  th 
have  the  indorsement  of  the  state  orgs 
ization. 

ARTICLE   VI. 
Executive  Committee. 

Sec.  1.  The  Executive  Committee  sh{ 
between  sessions  of  the  National  Co 
mittee,  be  vested  with  all  the  powers  a 
shall  perform  all  the  duties  of  the  I< 
tional  Committee  except  that  i4  shall  hs 
no  power  to  call  National  Conventio 
formulate  rules  for  the  conventions,  r< 
ommend  amendments  to  the  constitute 
or  fill  vacancies  in  its  own  body  or  1 
Woman's  National  Committee  or  in  1 
office  of  the  Executive  Secretary  or  1 
General  Correspondent  of  the  Woma 
National  Committee  or  to  recall  si 
members  or  officer. 

Sec.  2.  The  Executive  Committee  sh 
adopt  its  own  rules  of  procedure  not  : 
consistent  with  this  constitution,  or  w 
the  rules  of  the  National  Committee, 
stenographic  report  of  all  discussions  ts 
ing  place  in  the  committee  shall  be  k< 
for  the  information  of  the  National  Co 
mittee. 

Sec.  3.  The  Executive  Committee  sh 
transmit  copies  of  the  minutes  of  . 
meetings  to  all  members  of  the  Natioi 
Committee;  such  minutes  shall  also 
published  in  the  Monthly  Bulletin, 
acts  and  resolutions  of  the  Executi 
Committee  shall  '  become  binding  a 
effective  upon  their  passage,  but  a 
member  of  the  National  Committee  m 
within  fifteen  days  after  notice  of  su 
act  or  resolution  has  been  mailed  by  t 
National  Office  to  the  members  of  the  J< 
tional  Committee,  move  to  reverse 
modify  such  act  or  resolution,  and  st 
Motion  shall  be  disposed  of  in  the  sai 
manner  as  other  National  Committee  n 
tions. 

Sec.    4.      All    meetings    of   the    Natioi 

-"  Committee  and  of  the  Executive  Comm 

tee  shall  be  held  in  the  city  in  which  t 

headquarters    of    the    party    shall    be    ! 

cated. 


APPENDIX 


801  V" 


Sec.  5.  The  Executive  Committee  shall 
>rint  a  specific  statement  in  the  Bulletin 
>f  all  moneys  expended  for  printing  leaf- 
ets  and  books,  and  the  names  of  the  same 
ind  their  authors. 

ARTICLE   VII. 
Executive   Secretary. 
Sec.   1.     The   Executive   Secretary   shall 
•eceive     as     compensation      the     sum      of 
11,500.00    annually   and    shall    give   a   bond 
n  a  sum  fixed  by  the  National  Committee. 
Sec.    2.      The    Executive    Secretary    shall 
lave  charge  of  all  affairs  of  the  National 
Dffice,  including  the  employment  of  neces- 
oi  ?ary  help,  subject  to  the  directions  of  the 
Executive     Committee    and    the    National 
ZJommittee.     He   shall   receive   the   reports 
3f  the  state   organizations  and   of   the  lo- 
jal    organizations    in    unorganized    states 
ind    territories.      He    shall    supervise    the 
iccounts    of    the    National    Office    and    the 
Lecture    Bureau,     the    Literature    Bureau 
ind  such  other  departments  as  may  here- 
after   be    established    in    connection    with 
the  National   Office. 

Sec.  3.  The  Executive  Secretary  shall 
issue  to  all  party  organizations  Monthly 
Bulletins  which  shall  contain  all  impor- 
tant official  reports  and  announcements;  a 
report  of  the  financial  affairs  of  the 
party;  a  summary  of  the  conditions  and 
membership  of  the  several  state  and  ter- 
ritorial organizations;  the  principal  busi- 
ness transacted  by  the  National  officials 
and  such  other  matters  pertaining  to  the 
organization  of  the  party  as  may  be  of 
general  interest  to  the  membership.  No 
personal  correspondence  shall  be  pub- 
lished. 

The  Bulletin  shall  be  largely  given  to 
accounts  of  the  more  important  organ- 
ization and  propaganda  work  of  the  na- 
tional, state,  territorial  and  local  organ- 
izations,  and  to  the  work,  discussion  and 
explanation  of  new  and  effective  methods 
of  organization,  education  and  propa- 
ganda. 

ARTICLE  VIII. 
Representatives  in  Congress. 
Sec.  1.  Members  of  Congress  elected  on 
the  ticket  of  the  Socialist  Party  shall  sub- 
mit reports  of  their  actions  in  Congress 
to  the  National  Conventions  and  to  the 
annual  meetings  of  the  National  Commit- 
tee. 

Sec.  2,  They  shall  carry  out  instruc- 
tions which  may  be  given  to  them  by  Na- 
tional Conventions,  by  the  National  Com-, 
mittee  in  session,  or  by  a  general  refer-! 
endum    of    the    party.  I 

Sec.   3.     The  Socialist  representatives  in 
Congress    shall    organize    themselves    into 
a   Socialist   Congressional    group,    separate , 
and  apart  from   all   other  political   parties 
i  represented  in  Congress.     They  shall  elect 
a  chairman  of  the  group,  shall  confer  with 
each     other     on     all     measures     involving 
questions     of    Socialist     principles,     policy 
I  and   tactics,   and  shall  vote   on  such   ques- 
tions  as  a  unit  according  to  the  decision 
of  a  majority  of  the  members. 
ARTICLE    IX. 
Conventions. 
Sec.  1.  The  regular  National  Conventions 
j  of    the    party    shall    be    held    in    all    years 
.  in  which  elections  for  President  and  Vice- 
President   of  the  United   States  are   to   be 
held. 

Sec.  2.  Special  Conventions  of  the  party 
may  be  held  at  any  time  if  decided  upon 
by  a  general  vote  of  the  party  member- 
ship. Such  general  vote  shall  also  fix 
the  date  and  place  of  such  special  con- 
vention. 


Sec.  3.  The  date  and  place  of  the  reg- 
ular conventions  shall  be  fixed  by  the  Na- 
tional Committee  at  its  regular  annual 
meeting  held  i.i  the  year  preceding  such 
convention. 

Sec.  4.  The  National  Convention  shall 
be  composed  of  three  hundred  delegates 
to  be  apportioned  among  the  states  in  the 
following  manner: 

One  from  each  State  and  Territory  and 
the  remainder  in  proportion  to  the  aver- 
age national  dues  paid  by  the  organiza- 
tions of  such  States  and  Territories  dur- 
ing the  preceding  year.  No  delegate  shall 
be  eligible  unless  he  is  a  resident  member 
of  the  state  from  which  his  credential  Is 
presented,  and  shall  have  been  a  member 
of  the  party  organization  at  least  three 
years. 

Sec.  5.  Railroad  fare,  including  tourist 
sleeper  carfare,  of  delegates  going  to  and 
,;  coming  from  the  conventions  of  the  party 
and  the  per  diem  allowance  of  $2.50  to 
cover  expenses,  shall  be  paid  from  the  Na- 
'  tional  Treasury,  by  setting  aside  a  por- 
tion of  the  national  dues  sufficient  to 
cover  the  same,  to  be  estimated  at  the 
beginning  of  each  year. 

Sec.    6.      The,  expenses    of   delegates    at- 
tending   conventions    and    of    members    of 
the  National  Committee  and  the  Executive 
_   Committee    attending    the    respective    ses- 
sions of   their  committees   shall   be   raised 
by   setting  aside   such   portion   of   the   na- 
tional  dues   as   may   be   required   to   cover 
1    the  same,  to  be  computed  by  the  National 
i  Committee    annually    in    advance. 

Sec.  7.     The  election  of  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention   shall,   wherever   pos- 
sible, be  completed  not  later  than  60  days 
preceding    the    convention,     and     the    re- 
spective   state     secretaries    shall     furnish 
''»  the  Executive  Secretary  with  a  list  of  ac- 
credited delegates  immediately  after  said 
election. 
,\     The   Executive   Secretary   shall   prepare 
a    printed    roster    of    the    accredited    dele- 
gates to  be  sent  to  each  delegate  and  for- 
warded to  the  party  press  for  publication. 
Such  list   shall   contain   the   occupation    of 
- :  each  delegate  at  the  time  of  his  nomina- 
tion and   his   office   or   employment   in    the 
party.      All   official   reports   required   to   be 
presented     to     the     National     Convention 
shall  be  printed  and  sent  to  each  delegate 
elected    at    least    fifteen    days    before    the 
date   of   the   convention    and    furnished    to 
the  party  press  for  publication. 
h.-.     At  the  time  ana  place  set  for  the  open- 
*f  ing  of  the  National  Convention,  the  chair- 
1  man  of  the  National  Committee   shall  call 
;  the  convention  to  order,  and  shall  call  the 
roll  to  ascertain  the  number  of  uncontest- 
i.    ed   delegates,   and   they   shall  permanently 
organize   the  convention. 

Sec.  8.  All  national  platforms,  amend- 
ments of  platforms,  and  resolutions  adopt- 
ed by  any  National  Convention  shall  be 
submitted  seriatim  to  a  referendum  vote 
of  the  membership.  One-fourth  of  the 
-  regularly  elected  delegates  shall  be  en- 
titled to  have  alternative  paragraphs  to 
be  submitted  at  the  same  time.  Such 
alternative  paragraphs,  signed  by  one- 
fourth  of  such  delegates,  shall  be  filed 
with  the  Executive  Secretary  not  later 
than  one  day  after  the  adjournment  of 
the  convention. 

ARTICLE    X. 
State   Organizations. 

Sec.  1.  The  formation  of  Ml  state  or  ter- 
ritorial organizations  or  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  state  or  territorial  organizations 
which  may  have  lapsed  shall  be  u^der  the 
direction  of  the  Executive  Committee  and 


r 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


in   conformity   with    the    rules   of   the   Na- 
tional Committee. 

Sec.  2.  No  siate  or  territory  may  be 
organized  unless  it  has  at  least  ten  locals 
or  an  aggregate  membership  of  not  less 
than  two  hundred,  but  this  provision  shall 
not  affect  the  rights  of  states  and  terri- 
tories organized  prior  to  the  adoption  of 
this  constitution.  When  the  membership 
of  any  state  averages  less  than  150  per 
month  for  any  six  consecutive  months  the 
National  Committee  may  revoke  the  char- 
ter of  that  state. 

Sec.  3.  The  platform  of  the  Socialist 
Party  shall  be  the  supreme  declaration  of 
the  party,  and  all  state  and  municipal 
platforms  shall  conform  thereto.  No  state 
or  local  organization  shall  under  any  cir- 
cumstances fuse,  combin3  or  compromise 
with  any  other  political  party  or  organ- 
ization, or  refrain  from  making  nomina- 
tions, in  order  to  faA  l r  the  candidate  of 
such  other  organizations,  nor  shall  any 
candidate  of  the  Socialist  Party  accept 
any  nomination  or  indorsement  from  any 
other  party   or   political   organization. 

No  member  of  tha  Socialist  Party  shall, 
under  any  circumstances,  vote  in  primary 
or  regular  elections  for  any  candidate 
other  than  Socialists  nominated,  indorsed 
or  recommended  as  candidates  by  the  So- 
cialist Party.  To  do  otherwise  will  con- 
stitute party  treason,  and  result  in  ex- 
pulsion from  the  party. 

Sec.  4.  In  states  and  territories  in 
which  there  is  one  central  organization 
affiliated  with  the  party,  the  state  or  ter- 
ritorial organizations  shall  have  the  sole 
jurisdiction  of  the  members  residing 
within  their  respective  territories,  and 
the  sole  control  of  all  matters  pertaining 
to  the  propaganda,  organization  and  finan- 
cial affairs  within  such  state  or  territory; 
provided,  such  propaganda  is  in  harmony 
with  the  national  platform  and  declared 
policy  of  the  party.  Their  activity  shall 
be  confined  to  their  respective  organiza- 
tions, and  the  National  Committee,  its 
sub-committees  or  officers  shall  have  no 
right  to  interfere  in  such  matters  without 
the  consent  of  the  respective  state  or  ter- 
ritorial organizations. 

Sec.  5.  The  State  Committees  shall 
make  monthly  reports  to  the  Executive 
Secretary  concerning  their  membership, 
financial  condition  and  general  standing 
of  the  party. 

During  the  months  of  January  and  July 
of  each  year,  or  at  any  other  time  re- 
quired by  the  Executive  Committee  or  by, 
this  constitution,  the  state  secretaries 
shall  furnish  the  Executive  Secretary  a 
list  of  all  locals  affiliated  with  their  re- 
spective state  organizations,  together 
with  the  number  of  members  in  good 
standing,  and  the  name  and  address  of 
the  corresponding  secretary  of  each  local. 
Refusal,  failure  or  neglect  to  comply  with 
this  section  shall  subject  the  state  organ- 
ization to  suspension  from  the  Socialist 
Party  and  deprive  such  state  organization 
of  participation  in  the  affairs  of  the  So- 
cialist Party,  and  shall  be  a  forfeiture  of 
the  right  to  representation  in  the  National 
Committee,  the  Executive  Committee,  the 
conventions  and  congresses  of  the  party. 
Sec.  6.  The  State  Committees  shall  pay 
to  the  National  Committee  every  month 
a  sum  equal  to  five  cents  for  each  member 
in  good  standing  within  their  respective 
states  and  territories.  And  only  due 
stamps  issued  by  the  National  Committee 
shall  be  affixed  to  members'  dues  cards  as 
valid  receipts  for  the  payment  of  dues. 
Sec.  7.  The  National  Office  shall  also 
issue  to  the  state  secretaries  "exempt 
stamps"  free  of  charge,  to  be  used  by 
party  members  temporarily  unable  to  pay 


dues  on  account  of  unemployment  causi 
by  sickness,  strikes,  lockouts  or  any  oth 
condition  not  within  their  control, 
cases  where  husband  and  wife  are  bo 
party  members  and  only  one  of  them  is 
receipt  of  an  income  the  other  may  lik 
wise  be  allowed  to  use  such  "exem 
stamps." 

Any  member  desiring  to  use  such  "e: 
empt  stamps"  shall  make  applicatu 
therefor  to  the  financial  secretary  of  h 
local  organization,  and  such  applicatic 
shall  be  passed  upon  by  such  organizi 
tion.  "Exempt  stamps"  shall  be  issut 
only  to  members  in  good  standing  wl 
have  paid  dues  for  at  least  three  montl 
and  who  are  by  the  same  action  exemj 
from  the  payment  of  dues  to  the  sta> 
and  local  organizations.  The  number  < 
"exempt  stamps"  shall  not  exceed  10  pt 
cent  of  the  total  number  of  stamps  ol 
tained  by  the  respective  state  organize 
tions.  The  acceptance  of  "exempt  stamps 
by  any  member  shall  in  no  way  disqualii 
such  member  from  any  rights  and  prit 
ileges  of  party  membership. 

Sec.  8.  All  state  organizations  sha 
provide  in  their  constitutions  for  the  in 
tiative,  referendum  and  imperative  mai 
date. 

Sec.  9.  No  person  shall  be  nominate 
or    indorsed    by    any    subdivision    of    th 

f>arty  for  candidate  for  public  office  ur 
ess  he  is  a  member  of  the  party  and  hs 
been  such  for  at  least  two  years.  Bi 
this  provision  shall  not  apply  to  orgar 
izations  which  have  been  in  existence  fc 
less    than    two    years. 

Sec.    10.     No   local   or  branch  organize 
tion  shall  be  formed  on  the  basis  of  tfc 
occupation  of  its  members. 
ARTICLE    XL 
Headquarters. 

Sec.  1.  The  location  of  the  headquai 
ters  of  the  party  shall  be  determined  b 
the   National   Committee. 

ARTICLE  XIL 
International  Delegates  and  Internation* 
Secretaries. 

Delegates  to  the  International  Congres 
and  International  Secretary  shall  be  elecl 
ed  by  referendum  in  the  year  in  whic 
the  Congress  is  held.  The  call  for  nomina 
tions  shall  be  made  on  the  first  day  c 
January.  Forty  days  shall  be  allowe 
for  nominations,  fifteen  for  acceptance 
and  declinations  and  sixty  for  the  refei 
endum.  There  shall  be  one  delegate  fc 
every  twenty  thousand  members,  ascei 
tained  by  computing  the  average  for  th 
preceding  year.  The  requisite  number  c 
candidates  receiving  the  highest  numbe 
of  votes  shall  be  elected.  The  next  high 
est  in  the  election  shall  be  the  alternate; 
The  expenses  of  the  delegates  and  a  pe 
diem  equal  to  the  per  diem  fixed  for  na 
tional  organizers  and  lecturers  shall  b 
paid  out  of  the  national  treasury. 
ARTICLE  XIII. 
Woman's  National  Committee. 

Sec.  1.  The  Woman's  National  Com 
mittee  shall  have  the  general  charge  c 
propaganda  and  organization  amon 
women.  All  plans  of  said  committee  con 
curred  in  by  the-  Executive  Committe 
shall  be  carried  out  at  the  expense  of  th 
National  Office. 

Sec.  2.  The  General  Correspondent  c 
the  Woman's  National  Committee  sha! 
be   attached   to    the   National   Office. 

Sec.  3.  The  Woman's  National  Commit 
tee  shall  meet  in  regular  session  once  i 
each  year,  in  conjunction  with  the  sessio 
of  the  National  Committee.     Special  meet 


V 


APPENDIX 


203 


tngs  of  the  Woman's  Committee  may  be 
ailed  at  any  time  by  the  concurrent  con- 
ent  of  the  Executive  Committee  and  the 
Roman's   National    Committee. 

Sec  4.  Railroad  fares  and  expenses  of 
he  members  of  the  Woman's  National 
:ommittee  shall  be  paid  by  the  National 
)ffice  on  the  same  basis  as  the  fares  and 
sxpenses  of  the  members  of  the  National 
Committee.  . 

ARTICLE  XIV. 
Foreign  Speaking  Federations. 

Sec.  1.  Five  branches  of  the  Socialist 
Darty  working  in  any  other  language 
han  English  shall  have  the  right  to  form 
,  National  Federation  under  the  super- 
ision  of  the  Executive  Secretary  and  the 
Executive    Committee. 

Sec.  2.  Such  National  Language  Fed- 
ration  shall  have  the  right  to  elect  an 
)fficer  known  as  Translator-Secretary, 
vho  shall  be  conversant  with  his  own 
anguage  as  well  as  the  English  language, 
md  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  serve  as  a 
nedium  of,  communication  between  his 
ederation  and  the 'National  Organization 
)f  the  Socialist  Party. 

Sec.  3.  When  such  National  Language 
federation  shall  have  at  least  500  mem- 
)ers  their  Translator-Secretary  shall  be 
mtitled  to  necessary  office  room  in  the 
National  Office,  and  to  a  salary  from  the 
lational  body  not  to  exceed  $28  per  week, 
lor  to  be  less  than  $15,  the  exact  sum  to 
je  fixed  by  the  Executive  Committee  of 
he  Socialist  Party.  Such  Translator- 
secretary  must  be  at  least  three  consecu- 
-ive  years  a  member  of  the  party  except 
ivhen  his  federation  has  not  been  affiliated 
tvith    the   party  that   length    of  time. 

Sec.  4.  Language  federations  shall  pay 
.o  the  National  Office  the  same  sum 
monthly  per  capita  as  paid  by  the  State 
Organizations,  receiving  in  exchange 
berefor  due  stamps.  They  shall  also  pay 
through  the  Translator-Secretary  to  the 
[f^-ular  state  and  county  or  city  organiza- 
tion 50  per  cent  of  the  dues  paid  bv  the 
Relish  speakins-  branches.  The  Trans- 
*  tor-Secretary  shall  nay  to  the  respect- 
ive State  Secretaries  the  tax  on  all  mem- 
J»*rs  of  his  nationality  in  the  states.  The 
State  Secretarv  shall  forward  the  county 
dues  to  the  respective  countv  secretaries, 
wbprever   there   is    an    organized   countv. 

Sec.  5.  Branches  of  languaa-e  federa- 
tions shall  be  an  integral  part  of  the 
countv  and  state  organizations,  and  must 
in  all  cases  work  in  harmony  with  the 
constitution  and  platform  of  the  state 
*r,r{  county  organizations  of  the  Socialist 
Party.  ,        .    it 

Sec.  6.  AIT  propaganda  work  of  the 
language  federations  shall  be  carried  out 
unnVr  the  sunervision  of  their  executive 
officers  according  to  the  by-laws  of  the 
f0* orations.  Such  by-laws  must  be  m 
ponformitv  with  the  constitution  of  the 
Socialist   Partv. 

Spc.  7.  Each  Translator-Secretary  shall 
pnbmit  a  monthly  renort  of  the  due 
ptorons  sold  during  that  period  to  the  Na- 
tional and  State  offices.  He  shall  make 
pvPrv  thrpe  months,  also,  a  report  of  the 
p-or^ral  standing  of  his  federation  to  the 
Na+'onal   O^pe.  .    _      ■         ...    „_- 

Pen  R  The  National  Partv  shall  not 
rpcos-nize  more  than  one  federation  of  the 
*»«>TY»f»  language. 

qPft  q  "Each  national  fpdpration  shall 
^  pntitlpd  to  PlPct  or.P  fraternal  dele- 
gate   to   the   National   Conventions   of   the 


party;   provided,   that   such   delegate  shall 
have  a  voice*  but    no  vote. 
ARTICLE   XV. 
Referendum. 

Sec.  1.  Motions  to  amend  any  part  of 
this  constitution,  as  well  as  any  other 
motions  or  resolutions  to  be  voted  upon 
by  the  entire  membership  of  the  party, 
shall  be  submitted  by  the  Executive  Sec- 
retary to  the  referendum  vote  of  the  party 
membership,  upon  the  request  of  at  least 
three  states  representing  at  least  5  per 
cent  of  the  entire  membership  of  the 
party,  on  the  basis  of  dues  paid  in  the 
preceding  year,  or  of  five  states  regard- 
less of  membership.  The  term  "state," 
as  herein  used,  shall  be  construed  to  mean 
the  membership  of  a  state  organization,, 
the  State  Committee  or  a  duly  authorized 
State   Executive   Committee. 

Sec.  2.  Such  a  referendum  may  be  initiated 
by  one  State,  and  when  so  initiated  shall 
remain  open  for  ninety  days  from  the 
date  of  its  first  publication,  and  unless  it 
shall  receive  the  requisite  number  of  sec- 
onds within  such  period  it  shall  be  aban- 
doned. The  vote  on  every  such  referen- 
dum shall  close  sixty  days  from  the  date 
of   its   submission. 

Sec.      3.       Referendums     to     revoke     or 

amend  the  provisions  of  this  constitution 

may  be  instituted  only  one  year  after  the 

adoption    of   such    provisions. 

ARTICLE  XVI. 

Amendments. 

Sec.  1.  This  constitution  may  be  amend- 
ed by  a  National  Convention,  National 
Committee  in  session,  or  by  a  referendum 
of  the  party  in  the  manner  above  provid- 
ed. But  all  amendments  made*  by  a  Na- 
tional Convention  or  National  Committee, 
in  session  shall  be  submitted  seriatim  to 
a  referendum  vote  of  the  party  member- 
ship. 

Sec.  2.  All  amendments  shall  take  effect 
sixty  days  after  being  approved  by  the 
membership. 

ARTICLE  XVII. 
Tenure.  , 

Sec.  1.  The  members  of  the  Executive 
Committee,  the  Woman's  National  Com- 
mittee, the  National  Secretary  and  the 
General  Correspondent  of  the  Woman's 
National  Committee,  now  in  office,  shall 
remain  in  office  until  June  1,  1913,  when 
the  members  of  the  Executive  Committee, 
the  Woman's  National  Committe,  the 
Executive  Secretary  and  the  General  Cor- 
respondent of  the  Woman's  National  Com- 
mittee, elected  by  the  National  Commit- 
tee as  herein  provided,  shall  take  their 
respective   places., 

Sec.  2.  As  soon  as  this  constitution  shall 
take  effect,  the  provisions  of  the  same 
affecting  the  Executive  Committee,  the' 
Woman's  National  Committee,  the  Execu- 
tive Secretary,  and  the  General  Corre- 
spondent of  the  Woman's  National  Com- 
mittee shall  be  binding  upon  the  corre- 
sponding officers  under  the  present  con- 
stitution in  so  far  as  they  are  capable  of 
application  to  them,  and  when  not  so  ap- 
plicable, the  provisions  of  the  present 
constitution    shall    govern. 

Between  the  time  when  this  constitu- 
tion takes  effect  and  the  first  day  of  Anril. 
1913  all  state  organizations  shall  elect 
members  of  the  National  Committee  in 
accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  con- 
stitution. 


p 


204 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


APPENDIX  I 


Report  of  the  Woman's  Department. 


To  the  Socialist  Party  National  Convention, 

1912'  • 

There  is  nothing  more  hopeful  in  the 
outlook  for  the  Socialist  Party  than  the 
rapid  growth  in  the  number  of  woman 
members  and  the  increasing  scope  of  their 
work  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  its  wel- 
fare. ,  '    . 

Ten  years  ago  the  woman  s  movement  in 
our  party  was  a  negligible  quantity,  ex- 
isting chiefly  in  the  minds  of  a  few  de- 
voted women. 

At  the  birth  of  the  present  Socialist 
Party,  which  took  place  at  the  Unity  Con- 
vention of  1901,  there  were  eight  women 
who  attended  as  regularly  elected  dele- 
gates. 

Their  influence  was  that  of  individual 
women  and  not  that  of  representatives  of 
any  special  movement  of  unrest  or  protest 
among  the  women  of  the  working  class. 
Sttch  a  movement  had  not  yet  had  time  for 
formation^ and  we  find  no  mention  made  in 
the  minutes  of  the  convention  of  woman's 
activity  in  the  party  organization,  or  of  any 
need  for  special  propaganda  among  women. 
The  only  mention  made  of  the  party's  atti- 
tude toward  women  is  in  the  platform, 
which  demands  "equal  civil  and  political 
rights  for  men  and  women." 

Three  years  later,  in  the  national  con- 
vention of  1904,  the  number  of  women 
delegates  had  not  increased.  California, 
Oregon.  Colorado,  Iowa,  Wisconsin  and 
Pennsylvania  each  sent  one,  while  Kansas 
sent  two  women  in  a  delegation  of  six. 

In  the  proceedings  of  this  convention, 
al^o.  we  search  in  vain  for  any  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  special  wrongs  or  needs  of 
the  working  women,  or  of  the  necessity 
for  any  particular  line  of  work  to  reach 
them  with  the  Socialist  message  and  en- 
list'them  in  the  party  organization. 

The  constitution  remained  silent  unon 
the  organization  of  women,  and  the  plat- 
form simply  demanded  equal  suffrage  for 
men  and  women. 

The  Socinlist  women  definitely  made 
their  debut  in  the  party  organization  at  the 
National  Convention  of  190R.  Twenty  of 
them  appeared  upon  the  floor  of  the  con- 
vention as  delegates  from  fourteen  states. 
Each  of  the  twenty  had  a  decided  opinion 
as  to  the  best  wav  to  reach  her  sisters  and 
briber  them   into   the   fold. 

P>om  the  first  day  to  the  last  no  group 
in  the  convention  was  more  active  and  ag- 
gressive  than  were  the  women. 

During  the  years  from  1904  to  1908  the 
Socialist  partv  had  awakened  to  the  fact 
thnt  the  "woman  ouestion'*  was  a  vital, 
1'ving  is°ue  a^d  must  receive  consideration. 
So.  on  the  afternoon  of  the  first  day.  the 
committee  on  rules  recommended  that  "a 
committee  on  women  and  their  relationship 
to  the  Socialist  Party  (*hall  he  elected,  to 
consist  of  nine  members,"  and  the  commit- 
tee was  duly  elected. 


The  report  of  this  committee  recon 
mended  that  a  permanent  Woman's  Nsl 
tional  Committee,  consisting  of  five  men; 
bers,  be  elected  to  formulate  plans  for,  an 
to  have  charge  of,  the  special  work  of  pre! 
paganda  and  organization  among  woraeil 
It  also  provided  that  a  special  woman  oi: 
ganizer  be  kept  permanently  in  the  field. 

Not  only  did  the  convention  adopt  tb 
above  plans  for  pushing  the  work  amon 
women,  but  it  also  enlarged  upon  the  meg 
ger  platform  demand  of  1904  by  insertin 
the  plank,  "Unrestricted  and  equal  suffirag 
for  men  and  women,  and  we  pledge  our 
selves  to  engage  in  an  active  campaign  i 
that  direction." 

The  quiet,  earnest  work  of  the  wome 
pioneers  had  at  least  borne  fruit  an 
woman's  share  in  the  affairs  of  the  part 
was  now  officially  recognized.  It  but  r« 
mained  for  her  to  outline  her  plan  of  actio 
and  put  it  into  effect. 

The  Woman's  National  Committee  pre 
ceeded  to  do  this  in  a  most  efficient  mar 
ner.  A  "Plan  of  Work  for  Women  in  Sc 
cialist  Locals"  was  prepared  and  widel 
circulated. 

Snecial  leaflets  dealing  with  many  phase 
of  the  woman  question  and  the  industry 
conditions  particularly  affecting  wome 
and  children,  were  published. 

By  1910  the  special  woman's  work  wa 
so  well  established  that  the  National  Part 
Congress  of  that  year  embodied  in  the  Ns 
tional  Constitution  provisions  for  its  cor 
tinnance.  An  amendment  which  was  ir 
eluded  in  the  report-  of  the  Committee  o 
Constitution  and  adopted  bv  the  Congresi 
provided  that  a  Woman's  National  Commit 
tee,  consisting  of  seven  women,  be  electe 
in  a  manner  similar  to  the  election  nf  tt1 
National  Executive  Committee  and  that 
have  charsre  of  the  propaganda  and  orsrar 
ization  among  women.  Tt  further  provide 
that  all  plans  of  the  committee  cdnourrc 
in  bv  the  National  Executive  Committee  I 
carried   out  at  the  expense  of  the  Nation; 

Offiee. 

The  closing  parap-raoh  of  the  report  c 
the  Woman's  National  Committee  contains 
the  recommendation  that  there  be  instnlle 
a  Woman"s  Denartment  in  the  Nation; 
Office  and  that  the  manager  of  this  depar 
ment  be  one  of  the  regular  emnloyes  of  tr 
office.      The  report  was  adopted. 

Now.  indeed,  the  women  had  become 
bona  fide  institution  in  the  party  organiz; 
tion.  The  Woman's  National  Committ* 
elected  a  general  correspondent  to  tal 
charge  of  the  Woman's  Department  and  tr 
work  among  women  was  established  upon 
permanent  basis. 

GENERAL,  RESULTS  OF  1910-'ll. 

Much  has  been  accomplished  within  tr 
pa«t  two  years.  Many  local  woman's  con 
mittees  ha-'e  b"^  organized,  hundreds  < 
thousands  of  leaflets  for  women  have  bee 

/ 


APPENDIX 


205       ^ 


stributed.  Women  are  serving  as  secre- 
ries  of  five  states,  and  of  two  hundred 
d   seventy   locals. 

One  member  of  the  National  Executive 
>mmittee,  two  members  of  the  National 
mmittee  and  one  of  the  International 
cretaries  are  women.  Fifteen  states  have 
>men  State  Correspondents.  Among  our 
st  known  national  lecturers  and  organ- 
rs,  eight  are  women,  and  over  twenty 
)men  have  come  under  our  notice  as  do- 
exceptionally  good  work  on  the  Social- 
;  platform  in  a  national  way. 
It  is  difficult  to  form  an  estimate  of  the 
suits  of  the  special  agitation  among 
>men  that  the  Socialist  Party  has  been 
rrying  on  during  the  last  two  years,. 
3i  We  have  been  unable  to  get  complete  in- 
rmation  regarding  the  number  of  women 
embers  of  the  party  or  the  number  of 
Oman's  committees,  although  several 
nes  letters  have  been  sent  to  the  local 
d  state  secretaries,  asking  them  for  this 
formation.  A  very  small  per  cent  of  the 
cretaries  complied  with  the  request.  It 
roughly  estimated,  however,  that  the 
omen  constitute  one-tenth  of  the  entire 
embership. 

About  two  hundred  and  fifty  circular  let- 
rs  were  sent  out  to  locals  having  active 
omen  members,  requesting  answers  to 
rtain  questions.  Thirty-five  replies  were 
ceived.  A  summary  of  the  work  done  by 
e  women  in  these  thirty-five  locals  shows 
markable  activity.  But  no  summary  in 
)llars  and  cents  can  measure  the  actual 
ult  of  their  work.  It  represents  an  edu- 
itional  growth  that  is  preparing  many 
lousands  of  women  and  young  girls  to 
,ke  part  intelligently  in .  the  class  strug- 
e  and  work  side  by  side  with  their  broth- 
s  in  winning  the  emancipation  of  ,  the 
orking  class. 

The  summary  of  the  reports  from  these 
lirty-five  committees  shows  that  these 
cals  have  a  combined  membership  of  1,677 
omen. 

During  the  year  1911  these  committees 
ave  held  850  meetings.  This  does  not  ac- 
3unt  for  all  the  woman's  meetings,  held, 
fen  in_  these  thirtv-five  places  In  the 
ew  York  and  Chicago  reports,  only  the 
irgest  and  most  important  meetings  were 
corded.  Meetings  held  by  the  woman 
lembers  in  the  individual  branches  were 
ot  reported  for  either  of  these  cities. 
During  the  year  1911  and  the  latter  part 
f  1910,  these  committees  through  their 
!wn  efforts,  raised  nearly  $10,000,  or,  to  be 
■fcact,  $9,740.09.  This  is  exclusive  of  the 
loney  they  helped  to  raise  in  the  regular 
rork  of  the  locals;  $5,893.96  were  raised 
Dr  strike  benefits,  $866.50  for  campaign 
unds,  $529.49  for  the  support  of  the  So- 
ialist  press,  $337.35"*  for  assisting  in  the 
urnishing  of  local  headquarters,  and 
214.93  were  spent  for  special  literature  for 
romen. 

When  we  realize  that  $10,000  were  raised 
y  the  women  in  onlv  thirty-five  out  of  the 
ve  thousand  Socialist  locals  and  branches 
n  the  United  States,  we  can  begin  to  ap- 
reciate  that  from  a  financial  standpoint,  if 
rom  no  other,  it  is  important  to  enlist  the 
romen  in  the  active  work  as  members  of 
he  party. 

In  ten  of  these  cities — those  large  enough 
o  requjre  the  assistance  of  the  women — 
hey  were  at  the  polls  serving  as  watchers 
nd  clerks.  They  also  served  as  registra- 
ion  clerks  and,  in  Los  Angeles,  went  from 
ouse  to  house  instructing  the  women  how 
:>  vote. 

During  the  Shirtwaist  Strike  in  New 
rork  and  the  Garment  Workers'  Strike  in 
Ihicago,    Socialist    women    addressed    their 


meetings,    did    picket   service,    gave   benefits 
and  assisted  in  every  way  possible. 

The  women  not  only  fold  and  stamp  the 
literature,  but  they  go  out  with  the  men 
comrades  and  distribute  it  from  door  to 
door.  They  form  themselves  in  squads  and 
sell  it  at  meetings,  or  distribute  it  free  at 
the  doors  of  factories  and  stores.  Over 
500,000  leaflets,  besides  thousands  of  copies 
of  the  Progressive  Woman,  have  been  dis- 
tributed in  this  way. 

SOCIALIST    SCHOOLS, 

When  women  enter  into  any  movement 
they  take  the  children  with  them.  Four  of 
our  large  cities  report?  excellent  work  being 
done  among  the  children. 

New  York  has  several  Socialist  schools. 
Lessons  are  prepared  by  May  Wood-Simons, 
Edith  C.  Breithut  and  others.  The  New 
York  schools  are  experimenting  with  these 
lessons  and  if  they  are  a  success  they  will 
be  published  and  put  into  general  use 
throughout  the  country  for  next  year's 
work.  The  demand  for  material  tor  So- 
cialist schools  is  constantly  on  the  in- 
crease. By  another  year  a  systematic 
course   of  lessons   should   be  ready   for  use. 

Rochester,  N.  Y.,  has  a  school  with  an 
average  attendance  of  two  hundred  pupils. 
Los  Angeles,  California,  reports  a  splendid 
school  which  they  call  a  Socialist  Lyceum. 

New  Jersey  has  elected  a  special  school 
committee,  which  has  prepared  a  leaflet 
giving  excellent  instructions  regarding  the 
organization  of  Socialist  schools.  This  com- 
mittee is  entering  upon  its  work  in  a 
thorough  manner  and  good  results  may  be 
expected. 

The  New  York  State  Committee  on  So- 
cialist Schools  prepared  an  outline  on  "How 
to  Organize  Socialist  Schools."  This  has 
been  published  by  the  Woman's  National 
Committee  and  recommended  to  be  used  in 
locals    desiring   to    reach    the   children. 

ANTI-BO^     SCOUT    ORGANIZATION. 

Bridgeport,  Connecticut,  has  an  Anti-Boy 
Scout  organization,  with  a  membership  of 
thirt'y-nine  boys.  St.  Louis  has  an  organi- 
zation of  boys  which  they  have  named  the 
Universal  Scouts  of  Freedom.  They  are  or- 
ganized bv  wards,  as  a  part  of  the  work  of 
the  ward  branches.  Through  their  efforts 
one  corps  of  Boy  Scouts  was  induced  to 
disband.  They  also  made  their  influence 
felt  by  supporting  Union  Labor  in  the 
►stand  it  took  against  permitting  the  Boy 
Scouts  to  take  part  in  the  parade  on  the 
occasion  of  President  Taft's  visit  to  St. 
Louis. 

WOMAN'S  DAY. 

Woman's  Day,  February  25th,  was  ob- 
served to  a  far  greater  extent  than  ever 
before. 

Every  available  speaker  was  secured  by 
the  active  locals  and  the  meetings  were 
well  advertised. 

The  White  Slave  Traffic  was  the  subject 
chosen  for  discussion  and  a  special  pro- 
gram upon  this  subject  was  prepared  by 
the    Woman's    National    Committee. 

This  program,  consisting  of  songs,  reci- 
tations and  readings,  fitted  for  a  full  even- 
ing's entertainment,  was  advertised  in  the 
weekly  and  monthly  bulletins  sent  out  from 
our  National  Office. 

Over  150  orders  were  filled  and  many 
more  were  received,  but  the  supply  was  ex- 
hausted. 

Glowing  reports  of  the  success  of  the  en- 
tertainments were  sent  in  by  the  comrades 
from    many    places    with    the    request    that 

mLar  ProSrams  be  furnished  regularly 

The  capitalist  papers  gave  a  surprising 
amount  of  space  to  the  observance  of  this 
day,  designating  it  as  the  Socialist  Woman's 


p 


206 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


Day.  In  a  few  instances  more  than  two 
columns  were  given  to  an  account  of  the 
celebration. 

EQUAL  SUFFRAGE  PETITION. 

In  August,  1911,  the  Woman's  National 
Committee  recommended  the  circulation  of 
a  petition  for  woman  suffrage,  to  be  pre- 
sented by  Congressman  Victor  L.  Berger, 
Socialist  Representative  from  Wisconsin. 
The  recommendation  was  concurred  in  by 
the  National  Executive  Committee  and  the 
following  petition   was   prepared: 

"We,  the  undersigned  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  over  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  hereby  request  you  to  submit  to  the 
legislatures  of  the  several  states  for  rati- 
fication an  amendment  to  the  National  Con- 
stitution which  shall  enable  women  to  vote 
in  all  elections  upon  the  same  terms  as 
men." 

One  hundred  thousand  copies  of  this  peti- 
tion have  been  sent  to  all  of  the  Socialist 
locals,  thousands  of  labor  organizations, 
and  to  every  source  from  which  it  was  be- 
lieved signatures  could  be  obtained. 

Requests  for  them  are  still  being  re- 
ceived. We  have  sent  out  the  call  for  all 
signed  petitions  to  be  returned  to  the  Na- 
tional Office  and  will  complete  the  counting 
and  forward  them  to  Congressman  Berger 
within  the  next  month. 

The  circulation  of  this  petition  has  been 
of  great  educational  value  and  has  afforded 
one  of  the  best  means  by  which  the  position 
of  the  Socialist  Party  upon  the  question  of 
equal  suffrage  for  men  and  women  has  been 
verified. 

On  January  16,  1912,  Congressman  Berg- 
er introduced  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives the  following  Joint  Resolution,  pro- 
posing an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  extending'  the  right  of 
suffrage   to   women: 

Resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled  (two-thirds 
of  each  House  concurring  therein),  That 
the  following  article  is  proposed  as  "  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  which,  when  ratified  by  the 
legislatures  of  three-fourths  of  the  several 
states,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses as  a  part  of  the  Constitution: 

ARTICLE    .   . 

"SECTION  1.  The  right  of  citizens  of 
the  United-  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  de- 
nied or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by 
any   state   on   account   of   sex.    " 

"SECTION  2.  When  the  right  to  vote  at 
any  election  for  Tfie  choice  of  electors  for 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  Representatives  in  Congress, 
the  executive  and  judicial  officers  of  a 
State,  or  the  members  of  the  legislature 
thereof,  is  denied  or  in  any  way  abridged 
on  the  ground  of  sex,  the  basis  of  repre- 
sentation therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the 
proportion  which  the  number  of  such  citi- 
zens shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of 
male  and  female  citizens  twenty-one  years 
of  age  in  such  state." 

WdMAN  ORGANIZERS. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Woman's  Depart-' 
ment  in  the  National  Office,  Anna  A.  Maley 
was  the  onlv  National  woman  organizer 
sent  out  by  the  Woman's  National  Commit- 
tee. Comrade  Maley  is  one  of  the  most 
capable  organizers  in  the  Socialist  Party. 
-Her  work  proved  of  great  service  to  the 
committee.  Later  she  gave  up  the  work  to 
become   the   editor    of    "The    Comonwealth." 

Florence  Wattles  and  Nellie  M.  Zeh  were 
elected   as   organizers   for   the   committee. 


Comrade  Wattles  was  assigned  *to  In- 
diana. As  a  result  of  seven  weeks'  work  in 
this  state,  two  local  committees  were  or- 
ganized and  the  woman's  movement  was 
given  great  impetus  throughout  the  state. 
Much  of  her  work  'was  in  unorganized 
places.  She  organized  many  locals,  though 
the  movement  was  too  new  to  form  com- 
mittees of  women. 

In  December,  1911,  Comrade  Wattles  be- 
gan work  in  Pennsylvania.  During  the  four 
months  in  that  state  she  has  organized 
forty  committees  and  has  strengthened  not 
only  the  work  among  women,  but  the  gen- 
eral movement  as  well.  The  state  secre- 
tary of  Indiana  has  requested  that  she  be 
returned  to  that  state  for  the  remainder  of 
the  campaign  and  this  has  been  so  ar- 
ranged. 

Comrade  Zeh  was  unable  to  enter  upon 
the  work  at  that  time,  but  she  is  now  pre- 
paring to  take  it  up  along  special  lines  in" 
the   south. 

Mary  L.  Geffs  was  authorized  to  do  some 
special  work  in  Colorado,  with  encouraging 
results. 

Janet  Penimore,  Prudence  Stokes  Brown 
and  Madge  Patton  Stephens  have  been 
elected  by  the  committee  to  serve  as 
woman  organizers  during  the  coming  cam- 
paign. 

Among  the  organizers  who  have  carried 
on  the  general  propaganda  work,  special 
credit  is  due  to  Mila  Tupper  Maynard, 
Theresa  Serber  Malkiel,  Ella  Reeve  Bloor 
and  John  M.  Work  for  their  earnest  efforts 
to  strengthen  the  movement  among  the 
women.  In  addition  to  their  regular  duties, 
when  in  the  field  work,  they  made  a  special 
plea  to  women  to  join  the  party  and  urged 
the  comrades  to  elect  the  woman  members 
of  the  respective  locals  into  committees  to 
carry  on  the  propaganda  among  women. 

They  sent  in  to  the  General  Correspond- 
ent the  names  of  the  active  women  along 
the  route,  thereby  enabling  the  General 
Correspondent  to  communicate  directly 
with  these  women  and  explain  the  work  to 
be  done  in   their  locality. 

If  all  our  organizers  would  adopt  this 
plan  the  beneficial  results  upon  the  organ- 
ization would  soon  be  felt. 

LITERATURE  FOR  WOMEN. 
+fcS?e  i,  Wom^n's  National  Committee, 
M?oflUfh  the  N,ational  Office,  has  published 
leaflets  upon  the  following  subjects:  Boys 
<JLAhe™Mines-  Boy  town  Railroad,  Boy 
w£X  Movement,  Crimes  of  Capitalism, 
TnSSt^f10"^^0111^  Children  in  Textile 
Industries,  Class  War.  Elizabeth  Cadv 
btanton  on  Socialism.  Frances  E.  Willard 
£7tJl?SLllsF'  Socialism  vs.  Alcoholism, 
WnmS ur«f°r  Women  Plea  to  the  Club 
Womeru    Poverty    the    Cause    of    IntemDer- 

WoricW  e  Jeacher  £nd  Socialism  fftte 
working  Woman,  To  Wives  of  Toilers 
Underfed  School  Children,  Why  the  Pro- 
fessional Woman  Should  Be  a  Socialist 
Wimmm  Ain't  Got  No  Kick,  Woman  Com- 
PMnoawi,Ec£a1'  ^ne  Worker  and  the  Ma- 
chine, Why  You  Should  Be  a  Socialist  and 
W°man's  Work  in  Socialist  Locals  ' 
other  than  these  leaflets,   the  special   So- 

Na  "on  teof  re,f°r  WOmJn  failed  bj  the 
.National  Office  is  exceedingly  limited  It 
;;js£  °Vrhe  fo"owing:  S  Socialism  and 
the  Home,  Woman  and  the  Social  Problem 

2SmShJ*?d.5?cIa"sm'  A  Woman's  "PlaS 
and  Bebel's  "Woman  and  Socialism." 

LITERATURE  FOR  CHDLDREN. 

There  is  a  growing  demand  for  Socialist 

literature  for  children.     The  supply  of  this 

At'ZSHJ!??™  ^ea^er  th_an  that  for  women. 

At  present  we  have  nothing  on  hand  that  13 


APPENDIX 


207 


lly  applicable  to  the  needs  of  the  aver- 
3  child. 

NEWSPAPER  ARTICLES. 
At  the  request  of  the  Woman's  National 
mmittee,  many  of  our  well  known  com- 
ies  contributed  short  articles  upon  ques- 
ns  of  importance  to  women.  Twenty- 
~ee  articles  were  sent  out  during:  the  year 
LI,  each  going  to  about  125  papers.  If 
;h  paper  had  printed  each  article,  an 
ijivalent  of  2,875  articles  would  have  been 
t  in  circulation  through  the  work  of  the 
jman's  National  Committee.* 
The  newspaper  propaganda  is  developing 
fo  one  of  the  most  important  departments 
our  work.  No  other  woman's  organiza- 
n    in    the    United    States — I    may'  say    of 

I  worlds — has  such  an  opportunity  to 
-ry  its  propaganda  into  working-class 
mes. 

We  have  at  our  disposal  about  four  hun- 
>d  Socialist  and  other  Labor  papers   that 

II  print  upon  the  average  two  articles 
rtaining  to  women  each  month.  This 
jans  an  equivalent  of  800  articles  each 
mth,  or  9,600  a  year.  And  the  list  stead- 
increases  in  number. 

NATIONAL   TEACHERS'   BUREAU. 
The    Socialist   Teachers'    Bureau   is    grad- 
lly  growing  in  importance  as  a  useful  de- 
rtment    in     the     work     of     the     National 
Rce. 

It  was  started  in  August,  1911,  by  Com- 
de   Terence  Vincent,   who   conducted   it   in 

able  manner.  Later  it  was  placed  in 
e  hands  of  the  Woman's  Department. 
The  purpose  of  the  Bureau  is  to  enable 
cialist  teachers  to  get  in  touch  with  So- 
tlist  members  of  School  Boards.  Also  by 
ving  a  complete  list  of  Socialist  teachers 

file  in  the  National  Office,  something  in 
e  nature  of  a  loose  organization  exists 
lich  is  easy  to  circularize  and  to  keep  in 
uch  with  all  matters  pertaining  to  their 
ecial  line  of  work. 

It  is  useless  to  apply  for  assistance  in  re- 
rd  to  securing  either  a  position  or  a 
acher  unless  the  applicant  encloses  proof 

his  paid-up  membership  in  the  party, 
mpliance  with  this  request  is  a  necessary 
fe  guard. 

When  this  proof  has  been  furnished  the 
plication  is  placed  on  file.  All  informa- 
>n  is  considered  strictly  confidential — 
ly  those  applicants  who  have  proved 
eir  party  membership  being  entitled  to  it. 
A  Socialist  teacher  appfying  for  a  posi- 
>n  receives  a  list  of  the  positions  open, 
gether  with  the  available  information  re- 
rding  salary  and  grade.  A  Socialist 
hool  director  applying  for  a  teacher  re- 
ives a  list  of  teachers,  stating  the  posi- 
>ns  they  are  prepared  to  fill.  Then  cor- 
spondence  may  be  opened  between  the 
rector  and  the  teacher,  and  the  work  of 
e  National  Office  along  this  line  has  been 
lfilled. 

At  the  present  time  we  have  on  hana"  ap- 
ications  for  positions  from  forty-nine 
achers  and  inquiries  regarding  the  secur- 
g  of  Socialist  teachers  to  fill  twerfty 
cancies. 

The  National  Office  does  not  guarantee 
sitions,  nor  does  it  guarantee  good  faith 
j>on  the  part  of  either  applicant.  It  slm- 
I  helps  to  bring  the  teacher  and  the  posi- 
i>n  together,  rendering  service  free  of 
arge.  It  does  this  because  of  the  ever 
owing  demand  of  school  directors  for  So- 
\list  teachers,  and  of  Socialist  teachers 
1  positions  in  which  they  can  teach  un- 
.mpered  by  the  prejudice  of  capitalist- 
inded   school   boards. 


FOREIGN    SPEAKING    ORGANIZATIONS. 

Thus  far  the  Woman's  Department  has 
been  obliged  to  concentrate  its  energies 
upon  the  work  of  reaching  the  women  of 
the  general  membership  and  has  found  it 
impossible  to  conduct  special  propaganda 
work  among  our  foreign  speaking  com- 
rades. The  time  is  now  at  hand,  however, 
when  a  start  along  these  lines  can  be  made 
and  preparations  are  on  foot  toward  this 
end.  , 

The  foreign  translator-secretaries  have 
^elected  the  women's  leaflets  bes«t  suited  to 
their  purposes  and  the  National  Office  will 
publish  them  in  their  respective  languages. 

In  the  large  cities  where  the  Central 
Woman's  Committees  are  elected  to  conduct 
the  work  of  agitation  and  organization 
throughout  all  branches,  special  effort  will 
be  made  from  this  time  forth  to  co-operate 
with  the  women  in  foreign  speaking  organ- 
izations and  induce  them  to  send  represent- 
atives  to   the   Central   Woman's   Committee. 

The  Finnish  women  are  doing  most  ex- 
cellent work.  They  have  their  own  weekly 
paper  called  "Toveritar,"  meaning  "The 
Comrades."  It  consists  of  eight  pages  and 
is  well  gotten  up  in  every  way.  Comrade 
Helen   Vitikainen   is    the    editor. 

In  our  Finnish  locals  the  women  consti- 
tue  one-third  of  the  membership  and  are 
ictive  in  all  branches  of  the  work.  This 
no  doubt  accounts  for  the  fact  that  the 
Finnish  have  one  of  the  most  perfect  and 
efficient  organizations  in  the  United  States. 
The  women  are  working  in  the  Socialist 
Party  side  by  side  with  the  men,  both  of 
them  concentrating  their  energies  upon  its 
work. 

The  German  women  comrades  of  New 
York  City  are  doing  active  work.  They 
have  organized  in  separate  woman's 
branches  with  a  total  of.  about  280  mem- 
bers. They  also  sent  a  German  woman  or- 
ganizer into  the  field  and  she  formed  or- 
ganizations in  Chicago,  Syracuse,  Rochester 
and  Philadelphia. 

The  German  women  raised  contributions 
for  the  campaign  fund  and  for  the  Volke- 
Zeitung,  the  New  York  Call  and  other  So- 
cialist papers.  They  also  prepafed  and  dis- 
tributed Socialist  leaflets  printed  in  the 
German  language. 

No  reports  have  been  received  from  other 
nationalities. 

WOMEN'S   PERIODICALS. 

The  Progressive  Woman  is  the  only  So- 
calist  publication  for  English-speaking 
women  fn  the  United  States.  It  has  a  cir- 
culation  of   about    12,000. 

This  paper  has  made  a  valiant  fight  for 
Its  life,  and  has  received  all  possible  sup- 
port from  the  Woman's  National  Commit- 
tee. It  has  been  a  great  help  to  the  com- 
mittee and  has  been  one  of  the  means 
through  which  so  much  work  has  been  ac- 
complished. 

During  1911  programs  for  use  in  Socialist 
locals  were  prepared  by  the  Committee  and 
published  monthly  in  the  Progressive 
Woman.  In  other  ways  it  enabled  the 
Woman's  National  Committee  to  carry  on 
Its  work,  and  it  is  today  the  only  woman's 
paper  for  carrying  the  Socialist  message 
into  English-speaking  homes. 

During  the  Mexican  revolution,  when 
every  effort  was  being  made  to  fan  the 
military  spirit  into  white  heat  in  the  United 
States,  this  paper  was  turned  over  to  the 
Woman's  National  Committee  and  a  special 
anti-military  edition  was  prepared.  Over 
30.000  copies  were  placed  in  circulation. 
(Address,  The  Progressive  Woman,  111 
North  Market  Street,  Chicago,  111.) 


/ 


208 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


'Toveritar,"  or  "The  Woman  Comrade," 
is  a  Finnish  weekly  paper  for  women.  It 
has  a  circulation  of  about  5,000  and  is  doing 
nrood  educational  work  among  the  women 
of  that  nationality.  Articles  sent  out  by 
the  Woman's  .Department  are  published  in 
this  paper,  and  in  every  \vay*it  co-operates 
with  the  Woman's  National  Committee. 
(Address  Toveritar,  Tenth  and  Duane,  As- 
toria, Ore.) 

Life  and  Labor  is  a  monthly  magazine 
appealing  especially  to  women  engaged  in 
the  industries.  It  is  the  official  organ  ofl 
the  Woman's  Trade  Union  League  and  it  is* 
deserving  of  our  recommendation  and  sup- 
port. We  should  place  it  in  the  hands  of 
all  women,  especially  those  who  are  work- 
ing in  industries  that  can  be  organized. 
(Address  Life  and  Labor,  127  North  Dear- 
born Street,   Chicago,   111.) 

The  Forerunner  is  another  monthly  mag- 
azine that  is  worthy  of  the  attention  of 
the  Socialists.  It  is  filled  with  vital  truths, 
presented  in  a  way  that  appeals  to  the  aver- 
age woman,  whether  in  the  home  or  out, 
young  or  old.  Before  the  reader  is  aware 
of  it,  her  ideas  have  changed  from  the  old 
conservative  viewpoint  to  the  new  radical 
revolutionary  position.  It  is  worth  while 
for  us  to  aid  in  the  circulation  of  The 
Forerunner.  (Address  The  Forerunner,  67 
Wall  Street,  New  York  City.) 

The  Young  Socialist  Magazine  is  the  only 
Socialist  magazine  for  children  in  the 
United  States.  It  contains  educational  arti- 
cles and  stories  tending  to  teach  the  chil- 
dren of  the  working  class  a  correct  appre- 
ciation of  the  class  struggle.  It  should  be 
in  the  hands  of  every  cliild  in  the  Socialist 
movement.  (Address  The  Young  Socialist 
Magazine,  15  Spruce  Street,  New  York 
City.) 

The  editors  of  all  of  the  above  magazines 
are  Socialists. 

NATIONAL    AND    INTERNATIONAL 
ACTIVITY. 

At  the  present  convention  twenty-five 
women  were  elected  regular  delegates, 
which  is  a  fair  representation,  being  about 
one-tenth  of  the  entire  number  of  dele- 
gates. 

For  the  first  time  the  Woman's  National 
Committee  of  the  Socialist  Party  was  rep- 
resented by  a  fraternal  delegate  at  the 
National  Woman's  Suffrage  Convention, 
heM  at  Louisville,  Ky.,  on  October  17,  1911. 

For  the  first  time  Socialists  took  part  in 
the  congressional  suffrage  hearing  held  in 
Washington,  March  13th.  The  Socialist 
Party  was  represented  by  three  Socialist 
women.  This  was  due  to  the  fact  that  we 
now  have  a  Socialist  representative  in 
Congress,  and  one  of  the  suffrage  resolu- 
tions before  the  House  was  presented  by 
him. 

For  the  first  time  Socialist  women  were 
elected  as  delegates  to  the  International 
Socialist  Congress,  held  at  Copenhagen  in 
August,  1911.  Three  women  delegates  from 
the  United  States  attended  this  Congress, 
and  one  of  them  was  chosen  by  the  United 
States,  delegation  to  serve  as  its  reporter 
of  the  proceedings. 

SUMMARY. 
It  ha-;  taken  but  two  years  for  the 
women  to  demonstrate  the  great  value  of 
their  organized  efforts  in  the  work  of  the 
Socialist  Party.  The  Socialist  Party  real- 
izes as  never  before  the  absolute  necessity 
of  reaching  the  women  with  the  message 
of  Socialism.  The  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee, the  Woman's  National  Committee 
and  the  National  Office  are  sparing  no  effort 


in  educating  them  to  an  understanding  | 
their  class  interests  and  in  bringing  the! 
into  the  party  as  dues-paying  raembei 
having  the  same  duties  and  the  same  n 
sponsibilities  as  the  men. 

Not  only  are  they  educating  the  womei 
they  are  losing  no  opportunity  to  teach  tt 
men  members  of  the  party  the  senseles 
futility  and  the  criminal  ignorance  man 
fested  when  one-half  of  the  working  clas 
strives  to  free  itself  from  slavery  whl 
leaving  the  other  half  in  bondage.  Wome 
and  men,  not  divided  upon  a  basis  of  se 
but  united  ujton  the  basis  of  working-clas 
solidarity,  are  a  necessary  part  of  tl 
working  class  program. 

The  educational  results  from  carrying  c 
a  national  equal  suffrage  campaign  throug 
the  medium  of  a  petition  are  incalculabl 
Thousands  of  men  and  women,  with  pet 
tions  and  pencil  in  one  hand  and  Sociali! 
leaflets  in  the  other,  have  gone  from  hou* 
to  house,  have  invaded  thousands  of  mee 
ings  and  have  carried  on  a  tremendot 
agitation  and  education,  not  only  for  equ; 
political  rights  for  women  and  men,  but  f( 
complete  industrial  freedom  for  the  entii 
working  class. 

Within  the  organization  of  the  Sociali! 
Party  the  woman's  committees  have  alreac 
proved  to  be  a  source  of  strength  and  pov 
er  for  good.  Through  their  systematic  woi 
as  regularly  elected  committees  of  their  vi 
rious  locals  they  are  bringing  new  life  ar 
social  energy  into  the  routine  of  the  pari 
work. 

As  a  means  of  reaching  the  organize 
workers,  whether  it  be  during  the  stress  i 
a  great  strike,  or  in  the  every-day  work 
their  trades,  the  Socialist  women  have  der 
onstrated  their  especial  fitness  to  hand 
with  class-conscious  loyalty  and  unfailir 
tact  the  difficult  situations  that  arise. 

In  the  realm  of  practical  politics  the 
have  proved  themselves  apt  students.  J 
watchers  and  clerks  at  the  polls  they  ha-" 
proved  their  ability  not  only  to  understai 
and  carry  out  the  instructions  goverhir 
the  elections,  but  to  deport  themselves  wii 
a  quiet  dignity  that  never  fails  to  abolh 
coarse  language  or  unmanly  conduct. 

In  assisting  in  campaigns  they  falter  i 
no  task  of  endurance.  No  duty  is  t( 
small,  no  task  too  great  for  them  to  a 
tempt  for  the  sake  of  the  cause  they  lov 
The  Socialist  woman  is  no  longer  an  ui 
known  quantity.  She  is  an  immeasurab 
constructive  force  in  the  growing  workin, 
class  movement.  In  large  numbers  she 
joining  with  the  men  of  her  class,  ai 
through  their  united  efforts  freedom  fi 
all  humanity  will  be  won. 

The  question  of  women  and  their  woi 
in  the  party  is  of  more  importance  at 
should  receive  more  careful  considerate 
by  the  convention  than  ever  before.  Tl 
time  is  rioe  for  earnest  discussion  of  tl 
woman  question.  We  should  go  from  th 
convention  with  clearly  defined  ideas  as 
the  best  plans  for  educating  the  women  : 
America  to  a  class-conscious  understand 
ina:  of  their  needs  and  of  enlisting  them  f< 
active  service  in  the  great  army  of  tl 
working  class — the  Socialist  Party. 

Fraternally  submitted, 

META  BERGER, 

WINNIE    E.     BRANSTETTER, 

GRACE  D.   BREWER, 

ELLA  CARR, 

LENA  MORROW  LEWIS, 

MAY   WOOD-STMONS, 

LUELLA  TWINING, 

Woman's  National  Committe 

CAROLINE    A.    LOWE, 

General    Correspondet 


APPENDIX 


20tf 


APPENDIX  J 


Reports  of  the  Majority  and  Minority  Committees  on  Immigration. 


(a)  MAJORITY  REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE 
ON   IMMIGRATION. 

At  the  national  congress  of  the  Socialist 
Party  in  1910,  the  Committee  on  Immigra- 
tion presented  a  majority  report  signed  by 
Ernest  Untermann,  Joshua  Wanhope  and 
Victor  L.  Berger,  and  a  minority  report 
signed,  by  John   Spargo. 

The  majority  report  declared  that  the  in- 
terests of  the  labor  unions  and  of  the  So- 
cialist Party  of  America  demanded  the  en- 
forcement of  the  existing  exclusion  laws 
which  keep  out  the  mass  immigration  or 
importation  of  Asiatic  laborers. 

The  minority  report  declared  that  the 
danger  from  Asiatic  labor  immigration  or 
importation  was  more  imaginary  than  real 
and  that,  therefore,  the  Socialist  Party 
should  content  itself  with  an  emphasis 
upon  the  international  solidarity  of  all 
working  people  regardless  of  nationality  or 
race.  The  minority  report  did  not  state 
whether  the  Socialist  Party  should  demand 
the  repeal  of  the  existing  exclusion  laws. 
When  asked  during  the  debate  whether  he 
favored  the  repeal  of  these  laws,  Comrade 
Spargo  declined  to  commit  himself  to  a 
definite  answer. 

In  the  course  of  the  discussion,  Comrade 
Morris  Hillquit  introduced  a  substitute  for 
both  reports.  This  substitute  evaded  the 
question  for  or  against  the  existing  exclu- 
sion laws,  merely  demanding  that  the  mass 
of  importation  of  contract  laborers  from  all 
countries  should  be  combated  by  the  Social- 
ist Party. 

An  amendment  to  this  substitute,  de- 
manding a  special  emphasis  upon  the  fact 
that  the  bulk  of  the  Asiatic  immigration 
was  stimulated  by  the  capitalists  and  for 
this  reason  should  be  excluded,  was  offered 
by    Comrade   Algernon   Lee. 

After  a  debate  lasting  nearly  two  days, 
the  congress  adopted  Hillquit's  substitute 
by  a  vote  of  55  against  50. 

This  close  vote   induced  the   congress  to 
recommit  the  question  for  further  study  to 
a   new   committee   on   immigration   with   in- 
structions   to    report    to    the    national    con- 
I  vention  of  1912. 

In   this   new   committee   the   same   align- 
I  ment  immediately  took  place.     After  a  fruit- 
less   effort    of   the    chairman    to    get   unani- 
mous action,  the  majority  decided  to  act  by 
I  itself  and  let  the  minority  do  the  same. 

Continued  study  and  the  developments  on 

I  the  Pacific  Coast  during  the  last  two  years 

f  convinced    the    majority    of   this    committee 

jf  more  than  ever  that  the  existing  exclusion 

j  lnws  against  Asiatic  laborers  should  be  en- 

I  forced   and   be   amended    in    such    way    that 

I   they  can  be  more  effectively  enforced.     The 

details  of  the  necessary  amendments  should 

be  worked  out  by  our  representatives,  or  by 

our  future  representatives,   in  Congress  and 

submitted  for  ratification  to  the  Committee 


on  Immigration,  which  should  be  m'ade 
permanent   for   this   purpose. 

It  does  not  matter  whether  Asiatic  im- 
migration is  voluntary  or  stimulated  by 
capitalists.  There  is  no  room  for  doubt 
that  the  capitalists  welcome  this  immigra- 
tion, and  that  its  effect  upon  the  economic 
and  political  class  organizations  of  the 
American  workers  is  destructive. 

It  is  true  that  all  foreign  labor  immigra- 
tion lowers  the  standard  of  living,  increases 
I  the  unemployed  problem  and  supplies  the 
capitalists  with  uninformed  and  willing 
tools  of  reaction.  But  of  all  foreign  labor 
immigration,  the  Asiatic  element,  owing  to 
its  social  and  racial  peculiarities,  is  the 
most  difficult  to  assimilate  and  mold  into  a 
homogeneous  and  effective  revolutionary 
body.  It  is  all  the  more  dangerous  to  the 
most  advanced  labor  organizations  of  this 
,  nation,  because  it  adds  to  and  intensifies 
the  race  issue  which  is  already  a  grave 
problem  in  large  sections  of  this  country. 

In  the  European  countries  the  labor 
unions  and  the  Socialist  Party  are  not  con- 
fronted by  the  task  of  educating,  organiz- 
ing and  uniting  vast  masses  of  alien  na- 
tionalities and  races  with  the  main  body  of 
the  native  class-conscious  workers.  Where 
alien  immigration  enters  intc  the  European 
labor  problem,  it  plays  but  an  insignificant 
role  compared  to  the  overwhelming  mass  of 
native  workers.  America  is  the  only  coun- 
trv  in  which  the  labor  unions  and  the  So- 
cialist Party  are  compelled  to  face  the 
problem  of  educating,  organizing  and  unit- 
ing not  only  the  native  workers  but  a  con- 
tinually increasing  army  of  foreign  na- 
tionalities and  races  who  enter  this  country 
without  any  knowledge  of  the  English  lan- 
guage, of  American  traditions,  of  economic 
and  political  conditions.  The  disappearance 
of  the  Western  frontier  has  intensified  the 
difficulties  of  labor  organizations  and  So- 
cialist propaganda  to  such  a  degree  that  it 
has  become  an  unavoidable  task  to  decide 
whether  restrictive  measures  shall  or  shall 
not  be  demanded  in  the  interests  of  the 
labor  unions  and  of  the  Socialist  Party. 
Since  the  race  issue  enters  most  prominent- 
ly into  this  problem  and  has  for  years  been 
the  central  point  of  restrictive  legislation, 
the  Socialist  Party  has  been  compelled  to 
take  notice  of  it. 

Race  feeling  is  not  so  much  a  result  of 
social  as  of  biological  evolution.  It  does 
not  change  essentially  with  changes  of  eco- 
nomic systems.  It  is  deeper  than  any  class 
feeling  ana  will  outlast  the  capitalist  sys- 
tem. It  persists  even  after  race  prejudice 
has  been  outgrown.  It  exists,  not  because 
the  capitalists  nurse  it  for  economic  rea- 
sons, but  the  capitalists  rather  have  an  op- 
portunity to  nurse  it  for  economic  reasons 
because  it  exists  as  a  product  of  biology. 
It  is  bound  to  play  a  role  in  the  economics 
of  the  future  society.  If  it  should  not  as- 
sert   itself    in    open    warfare    under    a    So- 


V 


210 


NATIOxNAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


cialist  form  of  society,  it  will  nevertheless 
lead  to  a  rivalry  of  races  for  expansion 
over  the  globe  as  a  result  of  the  play  of 
natural  and  sexual  selection.  We  may 
temper  this  race  feeling  by  education,  but 
we  can  never  hope  to  extinguish  it  alto- 
gether. Class-consciousness  must  be 
learned,  but  race-consciousnes's  is  inborn 
and  cannot  be  wholly  unlearned.  A  few  in- 
dividuals may  indulge  in  the  luxury  of  ig- 
noring race  and  posing  as  utterly  raceless 
humanitarians,  but  whole  races  never. 

Where  races  struggle  for  the  means  of 
life,  racial  animosities  cannot  be  avoided. 
Where  working  people  struggle  for  jobs, 
self-preservation  enforces  its  decrees.  Eco- 
nomic and  political  considerations  lead  to 
racial  fights  and  to  legislation  restricting 
the  invasion  of  the  white  man's  domain  by 
other  races. 

The  Socialist  Party  cannot  avoid  this  is- 
sue. The  exclusion  of  definite  races,  not  on 
account  of  race,  but  for  economic  and  polit- 
ical reasons,  has  been  forced  upon  the  old 
party  statesmen  in  spite  of  the  bitter  op- 
position of   the   great   capitalists. 

Every  addition  of  incompatible  race  ele- 
ments to  the  present  societies  of  nations  or 
races  strengthens  the  hands  of  the  great 
capitalists  against  the  rising  hosts  of  class- 
conscious  workers.  But  the  race  feeling  is 
so  strong  that  even  the  majority  of  old 
party  statesmen  have  not  dared  to  ignore 
it. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  class-con- 
scious workers  it  is  irrational  in  the  ex- 
treme to  permit  the  capitalists  to  protect 
their  profits  by  high  tariffs  against  the 
competition  of  foreign  capital,  and  at  the 
same  time  connive  at  their  attempts  to  ex- 
tend free  trade  in  the  one  commodity 
which  the  laborer  should  protect  more  than 
any  other,  his  labor  power. 

It  is  still  more  irrational  to  excuse  this 
self-destructive  policy  by  the  slogan  of  in- 
ternational working  class  solidarity,  for 
this  sentimental  solidarity  works  wholly 
into  the  hands  of  the  capitalist  class  and 
injures  the  revolutionary  movement  of  the 
most  advanced  workers  of  this  nation,  out 
of  ill-considered  worship  of  an  Asiatic 
working  class  which  is  as  yet  steeped  in 
the  ideas  of  a  primitive  state  of  unde- 
veloped capitalism. 

A  proper  consideration  of  working  class 
interests,  to  which  the  Socialist  Party  is 
pledged  by  all  traditions  and  by  all  histori- 
cal precedent,  demands  that  our  representa- 
tives in  the  legislative  bodies  of  this  nation 
should  reduce  the  tariff  protection  of  the 
capitalists  and  introduce  a  tariff,  or  tax, 
upon  unwholesome  competitors  of  the  work- 
ing class,  regardless  of  whether  these  com- 
petitors are  voluntary  or  subsidized  immi- 
grants. Real  protection  of  American  labor 
requires  a  tariff  on  labor  power  and  the  re- 
duction and  gradual  abolition  of  the  tariff 
on  capital.  Such  labor  legislation  already 
exists  in  British  Columbia  and  has  proved 
effective  there. 


at  least  give  to  the  American  laborer 
advantage  of  fighting  the  Asiatic  compet 
tion  at  long  range  and  wholly  through 
ternational  commerce,  instead  of  having 
struggle  with  the  Asiatic  laborer  for  jobs 
upon  American  soil.  This  will  tend  to  aboil 
ish  the  labor  of  children  and  women  ifl 
American  factories,  to  maintain  a  rational 
standard  of  living  and  to  reduce  the  unl 
employed   problem   for   adult   male   workers. 

International  solidarity  between  the 
working  people  of  Asia,  Europe  and  Amery 
ica  will  be  the  outcome  of  international 
evolution,  not  of  sentimental  formulas.  So 
long  as  the  minds-  of  the  workers  of  nationC 
and  races  are  separated  by  long  distance* 
of  industrial  evolution,  the  desired  solidary 
ity  cahnot  be  completely  realized,  and  whilH 
it  is  in  process  of  realization,  the  demand! 
of  immediate  self-preservation  are  more  im* 
perative   than   dreams   of  ideal   solidarity.    | 

The  international  solidarity  of  the  work-' 
ing  class  can  be  most  effectively  demon-; 
strated,  not  by  mass  immigration  into  each] 
others'  countries,  but  by  the  international! 
co-operation  of  strong  labor  unions  and  ofl 
the  national  sections  of  fhe  International] 
Socialist  Party. 

Socialism  proves  itself  a  science  to  the 
extent  that  it  enables  us  to  foretell  the' 
actual  tendencies  of  future  development. 

This  is  the  general  principle  that  guidesj 
us  in  the  struggle  against  the  capitalists 
classes  of  the  world.  We  work  for  thej 
transformation  of  capitalist  into  Socialist 
society,  not  so  much  because  sentiment,} 
longing,  dogma  or  argument  drive  us,  but 
because  we  are  convinced  that  the  dominant 
tendencies  of  capitalism  work  in  the  direc-j 
tion  of  Socialism. 

This  point  of  view  has  been  almost 
wholly  overlooked  in  the  discussion  and 
practice  of  these  "immediate"  policies 
which  serve  as  our  conscious  steps  in  the 
direction  of  Socialism. 

In  our  general  propaganda  and  party  or- 
ganization, we  work  for  the  prophesied  out- 
come of  capitalist  development  and  shape 
our  actions  in  harmony  with  the  foreseen 
probable  course  which  the  majority  of  the 
citizens  will  be  compelled  to  adopt  during 
the  revolution  "of  the  human  mind  towards  a 
Socialist  consciousness. 

Not  so  in  discussing  and  acting  upon 
questions  of  immediate  policy,  such  as  the 
exclusion  of  Asiatic  laborers  from  the 
United  States.  Instead  of  clearly  foretelling 
the  inevitable  policy  which  the  majority  of 
the  voters  of  this  nation  'will  be  compelled 
to  adopt  in  this  particular  instance,  we  are 
supposed  to-  shape  our  actions  in  response 
to  sentimental,  Utopian  or  dogmatic  argu- 
ments dictated  by  the  personal  likes  or  dis- 
likes of  a  few  individuals. 

Instead  of  scientifically  foretelling  the  in- 
evitable logic  of  events,  we  are  supposed  tQ' 
listen  to  a  logic  inspired  by  the  sophistry 
of  the  advocates  of  unrestricted  immigra- 
tion. 

Those  who  affirm  the  sentimental  solidar- 


The  argument  that  the  menace  of  Asiatic    )  ity,  of  the   working  classes   the   world   oyer 

I  and  at  the  same  time  demand   a  restriction 
J  of  the  stimulated  mass  importation  of  con- 
I  tract    laborers    admit    unwillingly    that    this 
*  ideal    solidarity    is    reallv    impossible.      And 
while  they  thus  contradict  their  own   senti- 
mental assertion,   they  evade  the  real  issue 
bv  an   exaggerated  reverence  for  a  Utopian 
race  solidarity. 

The  common  sense  Socialist  policy  under 
these"  UlrTUiuiAtwmvs  is  to  build  up  strong 
national  labor  unions  and  strong  national 
Socialist  parties  in  the  different  countries 
and  work  toward  more  perfect  solidarity  by 
an  international  co-operation  of  these  labor 
unions    and    parties.      To    this    end    the    So- 


labor  immigration  is  more  imaginary  than 
real  overlooks  the  obvious  fact  that  this 
menace  has  been  minimized  and  kept  within 
bounds  by  the  existing  exclusion  laws,  and 
that  it  can  be  eliminated  altogether  by  a 
strict  enforcement  and  more  up-to-date 
amendment  of  these  laws. 

The  maioritv  of  this  committee  realize  of 
course,  that  1he  development  of  capitalism 
in  Phina,  India  and  Japan  will  necessarily 
tend  to  brinrr  the  American  laborer  into 
competition  with  the  Asiatic  laborer,  even 
If  the  \slnt1'"  floes  not  come  to  the  «horp^ 
of  1'm-  country  But  the  exclusion  of  the 
Asiatic  from  the  shores  of  this  country  will 


APPENDIX 


211 


ist  Party  of  America  should  consider 
ve  all  the  interests  of  those  native  and 
eign  working  class  citizens  whose  eco- 
nic  and  political  class  organizations  are 
tined  to  be  the  dominant  elements  in  the 
ial  revolution  of  this  country. 
n  the  United  States  this  means  neces- 
•ily  the  enforcement  of  the  existing  ex- 
sion  laws  against  Asiatic  laborers,  and 
:  amendment  of  these  laws  in  such  a  way 
,t  the  working  class  of  America  shall 
tify  its  strategic  position  in  the  struggle 
unst  the  capitalist  class. 
Che  majority  of  this  committee  are  not 
)Osed  to  the  social  mingling  of  races 
ough  travel,  education  and  friendly  as- 
Siation  upon  terms  of  equality.  But  we 
-,  convinced  that  the  mass  of  the  voters, 
:h  the  growth  of  social  consciousness, 
1  rather  eliminate  more  and  more  those 
rring  elements  of  social  development 
ich  interfere  with  an  orderly  and  sys- 
latic  organization  of  industrial  and  polit- 
1  democracy.  They  will  not  be  anxious 
i  intensify  the  unemployed  problem  and 
\  race  issue,  but  will  strive  to  transform 
s  international  working  class  solidarity 
m  a  Utopian  shibboleth  into  a  construc- 
e  policy.  They  will  use  their  collective 
elligence  to  reduce  the  evils  growing  out 
unemployment  and  race  feeling,  until  we 
111  be  able  to  eliminate  those  evils  alto- 
ther  and  strip  race  feeling  at  least  of  its 
italities. 

Phis  tendency  is  so  plainly  evident  to  the 
jority  of  this  committee  that  we  can 
ord  to  dispense  with  appeals  to  passion. 
is  question  will  not' be  solved  by  a  repeti- 
n  of  phrases,  but  by  a  conscious  and 
istructive  policy  which  will  enforce  it- 
f  as  an  inevitable  step  in  the  direction 
working  class  solidarity  and  Socialism 
j  world  over. 

ERNEST    UNTERMANN, 

Chairman. 
JOSHUA    WANHOPE, 
J.    STITT  WILSON, 
ROBER/T   HUNTER. 

)  MINORITY  REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE 

ON   IMMIGRATION. 
We,    the    undersigned,    propose    that    this 
ivention    endorse    the    position    taken    on 
question   of  immigration   by  the   Inter- 
tional   Congress   at   Stuttgart. 

(Signed)   MEYER   LONDON, 
(Signed)    JOHN   SPARGO, 
(Signed)   LEO.   LAUKKI. 


all  working  people  regardless  of  nationality 
or  race.  But  the  question,  Shall  the  Social- 
ist Party  in  the  principle  and  hence  in  prac- 
tice, commit  itself  to  the  policy  of  exclu- 
sion or  shall  it  not,  Comrade  Spargo  evaded 
and  so  left  it  undecided  by  declaring 
(from     the     floor)     that — 

"If  the  time  comes  when  we,  after  seri- 
ous, honest,  conscientious  and  prolonged 
effort,  have  to  say  we  have  failed  and  we 
cannot  do  it,  and  in  protection  of  ourselves 
we  must  close  the  doors  to  the  Asiatic,  I 
shall  be  ready  to  close  the  doors.  If  it 
comes  to  the  time  when  we  must  close  the 
door  to  the  Italian,  I  shall  be  ready  to 
close  the  door.  If  the  time  comes  when  we 
have  got  to  close  the  door  against  men  of 
my  own  race,  I  shall  say:  We  must  close 
the  door.     But  that  time  is  not  yet." 

The  majority  report  declared  the  time  to 
be  here  already  and  so  the  minority  report 
was  done,  it  lost  all  its  -force  by  that  de- 
claration of  Comrade  Spargo. 

Adopting  the  substitute  resolution  pre- 
sented by  Comrade  Morris  Hillquit,  which 
totally  evaded  the  question  to  be  decided, 
only  demanding  that  the  party  should  com- 
bat the  mass  importation  of  contract  labor- 
ers from  all  countries,  the  congress  referred 
the  question  back  to  the  committee  with 
instructions  to  report  to  the  national  con- 
vention in  1912. 

Since  that  time  there  has  been  drafted  by 
Comrade  Ernest  Untermann  and  signed  by 
Comrades  Robert  Hunter,  Joshua  Wanhope 
and  J.  Stitt  Wilson  a  majority  report, 
which  in  the  main  follows  the  same  lines  as 
the  majority  report  to  the  congress  of  1910 
and  declares  in  favor  of  exclusional  policy. 

There  will  be  also  a  minority  report  to 
be  presented  by  Comrade  Spargo,  but  up  to 
date  it  has  not  been  sent  to  the  undersigned 
and  therefore   it  cannot  be  referred   to. 

The  demand  that  the  Socialist  Party 
should  declare  itself  in  regard  to  the  Asi- 
atic or  other  immigration'  labor  in  favor  of 
exclusion  is  based  upon  the  following  two 
assumptions: 

1.  That  the  strategic  position  of  the 
American  workiif^-  class  in  its  struggle  with 
capitalism  and  against  the  capitalist  class 
will  be  better  if  the  Asiatic  immigrant 
labor  will  be  excluded  from  the  United 
States,  or  vice  versa,  that  the  immigration 
of  Asiatic  labor  places  the  American  work- 
ing class  strategically  more  or  less  in  a 
disadvantageous  position  to  successfully 
combat  the  American  capitalist  class,  to 
maintain  its  standard  of  living,  or  better 
its   conditions. 

2.  That  the  Asiatic  laborers  in  contra- 
distinction to  the  laborers  of  all  other  na- 
tionalities immigrating  tcf  United  States 
are  racially  unable  to  be  arrayed  in  the 
ranks  of  American  working  class  against 
the  capitalist  exploitation  and  oppression; 
that  in  regard  of  them  it  is  impossible  for 
our  party  to  accept  the  same  policy  as  in 
reeard  of  other  immigrant  nationalities — ■ 
the  Scandinavians,  the  Slavs,  the  Southern 
Europeans,  the  Balkans  and  others;  that 
we  cannot  accept  the  policy  of  organizing 
the  Asiatics  economically  and  politically, 
because  they  are  of  a  "backward  race." 

According  to  the  first  assumption  the 
American  working  class  with  the  purpose 
to  gain  the  most  advantageous  strategic 
position  against  the  capitalist  class  should 
seclude  itself  from  the  competition  of  Asi- 
atic labor  by  trying  to  erect  barriers,  real 
"Chinese  walls,"  in  the  form  of  exclusion 
laws  against  the  Asiatic  working  men  and 
women  compelled  by  the  iron  laws  of  eco- 
nomic  evolution   to   leave    their   native   land. 

At  the  same  time  it  shows  the  folly  of 
assuming  that  "an  international  question 
can   be   solved    through    national    seclusion." 


F 


212 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


It  is  the  irony  of  fate  that,  the  same  na- 
tion that  has  been  the  foremost  tool  of  cap- 
italist evolution  in  breaking  down  the  hun- 
dred years'  old  walls  of  China  by  opening 
its  ports  and  gates  for  the  European  and 
American  merchandise,  capital,  money  and 
labor  and  so  teaching  the  Asiatics  the 
omnipotence  of  economic  evolution,  teaching 
them  that  their  great  walls  and  seclusion 
avail  to  nothing  before  international  cap- 
italism, it  is  really  a  big  irony  of  fate  that 
now  the  same  nation  in  these  days  of  the 
triumph  of  international  capitalism  over 
the  thousand  years  old  seclusional  culture 
of  China  in  the  Chinese  revolution,  takes  up 
that  worn  idea  from  the  Chinese  and  yells: 
"We  want  seclusion!"  We  want  a  Chinese 
wall  around  the  dear  United  States  to  keep 
out  all  those  foreigners  to  save  our  culture 
and  our  standard  of  living  from  their  de- 
stroying competition." 

There  are  many  reasons  which  prove  that 
the  working  class  cannot  successfully  fight 
capitalism  isolated,  secluded  in  national  or 
other  units,  closed  between  national  boun- 
daries, and  the  main  reason  is,  that  the  eco- 
nomic evolution  does  not  tolerate  any  bar- 
riers and  boundaries.  It  leaps  over  them— ^ 
they  may  have  been  constructed  of  the  best 
kind  of  steel  and  beaten  or  written  in  as 
many  statute  books  as  there  are  in  the 
United  States.  For  the  capitalism  of  the 
present  day  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  only  a 
pond  and  the  keeping  of  Asiatic  laborers  on 
that  side  of  the  Pacific  has  almost  as  much 
meaning  economically  for  the  strategic 
position  of  the  American  working  class  as 
were  the  Asiatics  living  in  Canada. 

The  idea  that  seclusion  will  give  a  na- 
tion an  advantage  in  its  relation  to  other 
nations  is  as  old  as  the  earth,  and  evolu- 
tion has  always  shown  it  to  be  fallacious. 

So  in  the  history  of  social  life  this  idea 
has  been  many  times  tried  and  shown  to  be 
Utopian,  conservative  and  often  reactionary 
in  its/  workings.  The  many  communistic 
societies  of  last  century  tried  here  and  in 
Europe  were  only  unsuccessful  experiments 
with  this  idea  of  solving  the  social  ques- 
tion by  seclusion  from  the  whole  outer 
world,  isolated  from  it  in  all  possible  ways. 

Also  the  "closed  for  non-relatives  and 
for  non-acquaintances,  pure  and  simple, 
craft  unions"  are  another  experiment  with 
this  seclusion  idea,  and  the  McNamara  case 
shows  how  successfully  it  works.  The 
whole  American  Federation  of  Labor  can  be 
said  to  lack  force  and  power  only  because  it 
is  ridden  by  the  idea  that  as  many  workers 
as  possible  should  be  out  of  its  unions. 
"Let  us  exclude  as  many  as  possible  from 
our  trade  and  our  union  and  we  can  main- 
tain our  wage  scale,"  is  the  slogan  of  every 
craft  union.  And  what  is  economic  evolu- 
tion now  teaching  to  the  isolated  craftsmen 
who  have  secluded  themselves  behind  their 
big  initiation  fees?  Every  one  of  you  knows. 
May  it  only  be  said  here  that  the  idea  of 
excluding  the  Asiatic  laborers  from  Amer- 
ica is  the  same  idea  and  emanates  before 
this  convention  from  the  garbage  pile  of 
outworn  ideas  of  the  A.  F.  of  L. 

In  the  class  struggle  the  working  class 
gets  its  strength  and  power  relative  to  the 
capitalist  class  from  the  industrial  evolu- 
tion. It  gets  it  from  the  position  it  holds 
in  the  industrial  production  and  distribu- 
tion, from  the  dependence  of  the  social  life 
upon  it,  and  hot  from  the  racial  or  national 
character  of  the  working  class.  If  the  eco- 
nomic evolution  of  a  nation  is  backward, 
its  working  people  have  very  little  power 
and  strength;  it  may  then,  nationally  and 
linguistically,  be  as  homogeneous  a  whole 
as  can  be,  e.  g.,  the  Japanese  working  class. 
Vice  versa,  a  working  class  nationally  het- 


erogeneous can  be  unconquerable  if  onll 
is  in  a  commanding  economic  relatioil 
the  capitalist  class  and  to  society  aS 
whole;   for   example,    Lawrence,   Mass. 

Therefore,  the  American  working  cl 
can  as  well  maintain  its  position  aga:; 
the  capitalists,  better  its  conditions  , 
force  the  enemy  out  of  business  be  tr. 
Asiatic  workers  in  its  ranks  or  not.  ' 
industrial  position  it  occupies,  and  t 
only,  gives  it  all  the  force  it  needs.  ] 
at  the  same  time  this  same  industrial  € 
lution  can  transform  the  Asiatic  immigr 
laborer  to  an  American  industrial  pr< 
tarian  by  forcing  him  ahead  in  the  fi 
against  capitalism,  by  forcing  him  to  1 
the  forces  working  for  the  organizat 
education  and  emancipation  of  the  pr 
tariat,  by  forcing  him  to  be  just  as  wor 
an  ally  to  the  American  workers  of 
other  nationalities  as  they  are  to  e 
other.  The  Asiatics  when  thrown  into 
industrial  mills  of  America  cannot  fore 
remain  Asiatic's;  they  will  get  the  habits 
the  American  industrial  worker;  they  J 
undergo  the  same  sufferings  in  the  same  ] 
and  so  into  their  hearts  will  grow  the  se 
hatred  and  the  same  desires  as  in 
hearts  of  the  Western  workers.  Econo 
life  itself  arrays  them  against  capitali 
THEY  CAN  AND  THEY  WILL  BE  ( 
GANIZED  AGAINST  THE  CAPITAL! 
CLASS,  BOTH  IN  THEIR  NATIVE  LA 
AND  IN  AMERICA,  EVERYWHE: 
WHERE  THEY  BECOME  INDUSTR] 
PROLETARIATS. 

To  understand  that  this  policy  of  sec 
sion  will  not  at  all  strengthen  the  stn 
gical  position  of  the  American  work 
class  relative  to  its  exploiter,  we  m 
only  think  what  an  absurdity  it  would 
to  claim  that  if  the  Asiatics  were  exclu 
from  the  United  tStates,  the  standard 
living  of  the  American  working  class  wc 
rise,  the  American  workers  would  then 
able  to  win  so  and  so  much  concessi 
from  their  exploiter,  the  international  ce 
talism.  Everyone  understands  that  con: 
tition  of  Asiatic  labor  in  America  does 
decide  the  wages  and  the  standard  of 
ing  of  the  American  working  class, 
that  the  mode  of  production  and  distri 
tion,  the  evolution  of  the  industrial  I 
decides  it.  If  the  industrial  life  devel 
in  the  direction  that  it  does  not  need 
ntelligent,  well-fed  and  well-educa 
labor  power  as  before,  the  wages 
standard  of  living  will  go  down;  capi 
ism  will  force  them  down  either  by  us 
cheap  paid  foreigners  or  native  labor, 
women  and  children.  And  vice  versa, 
the  industrial  evolution  develops  in  sue) 
way  as  to  necessitate  general  forward  e 
lution  of  the  proletariat,  demands  more  i 
more  intelligence,  education,  physical  J 
psychical  power  of  the  working  class, 
we  socialists  believe  that  it  does  and  u] 
which  scientific  knowledge  all  our  hope 
the  future  supremacy  of  working  class 
lies,  in  that  the  standard  of  living  can 
be  forced  down  by  immigrant  labor  cc 
petition  or  otherwise.  On  the  contra 
the  industrial  life  will  raise  the  immign 
labor  to  the  same  higher  standard  dema: 
ed  by  the  economical  production  its* 
All  the  talk  that  the  Asiatics  force  do 
the  standard  of  living  of  the  Amerh 
working  class  is  only  an  acho  from 
disappearing  of  the  craftsman  before 
industrial  worker.  While  that  is  a  ft 
it  does  not  mean  that  the  standard  of  1 
ing  of  the  whole  American  working  cl; 
is  going  down.  On  the  contrary,  it  is 
craft  worker  who,  with  his  seclusion  ide 
is  swept  aside  by  the  industrial  evolut 
and    who,     not    understanding    this    evo 


APPENDIX 


213 


,  like  a  King  Canute,  tries,  by  all  kinds 
silly   means,   to   bid   the   tide  of   evolu- 
i    stay   back,    and   so    he   also   yells   out 
the   wide   world,    "Look   here,    what   the 
atics     do;     they     force     down     our     (he 
sn't  say  "my")   standard  of  living.     Ex- 
ile   them!"     And    the    echo    (the    merely 
e  catchers)  answers,  "Really,  they  force 
/n  the  standard  of  living  of  the  Ameri- 
working   class.      Exclude    them!"      And 
3  they  call  scientific  Socialism! 
'o  prove  this,  it  suffices  only  to  mention 
fact   that   the   common   laborers   in    the 
stern    States,    where    this   Asiatic    immi- 
.tion  is  acute,   in  general  do  not  join   in 
cry,    "Exclude   the  Asiatics."     They   do 
even  give  any  notice  to  the  whole  ques- 
n;  it  does  not  exist  for  them.     The  same 
)lies    to    the    foreigners,    at    least    to    the 
mish   laborers    working    in    the    Pacific 
ist    mines,    sawmills,    lumber   camps   and 
fishers.      They    haven't    any    such    silly 
as  that  especially  the  Asiatics  lower  the 
ndard  of  living  of  the  American  working 
ss.    When  they  lack  work  and  fair  wages 
;y  seek  for  the  reasons  elsewhere,  in  the 
lustrial  conditions  of  the  time  and  in  the 
t   that   the  native-born   workers,   for  the 
ison  of  their  isolated  craft's  position,  are 
jping  the  American  working  class  weak; 
is   in  a  state  of  almost  paradoxical   dis- 
janization  and  conservatism. 
For  us  Socialists   it  is  not   merely   senti- 
ntalism    to    believe    that    the    industrial 
oletariat,  be  he  of  what  race  or  national- 
whatever,  will  be  arrayed  and  organized 
ainst    capitalism    to    fight    the    capitalist 
iss  "both  economically  and  politically;  but 
is  a  scientific  fact,  upon  which  our  whole 
jvement  is  founded,  and  it  has  by  history, 
st  and  present,  so  amply  been  proven  to 
true,  that  there  is  needed  an  overwhelm- 
gr  mass  of  facts  to  overthrow  it,  and  not 
srely    assumptions,    which    are    the    main 
ntent  of  the  majority  report  to  this  and 
e  preceding  convention. 
Our  party  must  remember,  before  the  pol- 
jr  presented  by  the  majority  report  can  be 
irranted,  that  both  it  and  the  unions  have 
tie   practically    nothing   in    regard   to    the 
aiatic    laborers    in    the    other    way.      They 
ive  not  even  tried  to  organize  the  Asiatic 
borers,  any  more  than  they  have  tried  to 
ganize   the   other  foreign   workeVs   of   the 
nited   States,   and   still   they  have  courage 
claim  that  the  Asiatics  canno't  be  organ- 


ized. At  least  before  our  party  in  this  ques- 
tion can  refute  its  basic  principles  and  de- 
clare itself  in  favor  of  a  policy  which  is 
mainly  sought  for  only  by  the  blind  clamors 
of  disappearing  craft  workers  and  small 
traders  of  the  Pacific  coast,  it  must  try  the 
other  way;  it  must  try  to  reach  the  Asiat- 
ics as  well  as  all  other  nationalities  in  the 
United  States  by  its  ideas  and  organization. 

Therefore  the  only  recommendation  that 
can  be  made  to  this  convention  in  regard  to 
the  Asiatic  laborer  is: 

"That  the  Socialist  party  place  an  organ- 
izer among  these  Asiatic  workers  who  can 
speak  their  languages  and  in  every  other 
way  try  to  help  the  Asiatics  to  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  Socialist  ideas  and  move- 
ment and  to  form  a  national  Asiatic  Social- 
ist organization  along  the  same  lines  that 
the  other  nationalities  are  organized. 

"That  the  Socialist  party  declare  itself  in 
opposition  to  the  discrimination  against 
Asiatic  workers,  politically  or  otherwise, 
and  demand  for  them  the  same  civil  and 
political  rights  which  it  demands  for  other 
races  and  nationalities  in  the  United 
States." 

What  becomes  of  the  fact  that  Asiatics 
as  well  as  other  foreign  and  native  work- 
ers, especially  women  and  children,  are  ex- 
ploited by  the  American  capitalists  as  so- 
called  cheap  labor,  to  replace  the  higher 
paid  craft  workers  and  so  throwing  them 
out  into  the  ranks  of  the  industrial  prole- 
tariat? It  cannot  be  hindered  in  the  least 
by  any  reactionary  policy  of  the  dying  semi- 
bourgeoisie  and  craftsmen.  But  this  cheap 
paid  industrial  proletariat  can  be  hindered 
from  selling  its  labor  power  too  cheap;  it 
can  and  it  will  be  induced  to  raise  its 
standard  of  wages,  to  better  its  working 
and  living  conditions  by  the  general  policy 
of  our  party,  of  which  the  most  effective 
in  this  regard  will  be  the  demand — 

For  a  general  eight-hour  working  day. 

For  a  minimum  wage  scale. 

It  will  be  self-evident  that  when  the 
length  of  the  day  and  the  compensation  for 
the  work  are  stipulated  by  general  laws, 
backed  and  enforced  by  the  workers  them- 
selves, there  will  be  no  possibility  nor  rea- 
son for  any  capitalist  to  employ  cheap 
labor.  The  effects  of  the  cheap  labor  will 
disappear  only  in  this  way. 

LEO  LAUKKI. 


V 


214 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


APPENDIX  K 


Report  of  Committee  on  Municipal  and  State  Program. 


PREAMBLE. 

Socialism  cannot  be  carried  into  full  ef- 
fect while  the  Socialist  Party  is  a  minority 
party.  Nor  can  it  be  inaugurated  in  any 
single  city.  Furthermore,  so  long  as  na- 
tional and  state  legislatures  and  particu- 
larly the  courts  are  in  the  control  of  the 
capitalist  class,  a  municipal  administration 
even  though  absolutely  controlled  by  Social- 
ists, will  be  hampered,  crippled  and  restrict- 
ed in  every  possible  way. 

We  maintain  that  the  evils  of  the  present 
system  will  be  removed  only  when  the 
working  class  wholly  abolish  private  own- 
ership in  the  social  means  of  production, 
collectively  assume  the  management  of  the 
industries  and  operate  them  for  use  and  not 
for  profit,  for  the  benefit  of  all  and  not  for 
the  enrichment  of  a  privileged  class.  In 
this  the  Socialist  Party  stands  alone  in  the 
political  field. 

But  the  Socialist  Party  also  believes  that 
the  evils  of  the  modern  system  may  be 
materially  relieved  and  their  final  disap- 
pearance may  be  hastened  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  social,  political  and  economic  meas- 
ures which  will  have  the  effect  of  bettering 
the  lives,  strengthening  the  position  of  the 
workers  and  curbing  the  power  and  domi- 
nation of  the  capitalists. 

The  Socialist  Party  therefore  supports 
the  struggles  of  the  working  class  against 
the  exploitation  and  oppression  of  the  capi- 
talist class,  and  is  vitally  concerned  in  the 
efficiency  of  the  parliamentary  and  adminis- 
trative means  for  tKe  fighting  of  the  class 
struggle. 

Furthermore,  it  should  be  distinctly  un- 
derstood that  the  following  suggested  mu- 
nicipal and  state  program  is  not  put  forth 
as  mandatory  or  binding  upon  the  state  or 
local  organizations.  It  is  offered  as  sug- 
gestive data  t'o  assist  those  localities  that 
may  desire  to  use  it,  and  as  a  basis  for  the 
activities  of  Socialist  members  of  state  leg- 
islatures and  local  administrations. 

STATE  PROGRAM. 
I. 

Labor  Legislation. 

(1)  An  eight-hour  day,  trades  union 
scale  and  minimum  wage  for  both  sexes. 

(2)  Legalization  of  the  right  to  strike, 
picket  and  boycott. 

(3)  Abolition  of  the  injunction  as  a 
means  of  breaking  strikes  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  trial  by  jury  in  all  labor  dis- 
putes. 

(4)  Prohibition  of  the  use  of  the  military 
and  the  police  power  to  break  strikes. 

(5)  Prohibition  of  the  employment  of 
private  detective  agencies  and  police  forces 
in  labor  disputes. 

(6)  The  repeal  of  all  military  law  which 
surrenders  the  power  of  the  governor  over 
the  militia  to  the  federal  authorities. 

(7)  Requirements  that  in  time  of  labor 
disputes  advertisements  for  help  published 


by  employers  shall  contain  notice  of  tl 
fact  that  such  labor  dispute  exists.  Provl 
sion  to  be  made  for  the  prosecution  of  pel 
sons  who  shall  employ  workers  without  in 
forming  them  that  such  labor  troubl 
exists. 

(8)  Prohibition  of  employment  of  ohil 
dren  under  the  age  of  sixteen,  compulsor} 
education,  and  the  pensioning  of  widow 
with  minor  children  where  such  provisioi 
is  necessary. 

(9)  The  organization  of  state  employ 
ment  agencies  and  rigid  control  of  privafc 
agencies. 

(10)  Suitable  safeguards  and  sanitar: 
regulations  in  all  occupations  with  ampl< 
provision  for  frequent  and  effective  inspeo 
tion  of  places  of  employment,  machinery 
and  appliances. 

(llj  Old  age  pensions,  sick  benefits  an( 
accident  insurance  to  be  established. 

(12)     Workingmen's     compensation    laws 
to  be  carefully  drawn  to  protect  labor. 
II. 
Home  rule  for  cities. 
III. 
Public   Education. 

(1)  Compulsory  education  of  both  sexes 
up  to  the  age  of  sixteen  years  with  ade 
quate  provision  for  further  courses  when 
desired. 

(2)  Establishment  of  vocational  anc 
continuation  schools  and  manual  trainini 
for  both  sexes. 

(3)  Free  text  books  for  teachers  anc 
pupils;  uniform  text  books  on  all  subjects 
to  be  furnished  free  to  public  schools. 

(4)  Physical  training  through  system 
atic  courses  of  gymnastics  and  open  air  ex 
ercises.     Open  air  schools  and  playgrounds 

IV. 
TAXATION. 

(1)  A  graduated  income  tax;  wages  anc 
salaries   up  to   $2,000   to  be  exempt. 

(2)  Graduated  inheritance  tax. 

(3)  All  land  held  for  speculation  and  al 
land  not  occupied  or  used  by  the  owners 
to  be  taxed  up  to  full  rental  value. 

V. 
PUBLIC    WORKS    AND    CONSERVATION 

(1)  For  the  purpose  of  developing  anc 
preserving  the  natural  resources  of  the 
state  and  offering  additional  opportunities- 
of  labor  to  the  unemployed,  the  states  shall 
undertake  a  comprehensive  system  of  pub- 
lic works,  such  as  the  building  of  roads 
canals,  and  the  reclamation  and  irrigatior 
of  land.  All  forests,  mineral  lands,  watei 
ways  and  natural  resources  now  owned  bj 
the  states  to  be  conserved  and  kept  for  pub- 
lic use. 

(2)  The  contract  system  shall  be  abol- 
ished in  all  public  works,  such  work  to  b€ 
done  by  the  state  directly,  all  labor  to  be 
employed    not    more    than    eight    hours    per 


APPENDIX 


ay   at    trade    union    wages    and    under   the 
jest  possible  working  conditions. 
VI. 
LEGISLATION. 

(1)  The  legislature  of  the  state  to  con- 
ist   of   one   house    of   representatives. 

(2)  The  initative,  referendum  and  re- 
all  to  be  enacted. 

VII. 
EQUAL    SUFFRAGE. 

(1)  Unrestricted  political  rights  for 
men  and  women. 

(2)  Resident  qualification  for  all  elec- 
tions not  to  exceed  90   days. 

(3)  The  right  to  vote,  not  to  be  contin- 
gent upon  the  payment  of  any  taxes,  either 
In  money  or  labor. 

VIII. 
AGRICULTURE. 

(1)  Extension  of  the  State  Agricultural 
and  experimental  farms  for  crop  culture, 
for  the  distribution  of  improved  seeds,  for 
the  development  of  fertilizers,  for  the  de- 
sign and  introduction  of  the  best  types  of 
farm  machinery,  and  for  the  encouragement 
of  the  breeding  of  superior  types  of  stock. 

(2)  All  land  owned  by  the  state  to  be 
retained,  and  other  land  brought  into  pub- 
lic ownership  and  use  by  reclamation,  pur- 
chase, condemnation,  taxation  or  otherwise: 
Such  land  to  be  organized  into  socially 
operated  farms  far  the  conduct  of  collec- 
tive  agricultural    enterprises. 

(3)  Landlords  to  assess  their  own  lands, 
the  state  reserving  the  right  to  purchase 
such    lands   at    the   assessed    value. 

(4)  State  insurance  against  pestilence, 
diseases  of  animals  and  plants  and  against 
natural  calamities. 

IX. 
DEFECTIVES  AND  DELINQUENTS. 
*  (1)  The  present  unscientific  and  brutal 
method  of  treating  criminal  persons,  de- 
fectives and  delinquents  to  be  replaced  by 
modern  scientific  and  humane  methods. 
This  to  include  the  abolition  of  all  death 
penalties,  of  the  prison  contract  systeVn,  of 
isolated  confinement.  Penal  institutions  to 
be  located  in  rural  localities  with  adequate 
healthful  open  air  employment  and  hu- 
mare  treatment. 

MUNICIPAL   PROGRAM. 


LABOR    MEASURES. 

(1)  Eight  hour  day,  trade  union  wages 
and  conditions  in  all  public  employment 
and  on  all  contract  work  done  for  the  city. 

(2)  Old  age  pension,  accident  insurance 
and  sick  benefits  to  be  provided  for  all  pub- 
lic employes. 

(3)  Special  laws  for  the  protection  of 
both  women  and  children,  in  mercantile, 
domestic  and  industrial  pursuits. 

(4)  The  abolition  of  child  labor. 

(5)  Police  not  to  be  used  to  break 
strikes. 

(6)  Rieid  inspection  of  factories  by  lo- 
cal authorities  for  the  improvement  of 
sanitary  conditions,  lighting,  ventilating, 
heating  and  the  like.  Safety  appliances  re- 
quired in  all  cases  to  protect  the  worker 
;against  dangerous  machinery. 

(7)  Free  employment  bureaus  to  be  es- 
tablished in  the  cities  to  work  in  co-opera- 

Jftion  with  state  bureaus.  Abolition  of  con- 
f  tract  system  and  direct  employment  by  the 
Icity   on   all   public   works. 

(8)  Free  legal  advice. 

(9)  The   provision    of  work   for   the   un- 
4  employed   by   the    erection    of   model   dwell- 


ings for  workingmen;  the  paving  and  im- 
provement of  streets  and  alleys,  and  the 
extension  and  improvement  of  parks  and 
playgrounds. 

II. 
HOME  RULE. 
(1)  Home  rule  for  cities;  including  the 
right  of  the  City  to  own  and  operate  any 
and  all  public  utilities;  to  engage  in  com- 
mercial enterprises  of  any  and  all  kinds; 
the  right  of  excess  condemnation,  both 
within  and  outside  the  City  and  the  right 
of  two  of  more  cities  to  co-operate  in  the 
ownership  and  management  of  public  utili- 
ties; the  City  to  have  the  right  of  issuing 
bonds  for  these  purposes  up  to  50%  of  the 
assessed  valuation,  or  the  right  to  issue 
mortgage  certificates  against  the  property 
acquired,  said  certificates  not  to  count 
against  the  bonded  indebtedness  of  the  City. 

III. 
MUNICIPAL    OWNERSHIP. 

(1)  The  City  to  acquire  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  own  and  operate  its  public  utili- 
ties, especially  street  car  systems,  light, 
heat,  and  power  plants,  docks,  wharves,  etc. 

Among  the  things  which  may  be  owned 
and  operated  by  the  City  to  advantage  are 
slaughter  houses,  bakeries,  milk  depots, 
coal  and  wood  yards,  ice  plants,  undertaking 
establishments  and  crematories. 

On  all  public  works,  eight  hour  day 
trade  union  wages  and  progressive  im- 
provement in  the  condition  of  labor  to 
be  established  and  maintained. 

IV. 

CITY       PLATTING,        PLANNING       AND 

HOUSING. 

(1)  The  introduction  of  scientific  city 
planning  to  provide  Apr  the  development  of 
cities  along  the  most  sanitary,  economic 
and  attractive  lines.   ' 

(2)  The  City  to  secure  the  ownership  of 
land,  to  plat  the  same  so  as  to  provide  for 
plenty  of  open  space  and  to  erect  model 
dwellings  thereon  to  be  rented  by  the 
municipality  at  cost. 

(3)  Transportation  facilities  to  be  main- 
tained with  special  reference  to  the  pre- 
vention of  overcrowding  in  insanitary  ten- 
ements and  the  creation  of  slum  districts. 


PUBLIC   HEALTH. 

(1)  Inspection  of  food. 

(2)  Sanitary  inspection. 

(3)  Extension  of  hospital  and  free  med- 
ical treatment. 

(4)  Child  welfare  department,  to  com- 
bat infant  death  rate  prevailing  especially 
in  working  class  sections. 

(5)  Special  attention  to  eradication  of 
tuberculosis  and  other  contagious   diseases. 

(6)  System  of  street  toilets  and  public 
comfort   stations. 

(7)  Adequate  system  of  public  baths, 
parks,  playgrounds  and  gymnasiums. 

VI. 
PUBLIC    EDUCATION. 

(1)  Adequate  number  of  teachers  so 
that  classes  may  not  be  too  large. 

(2)  Retirement  fund  for  teachers. 

(3)  Kindergartens  to  be  established  and 
conducted   in  connection  with   all  schools. 

(4)  Adequate  school  buildings  to  be  pro- 
vided and  maintained. 

(5)  Ample  playgrounds  with  instructors 
in  charge. 

(6)  Free  text  books  and  equipment. 

(7)  Penny  lunches,  and  where  necessary, 
free  meals  and  clothing. 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


(8)  Medical  inspection  including  free 
service  in  the  care  of  eyes,  ears,  throat, 
teeth  and  general  health  where  necessary 
to  insure  mental  efficiency  in  the  educa- 
tional work,  and  special  inspection  to  pro- 
tect the  schools  from  contagion. 

(9)  Baths  and  gymnasiums  in  each 
school. 

(10)  Establishment  of  vacation  schools 
and   adequate    night    schools    for   adults.   \ 

(11)  All  school  buildings  to  be  open  or 
available  for  the  citizens  of  their  respective 
communities,  at  any  and  all  times  and  for 
any  purposes  desired  by  the  citizens,  so 
long  as  such  use  does  not  interfere  with 
the  regular  school  work.  All  schools  to 
serve  as  centers  for  social,  civic  and  rec- 
reational purposes. 

VII. 
THE  LIQUOR   TRAFFIC  AND  VICE. 

(1)  Socialization  of  the  liquor  traffic; 
the  city  to  offer  as  substitute  for  the  so- 
cial features  of  the  saloon,  opportunities 
for  recreation  and  amusement,  under  whole- 
some conditions. 

(2)  Abolition  of  the  restricted  vice  dis- 
tricts. 

VIII. 
MUNICIPAL  MARKETS. 
Municipal     markets     to     be     established 
where  it  is  found  that  by  this  means  a  re- 
duction may  be  secured  in  the  cost  of  the 
necessities   of  life. 

PERMANENT  COMMITTEE  ON  MUNICI- 
PAL AND  STATE  PROGRAM 
RECOMMENDED. 
Tour  committee  would  recommend  that 
the  Convention  appoint  a  permanent  com- 
mittee of  seven  on  state  and  municipal 
affairs.  The  purpose  of  the  committee  to 
be  to  study  the  problems  involved  in  muni- 
cipal and  state  legislation,  collect  informa- 
tion and  data  bearing  thereon  and  to  sub- 
mit to  the  next  National  Congress  sugges- 
tions and  recommendations  for  municipal 
and  state  activities  and  program.  The 
committee  should  have  power  to  fill  vacan- 
cies that  may  occur  on  their  committee. 

STUDY  OF  UNEMPLOYMENT  RECOM- 
MENDED. 

The  Committee  on  Municipal  and  State 
Program,  to  which  was  referred  the  follow- 
ing resolution  relative  to  the  study  of  the 
problem  of  the  unemployed,  unanimously 
recommended  its   adoption: 

By  Winfield  R.  Gaylord,  of  Wisconsin. 

Whereas,  The  problem  of  unemployment 
has  been  recognized  by  reports  of  federal 
and  state  authorities  to  be  one  of  the  pri- 
mary problems  of  our  civilization;  and 

Whereas,  The  formulation  of  definite  de- 
mands for  the  remedying  of  the  conditions 
of  unemployment  must  be  based  upon  defi- 
nite information  as  to  the  conditions  and 
facts  of  unemployment  in  this  country;  and 

Whereas,  Labor  organizations  in  other 
countries  have  established  a  statistical 
basis  of  the  facts  relating  to  the  unemploy- 
ment of  their  own  members  and  the  work- 
ers in  their  respective  industries,  which 
facts  have  become  the  basis  of  a  definite 
program  for  the  relief  of  the  unemployed 
by  means  of  state  and  municipal  aid  and 
the  institution  of  national  channels  for  re- 
ducing unemployment;  and 

Whereas,  There  is  no  body  of  information 
available  relating  to  the  conditions  of  em- 
ployment in  the  organized  industries,  so 
far  as  the  offices  of  the  national  interna- 
tional unions  are  concerned,  and  only  two 
or   three   states   have   undertaken   any   seri- 


ous investigation  of  the  facts  relating  to 
this  subject;  now,  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved.  That  the  Socialist  Party  does 
hereby  urge  upon  the  various  state  organi- 
zations the  imperative  necessity  of  pressing 
the  matter  of  an  official  investigation  by 
state  authorities  of  the  facts  and  condi- 
tions of  unemployment  in  the  various  states 
of  the  union,  upon  some  uniform  basis  as 
to  method;  and  be  it  also 

Resolved,  That  the  Socialist  Party  also 
urges  upon  the  executive  heads  of  the 
various  labor  organizations  the  importance 
of  keeping  and  tabulating  accurate  records 
of  the  conditions  of  employment  in  their 
respective  trades  and  industries  upon  some 
common  and  uniform  basis  as  to  method. 
Be  it  also 

Resolved,  That  the  National  Secretary  of 
the  Socialist  Party  be  instructed  to  forward 
copies  of  these  resolutions  to  the  secre- 
taries of  the  various  labor  organizations 
and  federations,  state,  national  and  inter- 
national. 

ESTABLISHMENT   OF  LEGISLATIVE 
BUREAU    RECOMMENDED. 

The  Committee  on  Municipal  and  State 
Program,  to  which  was  referred  the  fol- 
lowing resolution  relative  to  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Legislative  Bureau,  introduced 
by  W.  R.  Gaylord  of  Wisconsin,  unanimous- 
ly recommend  its  adoption: 

Whereas,  It  is  more  than  likely  that 
there  will  be  representatives  of  the  Social- 
ist Party  in  twelve  or  more  state  legisla- 
tures after  the  fall  elections;  with  scores 
of  municipal  officers  already  elected  and 
scores  more  to  be  elected;  and 

Whereas,  The  majority  of  these  repre- 
sentatives will  be  without  adequate  in- 
formation or  aid  in  the  preparation  of 
proper  material  for  their  legislative  work 
in  most  of  the  states;  and 

Whereas,  It  is  desirable  that  there  should 
be  as  far  as  possible  a  unity  of  purpose  and 
program  in  the  work  of  the  various  So- 
cialist legislative  groups,  which  can  be 
attained  only  by  securing  some  definite 
method  and  channel  of  co-operation  to  that 
end;  and 

Whereas,  It  is  impossible  even  now  for 
the  Socialist  municipal  officers  and  mem- 
bers of  legislative  groups  having  expe- 
rience to  comply  with  the  demands  made 
upon  them  in  this  direction;  now,  therefore, 
be  it 

Resolved,  That  there  shall  be  created  a 
department  which  shall  be  known  as  the 
Legislative  Bureau  of  the  Socialist  Party, 
to  be  placed  in  charge  of  a  capable  secre- 
tary with  adequate  training  for  that  work; 
the  salaries  and  expenses  of  the  office  to  be 
regulated  by  the  N.  E.  C.     Be  it  further 

Resolved,  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of 
this  bureau  to  secure  all  possible  informa- 
tion from  sources  in  this  and  other  coun- 
tries, such  as  shall  be  of  help  to  the  vari- 
ous state  and  municipal  elected  officials  of 
the  Socialist  Party,  and  to  furnish  this  in- 
formation on  request  to  these  officials  or 
to  other  local,  state  or  national  officers  of 
the  Socialist  Party;  and  to  render  such  aid 
as  may  be  convenient  in  the  matter  of 
drafting  legislative   propositions. 

RESOLUTIONS  REFERRED  TO  THE 
COMMITTEE. 
Your  committee  on  municipal  and  state 
program  to  which  was  referred  the  follow-  ; 
iner  resolution  by  Comrade  Simmons  of 
New  York,  proposing  that  the  National 
Convention  adopt  the  general  plan  of  So- 
cialist control  proposed  by  Local  Glenville, 
New  York,  would  recommend  that  the  same 
be  referred  to  the  permanent  committee  on 


APPENDIX  217 

licipal    and    state    program    for    further       "Gel  al    Plan    of    Socialist    Control"    pro 

sideration  and  later  recommendation:  pos<  by    Local    Glenville,    of   the   Socialist 

■~r  .»,  -^.^T,   o,^o.T  a  t  rem  /-amttjat  par  be  endorsed  and  adopted. 

PLAN  FOR  SOCIALIST  C^Trr^OL.  Respectfully  submitted- 


\^ 


Whereas,     Socialists    are     cr 
ached  for  having-  no  v. 
ure  in  taking  over  +v,° 


re-  CARL   D.    THOMPSON,   Chairman. 

tro-  ANNA   A.    MALEY, 

luc-  JOHN   C.   KENNEDY, 


.  and  distribution,  a.  /  THOS.  M.  TODD, 

Vhereas,  The   increasing   ,/     .oipatit      of  _. 

ialists  in  Government  m»   ~-d  the  fori.   1-  w-    w-   MKMfiK. 

on    of    some    definite    plan    of    Social- 1  GEO.  W.  DOWNING, 

trol    more    and    more    imperative  MARGUERITE    PREVEY, 

iesolved,     By     the     Socialist     Party     o*.  ERNEST    BERGER, 

ierica  in   convention   assembled   that   the  R.  E.  DOOLEY. 


f 


218 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


APPENDIX  L 


Report  of  National  Secretary. 


To  the  National  Convention  of  the  Socialist 
Party: 

Dear  Comrades: — I  submit  a  summary  of 
the  principal  phases  of  our  party's  progress, 
together  with  recommendations  for  the 
future. 

FINANCES. 

A  complete  record  of  the  finances  of  the 
National  Office  is  to  be  found  in  the  month- 
ly financial  statements  contained  in  the 
Monthly  Bulletins,  in  the  annual  reports 
made  at  the  close  of  each  year  and  in  the 
audits  published  from  time  to  time.  I  shall 
not  repeat  the  figures  here. 

LITERATURE. 
*    The  average  amount  of  money  per  month 
received   at   the    National   Office    for   litera- 
ture, as  far  back  as  the  records  show,  is  as 
follows: 

1904  average   per  month %    349.99 

1905  average   per    month 42.23 

1906  average    per    month 188.49 

1907  average    per    month 117.84 

1908  average   per   month.. ! 498.38 

1909  average    per   month 142.86 

1910  average    per    month 481.41 

1911  average    per    month 663.95 

1912  average  for  first  three  months  1,158.30 
Thus  far  in  1912  the  National  Office  pub- 
lished   the   following   literature: 

300,000  National  Platforms. 

1,000,000  copies  of  "The  Growing  Grocery 
Bill,"  by  Allan  L.   Benson. 

2,000,000   leaflets. 

It  is  my  opinion  that  the  greatest  mis- 
sion of  the  National  Office  in  the  future  is 
to  be  the  publisher  and  disseminator  of  So- 
cialist Literature.  Such  activity  is  distinct- 
ly a  national  matter.  The  only  question 
involved  is  whether  it  shall  be  done  by  pri- 
vate concerns  or  by  the  organization.  In 
the  annual  report  in  January  I  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  National  Office  ought 
to  become  the  greatest,  if  not  the  only, 
publisher  of  Socialist  literature.  The  only 
objections  I  have  heard  since  then  have 
come  from  private  publishers.  Their  osten- 
sible reason  for  objecting  is  that  it  might 
result  in  paternalism  within  the  party. 
This  is  identically  the  same  objection 
which  our  enemies  make  against  Socialism. 
And  it  is  equally  as  fallacious.  Just  as  we 
propose  to  prevent  Socialism  from  develop- 
ing paternalism  by  surrounding  it  with 
safeguards,  so  also  we  can  and  will  prevent 
the  party  from  developing  paternalism  by 
surrounding  it  with  safeguards.  It  is  al- 
ready surrounded  with  safeguards,  for  that 
matter,  but  if  we  need  more,  let  us  have 
more,  instead  of  trying  to  make  the  clock 
of  progress  run  backward. 

There  need  not  be  the  slightest  hostility 
toward  the  private  publishers.  The  Na- 
tional  Office   should   absorb   them   on   terms 


which  will  be  fair  to  all.  It  is  a  waste  < 
time  and  energy  to  investigate  the  privai 
concerns,  except  in  so  far  as  it  calls  attel 
tion  to  the  fact  that  the  party  should  I 
its  own  publisher.  They  have  done  goc 
work,  and  the  party  has  no  right  to  obje< 
to  their  activities  so  long  as  it  does  n< 
supply  the  demand  for  literature  itself. 

When  the  National  Office  goes  into  tl 
literature  business  in  earnest,  the  privai 
publishers  will  come  to  it,  asking  to  be  al 
sorbed.  They  can  no  more  compete  wit 
the  National  Office  than  a  private  postofflx 
could   compete  with   the  government. 

The  National  Constitution  already  autho; 
izes  the  publishing  of  Socialist  literatui 
by  the  National  Office.  Unless  the  convei 
tion  takes  action  to  the  contrary,  it  will  1 
taken  for  granted  that  the  constitution  ah 
authorizes  the  installation  of  a  printin 
plant  by  the  National  Office  in  order  to  pul 
lish  literature  to  better  advantage,  in  ca$ 
it  should  be  more  economical.  It  will  ui 
doubtedly,  be  more  economical  if  the  li 
erature  business  of  the  office  is  expand* 
as  herein  suggested. 

ORGANISATION    AND   AGITATION. 

Of  late,  in  order  not  to  interfere  with  a: 
rangements  made  by  the  state  organizs 
tions,  the  dates  for  national  lecturers  ar 
organizers  have  not  been  made  by  the  Ns 
tional  Office,  except  in  cases  of  foreig 
speaking  organizers  whose  dates  have  bee 
arranged  bv  the  National  Translator-Secr< 
taries.  The  plan  has  been  to  assign  orgai 
izers  to  states  where  needed,  the  Nations 
Office  paying  the  deficits. 

At  the  time  of  the  national  congress  < 
1910,  six  of  the  states  were  unorganizei 
namely:  Delaware,  Virginia,  North  Can 
lina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia  and  Missii 
sippi.  Virginia  became  an  organized  stal 
in  October,  1910;  Georgia,  in  Januar; 
1911;  Mississippi,-  in  July,  1911,  and  Nort 
Carolina,  in  March,  1912. 

Of  the  two  remaining  unorganized  state 
Delaware  has  six  locals. 

South  Carolina  has  nine  locals  and  eigl 
members    at    large.      It    is    probable   that 
state  organization  will  be  formed  soon. 

The  unorganized  territory  of  Alaska  ha 
fourteen  locals  and  four  members  at  larg 
It  is  probable  that  a  territorial  organiz? 
tion  will  be  formed  there  soon. 

In/ January,  1912,  the  District  of  Colun 
bia /separated  from  the  State  organizatio 
of  Maryland  and  received  a  charter  of  it 
own,  having  the  same  rights  as  a  state  oi 
ganization. 

In  Porto  Rico  we  have  one  local. 

In  the  Canal  Zone  we  have  a  number  c 
members   at   large. 

LYCEUM    DEPARTMENT. 
The    lyceum    subscription    lecture    cours 
plan    has    been    very    successful    from    th 


APPENDIX 


tandpoint  of  education  and  from  the 
standpoint  of  organization.  It  has  put 
housands  of  Socialist  books  and  pam- 
>hlets  into  circulation.  It  has  put  thousands 
>f  subscriptions  on  the  mailing  lists  of  tne 
socialist  publications.  It  has  attracted 
housands  of  new  hearers  to  listen  to  an 
jxplanation  of  what  Socialism  is,  what  it 
las  done,  and  what  it  proposes  to  do.  And 
t  has  increased  the  membership  and  the 
•fflciency  of  the  locals  adopting  it.  The 
greatest  credit  must  be  given  to  L.  E. 
tatterfeld,    head   of   the   department. 

Whether  or  not  the  lyceum  plan  shall  be 
ontinued  depends  upon  the  policy  to  be 
idopted  by  the  convention.  If  the  conven- 
ion  decides  that  the  lecture  work  should 
>e  handled  by  the  National  Office,  it  should 
je  continued.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
convention  decides  that  lecture  work  should 
ye  in  the  hands  of  the  state  organizations, 
:he  National  Office  should  entirely  cease 
.ouring  any  speakers  except  the  candidates 
"or  president  and  vice-president  and  foreign 
speaking   lecturers  and   organizers. 

I  can  see  good  arguments  on  both  sides, 
md  I  am  indifferent  as  to  which  course  is 
aken.  But,  if  the  National  Office  is  to 
continue  the  plan,  it  should  be  done  with 
;he  specific  sanction  of  the  convention  and 
with  the  definite  understanding  that  no 
state  organization  shall  have  the  right  to 
3eerease  the  efficiency  of  the  course  by 
keeping  it  out  of  the  state.  Either  give 
the  National  Office  a  free  hand  or  none  at 
all. 

In  case  the  plan  is  continued,  It  should 
e  so  modified  that  the  locals  will  be  anx- 
ious to  accept  it,  instead  of  having  to  be 
oaxed   to  do  so. 

It  should  also  be  so  modified  that  any  live 
local,  no  matter  how  small,  could  take  ad- 
vantage of  it. 

It  should  also  be  so  modified  that  the 
locals  will  make  a  payment  in  advance. 
This  is  necessary  for  two  reasons.  First, 
because  the  National  Office  must  not  be 
compelled  to  practically  suspend  all  other 
activities  for  several  months  in  order  to 
pay  the  preliminary  expense  of  the  Ly^ 
ceum  Department,  as  it  did  last  year. 
Second,  in  order  to  guard  against  loss 
when    locals    cancel    their   contracts. 

It    would    also    necessarily    have    to    be 
modified   so   that    the   wages    of   the   lectur- 
ers would  be  three  dollars  per  day  and  ex- 
penses,    unless     the    convention,    and    later 
the    membership    by    referendum    vote     de- 
cided   to    increase    them.      The    three-dollar 
rate   was   fixed   by  referendum  vote   of   the 
Membership.      The    constitutional    provision 
for   special    lecturers    paying    a    commission 
to    the    National    Office    does    not    apply,  to 
fhe    Lvceum    lecturers.      I    have    no    objec- 
tion   to   their  wages   being   increased   some- 
what   over   the    three-dollar   rate,   but    I   do 
■ot    think    thev    ought    to    be    increased    to 
■anal   the   rate   paid   this   year.      If    anv   in- 
crease   is    made,    it    should    also    apply    to 
Rational    organizers    and    lecturers    and    to 
■he    heads    of   departments,    in    the    National 
Office.      Tt    is,    of    course,    unui«t    to    pay    a 
IByceum  lecturer  who  makes  the  hi  eh  places 
■Bid   stops   at   the  best   hotels   hisrher  wages 
JBhan    we    pav    to    a    pioneer    orVanizer    who 
Iftakes    the    hard    places    and    nuts    ur>    with 
ill    manner   of   hardship   and    inconvenience. 
il«.nd.     as     for     the     heads     of     departments, 

trhile  their  employment  may  be  a  trifle 
lore  steadv.  they  have  equally  hard  work 
nd  much  greater  responsibility. 

A  separate  report  for  the  Lyceum  De- 
partment will  be  made  by  L.  E.  Katter- 
"  Id,  head  of  ths  department,  and  I  request 


that  he  be  given  a  hearing  when  the  mat- 
ter comes  up  for  discussion,  although  he  is 
not   a  delegate. 

WOMAN'S    DEPARTMENT. 

This  department  has  developed  constant- 
ly since  it  was  made  a  part  of  the  work  of 
the  National  Office  by  the  National  Con- 
gress of  1910.  It  has  demonstrated  its 
value  to  the  cause  of  woman's  emancipa- 
tion, under  the  direction  of  the  Woman's 
National  Committee  and  the  General  Cor- 
respondent,   Caroline   A.    Lowe. 

And  well  it  may.  For,  Socialism  would 
not  be  worth  having  if  it  left  half  the  race 
enslaved.  The  awakening  of  woman  is  one 
of  the  most  hopeful  signs  of  the  times. 
Our  Woman's  Department  is  playing  an 
important  part,  and  is  destined  to  play  a 
still  more  important  part,  in  securing  the 
triumph  of  the  woman's  movement  and  of 
Socialism 

A  number  of  States  have  state  corres- 
pondents and  the  locals  and  branches  are 
electing  women's  committees  to  carry  on 
special  propaganda  among  the  women  and 
children.  The  monthly  programs  have  been 
widely  used.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of 
leaflets  have  been  put  into  circulation. 
Special  women's  organizers  have  been  sent 
into  the  field.  Special  articles  have  been 
furnished  to  the  press.  A  petition  for 
equal    suffrage   was    gathered. 

A  teachers'  bureau  is  also  conducted  in 
connection  with  the  Woman's  Department, 
the  object  of  which  is  to  put  Socialist 
teachers  and  Socialist  school  boards  or 
patrons  in  touch  with  each  other. 

A  separate  report  for  the  Woman's  De- 
partment will  be  made  by  the  Woman's 
National    Committee. 

MEMBERSHIP. 
The  Socialist  Party  was  organized  early 
in  August,  1901.  The  records  are  too  in- 
complete to  determine  just  how  many 
members  we  had  in  the  years  1901  and 
1902.  The  membership  for  each  year  since 
then,  based  on  the  average  dues  received, 
is  as  follows: 

1903     15,975 

1904      20,763 

1905     23,327 

1906     26,784 

1907     29,270 

1908      4 1 , 7 T>  1 

1909      41,479 

1910      58,011 

1911      84.716 

1912  (first    three    months) 125, S26 

The    number    of    locals    and    branches    is 

approximately  five   thousand. 

CONSTITUTIONAL   AMENDMENTS. 

Since  the  National  Congress  of  1910  and 
the  party  referendum  following  the  same, 
the  national  constitution  has  been  amended 
by  referendum  vote   as   follows: 

Referendum  "A,"  1911.  by  Hallettsville, 
Texas,  adding  a  new  section  (Section  3)  to 
Article  HI,  relating  to  the  election  of  Na- 
tional Officers  annually,  and  limiting  the 
number  of  terms  of  office  to  two.  was 
adopted  April  19.  1911,  by  a  vote  of  9.050  to 
8.511— majority  539. 

Referendum  "B."  1911,  by  Local  New 
York,  striking  out  the  limiting  of  terms 
clause  in  Section  3,  Article  in.  was 
adopted  bv  a  vote  of  11,057  to  7,428 — ma- 
jority 3,629. 

THE    SOCIALIST    VOTE. 
The   vote    in    each    state,    beginning    with 
the    Social   Democratic    part:'    vote    of    1900, 
up  to  and   including  the  vote  of  1910,    is   as 
follows: 


r 

220 


NATIONAL,  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


1900. 
928 


Alabama     

Arizona     

Arkansas    27 

California     7,572 

Colorado     684 

Connecticut     1,029. 

Delaware    57 

Florida    603 

Georgia     

Idaho     

Illinois    9,687 

Indiana ^,374 

Iowa    2,742 

Kansas    1,605 

Kentucky     770 

Louisiana     

Maine    878 

Maryland     908 

Massachusetts     9,716 

Michigan     2,826 

Minnesota    3,065 

Mississippi     

Missouri     6,128 

Montana     708 

Nebraska    823 

Nevada    

New   Hampshire    790 

New    Jersey    4,609 

New   Mexico    

New  York    12,869 

North    Carolina    

North  Dakota 518 

Ohio     4,847 

Oklahoma     815 

Oregon    1,495 

Pennsylvania     4,831 

Rhode   Island 

South    Carolina 

South  Dakota   169 

Tennessee 410 

Texas     1,846 

Utah    717 

Vermont    371 

Virginia    145 

Washington L  2,006 

West   Virginia    268 

Wisconsin    7,095 

Wyoming 

Total    96,931 


ELECTED  OFFICIALS. 
Our  successes  at  the  polls  are  too  fa- 
miliar to  need  elaboration.  The  number  of 
elected  officials,  which  was  very  slight  two 
years  ago,  has  now  increased  to  goodly 
proportions.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  it  is 
difficult  to  secure  accurate  information  on 
this  subject.  As  nearly  as  we  were  able  to 
obtain  the  data,  there  were  1,039  of  them 
in  office  at  the  beginning  of  the  present 
year,  classified  as  to  the  nature  of  their 
offices  as  follows: 

Auditors    (city)    10 

Attorneys    (city)    4 

Aldermen     145 

Assessors     61 

Collectors     2 

Commissioners     (city    and    town- 
ship)        9 

Commissioners    (street)     1 

Commissioners    (park)     2 

Commissioners    (charter) 5 

Commissioners    (public    works) . .  1 

Congressmen     1 

Clerks       (city,       township       and 

countv)      25 

Clerks    (court)    1 

Coroners     7 

Councilmen     160 

Comptrollers     3 

Constables     57 

Directors  1 

Election  Officials  45 

Judges  (civil)  2 


1902. 

2,312 

510 

9,592 
7,177 
2,804 


1,567 
20,167 
7,111 
6,360 
4,078 
1,683 

1,973 

499 

33,629 

4,271 

5,143 

5',335 
3,131 
3,157 

l!o57 
4,541 

23,400 

1,245 

14,270 

1,963 

3,771 

21,910 


2,738 

S',615 
3,069 

"l55 
4,739 

15,970 
552 

223,494 


1904. 

1,853 

1,304 

1,816 

29,533 

4,304 

4,543 

146 

2,337 

197 

4,954 

69,225 

12,013 

14,847 

15,494 

3,602 

995 

2,106 

2,247 

13,604 

8,941 

11,692 

393 

13,009 

5,676 

7,412 

925 

1,090 

9,587 

162 

36,883 

124 

2,017 

36,260 

4,443 

7,651 

21,863 

956 

22 

3,138 

1,354 

2,791 

5,767 

844 

218 

10,023 

1,572 

28,220 

1,077 


409,230 


1906. 

389 

1,995 

2,164 

17,515 

16,938 

3,005 

149 

2,530 

98 

5,  (Til 

42,005 
7,824 
8,901 
8,796 
1,819 
603 
1,553 
3,106 

20,699 
5,994 

14,445 
173 

11,528 
4,638 
3,763 
1,251 
1,011 
7,766 
211 

25,948 

1,689 

18,432 

4,040 

17,033 

18,736 

416 

32 

2,542 

1,637 

3,065 

3,010 

512 

8,'  ;7 

2,<  1 

24,.  ,6 

1,827 

331,043 


1908. 
1,399 
1,912 

5,842 

28,659 

7,974 

5,113 

240 

3,747 

584 

7,400 

34,711 

13,476 

8,287 

12,420 

4,185 

2,538 

1,758 

2,323 

10,781 

11,586 

14,527 

978 

15,431 

5,855 

3,524 

2,103 

1,299 

10,249 

1,056 

38,451 

345 

2,421 

33,795 

21,779 

7,339 

33,913 

1,365 

100 

2,846 

1,870 

7,870 

4,895 

547 

255 

14,177 

3,679 

28,164 

1,715 

424,483 


Justices  of  the  Peace 

Listers  

Magistrates     

Marshals     

Mayors     

Members    of    Constitutional    Con- 
vention     

Pound  •  Keepers 

POLICE  OFFICIALS: 

Police   Magistrates    3 

Police   Judges    15 

Officers     4 


Presidents   of  Council    

Road   Overseers    

Recorders     

Registrars    of  Deeds    

Representatives    (state)    

SCHOOL  OFFICIALS: 

Presidents  and  School  Boards..   2 
Members  of  School   Boards.... 40 

School    Trustees    16 

School   Directors    70 

School     Comptrollers 2 

Chairmen    of   Boards 2 

School    Supervisors     1 

Members  of  Board  of  Education  12 

School  Clerks    7 

School    Treasurers    3 


Surveyors 
State  Senators 
Sheriffs     


APPENDIX 


221 


Supervisors  (county,  town  and 
city)     

Supervisors   (of  assessments)    . . 

Treasurers     

jj  Trustees    (library) 

j  Trustees  (township,  village,  city) 

TOWN   OFFICIALS: 

Village   Presidents    4 

Members  of  Board  of  Selectmen  2 
Members   of  Village   Boards...    4 

Superintendents    of    Poor 3 

Members    of    Board    of    Public 

Affairs 3 

Chairmen   of   Town   Boards 1 

Chairmen   of  Board   Trustees..    1 

Town    Chairmen    1 

Other  Town  Officials  9 


40 
1 

29 
2 

39 


JVlce  Mayors 


Total 


28 

1 

1,039 


THE  SOCIALIST  PRESS. 
Since  the  national  congress  of  1910,  two 
additional  daily  papers  in  the  English  lan- 
guage have  been  started,  namely:  The 
Milwaukee  Leader,  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin, 
and  the  Alarm,  Belleville,  Illinois.  Weekly 
papers  have  sprung  up  in  many  places,  over 
one  hundred  and  fifty  of  them  being  co- 
operative papers.  The  mailing  list  at  the 
National  Office  shows  that  the  number  of 
Socialist  papers  now  published  in  this 
country  is  as  follows: 

Daily,   English    5 

Daily,    foreign    8 

Weekly,   English    262 

Weekly,    foreign    36 

Monthly,    English    10 

Monthly,  foreign   2 

PROPAGANDA  PRESS  SERVICE. 
Each  week  the  National  Office  sends  out 
mimeographed  articles  to  about  four  hun- 
dred Socialist,  union  and  other  papers.  We 
Offer  to  send  them  to  any  paper  that  will 
print  at  least  one  article  per  week.  Com- 
rades in  various  places  have  made  such  ar- 
rangements with  their  local  non-Socialist 
papers,  and  we  have  placed  them  on  the 
mailing  list. 

NEWS  PRESS  SERVICE. 
During  the  sessions  of  Congress  the  Na- 
tional Office  has  sustained  a  press  repre- 
sentative in  Washington.  He  sends  daily 
news  service  by  mail  to  the  Socialist  dailies, 
and  weekly  service  to  the  weekly  Socialist 
and  a  number  of  union  papers,  and  furn- 
ishes telegraphic  service  as  desired.  All  of 
this  service,  except  the  telegraphic,  is 
financed  by  the  National  Office  and  is  sup- 
plied to  the  papers  free  of  charge. 

The  National  Office  also  sent  a  special 
Fpress  representative  to  Indianapolis  for  a 
short  time.  It  rendered  financiaVassistance 
to  the  representative  of  the  Socialist  press 
>at  Los  Angeles.  And  it  has  arranged  to 
'cover  the  national  convention  for  the  So- 
cialist press. 

^FOREIGN    SPEAKING    ORGANIZATIONS. 

There  are  now  seven  foreign  speaking  or- 
ganizations affiliated  with  the  party,  as 
:  follows: 

Bohemian,  Finnish,  Italian,  Polish  Alli- 
ance, Polish  Section,  Scandinavian  and 
South  Slavic. 

All  of  these  organizations  are  making 
substantial  progress  in  carrying  on  So- 
cialist propaganda  among  their  own  people. 

An  effort  is  now  being  made  to  unite  the 
two  Polish  organizations. 

Separate  reports  will  be  made  by  the 
Translator-Secretaries. 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS. 

Our  relations  with  the  international 
movement  have  been  fraternal  and  mutually 
helpful. 

In  the  eighth  International  Socialist  Con- 
gress, held  at  Copenhagen,  Denmark,  from 
August  28  to  September  4,  1910,  our  party 
was  represented  by  eight  delegates,  namely: 
Victor  L.  Berger,  Wm.  D.  Haywood,  Robert 
Hunter,  Morris  Hillquit,  Lena  Morrow 
Lewis,  John  Spargo,  May  Wood-Simons  and 
Luella  Twining. 

CONSTITUTIONAL  RECOMMENDATIONS. 

I  request  that  the  following  recommenda- 
tions be  submitted  to  the  Committee  on 
Constitution: 

We  have  come  to  the  point  where  the  itch 
for  office  is  likely  to  cause  an  influx  of  old 
party  politicians  into  our  ranks.  We  should 
increase  the  length  of  membership  neces- 
sary to  be  a  candidate  for  public  office. 
Doubtless  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  let 
down  the  bars  and  make  it  easier  to  get 
into  the  party  and  easier  to  run  for  office. 
It  should  be  made  harder,  not  easier.  This 
is  too  critical  a  juncture  in  our  movement 
to  throw  down  the  safeguards  and  allow  it 
to  become  the  prey  of  designing  self- 
seekers. 

The  signing  of  blank  resignations  by  our 
candidates  for  public  office  should  be  made 
obligatory.  Even  though  the  capitalist 
courts  might  declare  such  resignations 
void,  their  moral  effect  is  great.  But  no 
committee  should  be  entrusted  with  the 
power  to  fill  out  and  file  such  resignations. 
The  membership  in  the  territory  covered  by 
the  office  should  alone  have  the  power-  to 
decide  when  such  action  is  to  be  taken. 

The  National  Executive  Committee  and 
the  Woman's  National  Committee  should  be 
elected  from  districts,  so  that  the  entire 
nation  will  be  represented,  such  districts  to 
be  apportioned  according  to  membership. 

The  provision  for  the  Woman's  Depart- 
ment in  the  National  Office,  which  now 
stands  merely  as  a  provision  adopted  by 
the  party  congress,  should  be  made  a  part 
of  the  constitution.  The  General  Corres- 
pondent should  be  made  electable  by  the 
Woman's  National  Committee,  and  dis- 
chargeable by  it  or  by  the  National  Secre- 
tary. At  present  she  is  appointed  by  the 
National  Secretary,  with  the  approval  of 
the  Woman's  National  Committee,  and  dis- 
chargeable by  either. 

To  avoid  a  repetition  of  the  fiasco  which 
we  have  enacted  this  year  in  selecting  the 
time  and  place  for  the  national  convention, 
it  should  be  provided  that  the  conventions 
and  congresses  are  to  be  held  in  the  city 
where  the  national  headquarters  are  lo- 
cated, and  that  they  are  to  be  held  in  May 
or  June.  The  National  Executive  Commit- 
tee or  the  National  Secretary  should  be 
given  authority  to  fix  the  exact  date,  which 
would  naturally  be  affected  by  the  times 
when  appropriate  halls  could  be  secured, 
and  other  circumstances.  It  is  the  natural 
thing  for  the  other  parties  to  jockey  over 
the  place  of  their  conventions,  but  it  is 
idiotic  for  us  to  do  so. 

The  article  about  referendums  needs  to 
be  overhauled.  Branches  should  be  given 
the  power  to  initiate  or  second  referen- 
dums. The  time  when  a  proposed  referen- 
dum expires  should  be  the  15th  of  the  sec- 
ond month  after  its  publication  in  the 
Monthly  Bulletin.  At  present  the  com- 
ments of  locals  or  branches  on  proposed 
referendums  are  published  in  the  Weekly 
Bulletin  and  also  in  the  Monthly  Bulletin. 
As  the  Weekly  Bulletin  is  a  mimeographed 
document  and  must  have  some  limit  to  it, 
this     practice     is     becoming    impracticable. 


r 


222 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


They  should  be  published  in  the  Monthly 
Bulletin  only.  These  comments  are  on  the 
increase.  They  show  a  healthy  interest  in 
party  affairs  and  they  need  to  be  encour- 
aged. But,  unfortunately,  a  local  domi- 
nated by  a  freak  can  take  advantage  of  this 
right  and  degenerate  it  into  a -nuisance.  To 
avoid  this,  and  also  to  keep  the  comments 
within  reasonable  space  limits,  each  local 
or  branch  making  such  comments  should  be 
required  to  pay  the  cost  of  publishing  them. 
When  a  referendum  is  proposed,  another 
referendum  to  the  same  effect  should  not  be 
permitted  within  a  given  length  of  time. 
And  when  a  referendum  js  adopted,  a  refer- 
endum to  undo  it  should  not  be  permitted 
within  a  given  length  of  time.  The  refer- 
endum is  our  great  safeguard,  and  it  must 
not  be  allowed  to  be  reduced  to  an  absurd- 
ity. It  should  be  made  entirely  serviceable 
and  at  the  same  time  fool-proof. 

Branches  should  also  be  given  the  power 
to  nominate  candidates  for  national  party 
offices. 

We  ought  to  have  some  method  of  fur- 
nishing due  stamps  to  distressed  and  un- 
employed members,  without  .  payment  by 
them,  and  also  without  placing  the  burden 
on  the  branch,  local  or  state  organizations. 
If  the  National  Office  furnished  such 
stamps,  they  would  cost  nothing  except  the 
trifling  amount  paid  for  printing  them. 
They  should  be  identical  with  all  the  other 
due  stamps,  so  that  there  would  be  no  taint 
of  charity  attached  to  them.  The  local  sec- 
retaries should  have  the  power  to  make  req- 
uisition upon  the  state  secretaries  for 
whatever  number  of  stamps  are  needed  for 
this  purpose,  and  the  state  secretaries 
should  have  the  power  to  make  requisition 
upon  the  National  Secretary  for  them,  with- 
out any  money  changing  hands  anywhere 
along  the  line. 

Wherever  practicable,  candidates  for  pub- 
lic office  should  be  nominated  by  referen- 
dum vote.  It  is  entirely  feasible  to  nom- 
inate our  candidates  for  president  and  vice- 
president  in  that  manner.  Of  course,  it  is 
too  late  to  do  it  this  time,  but  it  should  be 
done  hereafter.  It  will  not  only  be  the 
proper  method  of  nominating,  but  it  will 
vastly  increase  the  usefulness  of  our  na- 
tional conventions.  They  are  now  largely 
spoiled  by  the  fact  that  they  have  such 
candidates  to  select.  The  provision  should 
be  so  worded  that  in  case  of  vacancy  for 
president,  the  candidate  for  vice-president 
would  take  this  place,  and  in  case  of  va- 
cancy for  vice-president,  the  next  highest 
would    take   his    place. 

State  organizations  should  be  required 
to  furnish  the  National  Office  with  a  list 
of  the  local  and  branch  secretaries  in  the 
state.  Any  state  refusing  or  neglecting  to 
do  so  thereby  fails  to  co-operate  with  the 
rest  of  the  organization,  and  it  should  be 
denied  the  right  to  participate  in  national 
affairs.  It  should  be  denied  the  right  to 
vote  on  national  referendums,  or  to  initiate 
or  second  referendums,  or  to  nominate 
candidates  for  national  party  positions.  Its 
members  of  the  National  Committee  should 
also  be  denied  the  right  to  vote  on  that 
committee.  If  it  has  any  members  of  the 
National  Executive  Committee  or  the  Wo- 
man's National  Committee,  they  should  be 
denied  the  right  to  act  on  those  commit- 
tees. 

The  provision  requiring  the  National 
Office  to  take  a  referendum  vote  of  a  state 
in  order  to  select  state  officers,  upon  pre- 
sentation of  a  petition  in  case  of  contro- 
versy, should  be  struck  out.  It  cost  the 
National  Office  considerably  more  than  a 
hundred  dollars  last  year  without  accom- 
plishing anything  at  all.     It  is  unworkable, 


unwise  and  unjust.  Unworkable,  because  i« 
is  practically  impossible  to  tell  whether  ] 
petition  is  valid  or  not,  or  to  tell,  who  would 
be  eligible  to  vote  in  the  referendum.  Un- 
wise, because  states  can  settle  their  own 
trouble  much  better  than  the  Nationa] 
Office  can  settle  it  for  them.  Unjust,  be- 
cause it  disfranchises  a  large  portion  of  the 
members. 

The  condition  in  which  the  party  con- 
gress of  1910  left  the  matter  of  the  foreign 
speaking  organizations  is  unsatisfactory  to 
everybody.  It  is  unsatisfactory  to  the  na- 
tional organization,  to  the  state  organiza- 
tions, to  the  county  and  local  organizations 
and  to  the  foreign  speaking  organizations 
themselves.  Part  of  these  organizations 
get  their  dues  stamps  from  the  National 
Office  and  part  of  them  get  them  from 
their  locals.  Part  of  them  pay  full  local 
and  state  dues,  part  of  them  pay  fifty  per 
cent  of  the  local  and  state  dues,  and  part 
of  them  only  pay  national  dues  and  do  not 
pay  any  local  and  state  dues  at  all.  This 
unsystematic  lack  of  arrangement  is  in- 
tolerable. The  constitution  should  be  so 
changed  that  all  of  them  would  be  affiliated 
in  the  same  manner.  They  should  all  pay 
fifty  per  cent  of  the  local  and  state  dues. 
And  they  should  all  pay  their  local,  state 
and  national  dues  to  their  respective  na- 
tional translator-secretaries,  to  be  properly 
apportioned  by  them.  The  national  dues 
should  be  paid  in  full  as  heretofore,  because 
the  National  Office  pays  the  wages  of  the 
translator-secretaries  and  furnishes  them 
office  room  free  of  charge,  besides  appro- 
priating large  sums  of  money  to  assist 
them  in  organizing  work.  Not  more  than 
one  organization  of  any  single  nationality 
should  be  permitted  to  affiliate. 

Free-lancing  should  be  abolished.  When 
a  comrade  makes  isolated  dates  with  locals 
or  branches  it  cannot  properly  be  called 
free-lancing,  and  if  done  with  the  consent 
of  the  state  organizations  there  can  be  no 
objection  to  it.  In  fact,  it  is  a  nuisance  for 
the  organization  to  handle  such  dates  it- 
self. But  comrades  should  not  be  permitted 
to  make  up  tours  in  any  way  excepjt  through 
the  organization,  and  at  the  regular  rates. 
The  National  Executive  Committee  has 
wisely  stated  that  it  is  the  sense  of  the 
committee  that  all  lectures  delivered  by  So- 
cialist Party  members  for  Socialist  Party 
locals  should  be  arranged  by  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  party  upon  the  usual  terms,  and 
that  Socialist  Party  lecturers  working  for 
non-party  lyceums  be  requested  to  make  a 
stipulation  with  such  lyceums  that  appli- 
cation for  dates  shall  not  be  made  to  party 
locals  or  branches.  This  statement  should 
be  embodied  in  the  constitution.  And,  lesv 
it  should  be  construed  to  only  apply  to  cap- 
italist lyceum  bureaus,  it  should  be  definite- 
ly provided  that  Socialist  papers^and  peri- 
odicals shall  not  engage  in  the  practice  of 
touring  lecturers.  It  is  outside  their  do- 
main, and  it  interferes  with  the  legiti- 
mate work  of  the  organization. 

The  National  Executive  Committee  and 
the  National  Committee  should  be  prohib- 
ited from  appropriating  or  loaning  the 
f>arty  funds  for  purposes  outside  the  activ- 
ty  of  the  national  organization.  Special 
calls  for  funds  may  well  be  made  in  special 
cases,  but  when  money  is  voted  out  of  the 
regular  party  funds,  it  keeps  the  National 
Office  stripped  of  money  and  prevents  it 
from  developing  its  legitimate  functions. 
Each  appropriation  or  loan  decreases  the 
activity  of  the  organization  just  that  much. 

There  is  no  need  of  tying  up  several 
thousand  dollars  in  a  mileage  fund  by 
setting  aside  any  percentage  of  the  dues  for 
that    purpose.      The    necessary    amount    can 


APPENDIX 


VI 


accumulated  immediately  before  a,  con- 
tlon  or  congress  by  proper  administra- 
i  That  provision  should  be  struck  out 
he  constitution.  .        . 

ince  the  membership  has  greatly  in- 
ased,  the  apportionment  of  delegates  to 
ional  congresses  and  conventions,  dele- 
es  to  international  congresses,  and  na- 
lal  committeemen,  should  be  changed  ac- 

tTsSay waste  of  money  to  publish  in  book 
rn  the  speeches  made  at  our  national 
ventions  and  congresses.  The  proceed- 
i  exclusive  of  speeches  and  mere  par- 
nentary  matter,  should  be  published, 
s  would  pTevent  a  waste  of  several  hun- 

ahedr°ellashS6uld  be  an  information  depart- 
(1t  in  the  National  Office  to  act  as  a 
Jrinj?  house    regarding    the    activities    of 

elefted  official*  They  need  to  have  the 
eftt  of  each  other's  experience,  without 
h- of  them  having  to  conduct  a  volumin- 
h  correspondence    in    order    to    secure   it 

rnmrades  in  general  also  need  this  in- 
TiatSn  Such  a  department  might  also 
ect  2nd  furnish  data  on  all  manner  of 
lie  and  administrative  questions 
■onsidSration  should  be  given  to  the 
■ter  of  creating  departments  in  the  Na- 
ml  Office  for  the  furtherance  and  deyel- 

ent  of  the  work  of  the  Intercollegiate 
laSst  Society  and  of  the  Young  People's 

al  st  League.  These  excellent  activities 
ht  to  be  carried  on  as  integral  parts  of 

le^nstitution  should  be  so  amended 
t  the  election  of  National  Secretary  will 
e  at  least  one  month  before  he  takes 
office  As  it  stands  at  present,  his 
Xi  begins  only  a  day  or  two  after  the 
i  closes  This  is  unfortunate  both  for 
elected' and  the  defeated  candidates,  as 
y  do  not  know  what  to  count  on  nor 
3ther  they  are  at  liberty   to   make  other 

&ehould   be   a.  regular    time   set   for 

books  of  the  National  Office  to  be  aud- 

l,    and   a   method   provided    for    selecting 

ie  bookkeeper  and  assistant  bookkeeper 

the  National  Office  should  be  required  to 

bond,    or   else    the    provision    requiring 

National  Secretary  to  give  bond  should 

struck    out.      Just   as    the    cashier    of   a 

1  has   greater  opportunity  to   get   away 

B  the   funds   than  the  president  has    so 

|  the    bookkeeper       and    assistant    t>oo«- 

feer  have  greater  opportunity  along  that 

i  than  the  National  Secretary  has     They 

le   the   entries   in   the  books    handle   the 

Mttances  and  take  them  to  the  banks  f or 

fesit.      I   have    the    utmost    confidence    in 

m    but  I  am  under  bond  myself,  and  the 

le    caution    which    requires    me    to    give 

d  should  require  it  of  them. 

|  is  no  longer  necessary  for  us  to  pro- 

Ft  the  National  Office  from  publishing  an 

Hal  organ  or  a  periodical.     It  might  be- 

le    advantageous    for    us    to    do    so.      At 

Irate,    the    way    should    be    opened    by 

king  out  those  portions  of  the  eonstitu- 

Our    leaflets,    our    propaganda    press 

Ice    and    our    news    press    service    show 

e  plainly  that  we  have  outgrown  those 

Visions.      Steps    might   well   be    taken    to 

Ire  the  second  class  mailing  rate  for  the 

1th ly  Bulletin  so  as  to  send  it  direct  to 

[  member  who  subscribes,  and  expand  it 

f  a  monthly   magazine. 

lie    party    press    should    be    owned    and 

■rolled    by    the    party    organizations,    lo- 

*  state    and    perhaps    national.      As    for 
i'Co-operative   papers,    there   are   now   no 

*  than  eight  companies  publishing  a  total 
fever    a   hundred   and   fifty   such    papers, 


at  comparatively  slight  expense.  Their 
value  has  been  demonstrated  by  the  elec- 
tion returns.  These  companies  should  be 
absorbed  by  the  state  or  national  organi- 
zations and  the  plan  developed  until  there 
is  a  paper  in  every  locality  in  the  coun- 
try. Or,  in  case  it  is  not  found  feasible 
to  absorb  these  companies,  the  organization 
should  proceed  to  produce  such  papers  any- 
how. As  to  whether  it  should  be  done  by 
the  state  or  the  national  organization  de- 
pends upon  the  wishes  of  the  state  organi- 
zations. If  any  considerable  portion  of 
them  are  unwilling  to  have  the  National 
Office  handle  the  matter,  it  should  be  left 
to  the  states.  This  subject  should  receive 
the   serious   attention   of   the   convention. 

The  National  Executive  Committee  should 
be  given  authority  to  levy  special  assess- 
ments for  the  purpose  of  erecting  build- 
ings and  purchasing  printing  machinery, 
also  for  the  purpose  of  buying  the  neces- 
sary  land   for   the  buildings. 

CAMPAIGN    RECOMMENDATIONS. 
I  request  that  the  following  recommenda- 
tions   be    submitted    to    the    Committee    on 
Ways    and    Means. 

So  far  as  the  National  Office  is  concerned, 
the  campaign  this  year  should  be  a  litera- 
ture campaign.  It  will  be  necessary,  of 
course,  for  the  National  Office  to  tour  the 
candidates  for  president  and  vice-president, 
and  for  the  national  translator-secretaries 
to  tour  speakers  among  the  locals  and 
branches  in  their  own  languages.  But,  in 
general,  it  is  very  unsystematic  and  un- 
economical for  the  national  and  state  or- 
ganizations each  to  tour  speakers  over  the 
same  territory.  Since  the  state  organiza- 
tions will  be  touring  speakers  anyhow,  they 
should  be  allowed  to  tour  all  of  them,  with 
the  above  exceptions.  This  will  avoid  many 
conflictions  and  much  bad  blood.  The  Na- 
tional Office  can  of  course  use  its  good 
offices  in  assisting  the  state  organizations 
and  the  speakers  to  get  connected  up  to- 
gether. Either  this  method  should  be 
adopted,  or  else  the  state  organizations 
should  practically  abandon  the  touring  of 
speakers  during  the  campaign  and  turn  the 
whole  matter  over  bodily  to  the  National 
Office,  which  they  will  hardly  be  willing 
to  do. 

If  the  National  Office  is  permitted  to  con- 
fine itself  largely  to  a  literature  campaign, 
it  can  flood  the  entire  nation  with  litera- 
ture. My  idea  is  to  secure  the  co-opera- 
tion, so  far  as  possible,  of  every  local  and 
branch  in  the  United  States  in  making  sys- 
tematic house-to-house  distributions  of 
leaflets  once  a  week  throughout  the  cam- 
paign; to  get  out  a  different  leaflet  each 
week  for  this  purpose;  to  sell  them  to  the 
locals  and'  branches  at  cost;  to  furnish 
them  free  of  charge  to  locals,  branches  and 
comrades  who  will  undertake  to  distribute 
them  in  unorganized  communities;  to  make 
use  of  the  mailing  list  companies  to  send 
literature  to  vast  numbers  of  non-Social- 
ists; and  to  publish  pamphlets  at  rock  bot- 
tom prices.  In  this  manner  the  National 
Office  can  carry  on  a  stupendous  literature 
campaign  such  as  the  Socialist  Partv  has 
never  undertaken  or  dreamed  of  undertak- 
ing in  the  past,  provided  wp  are  permitted 
to  concentrate  upon  it.  and  provided  the 
National  Office  funds  are  not  permitted  to 
be  voted  away  as  appropriations. 

It  would  be  a  mistake  t'  have  another 
Red  Special.  It  was  th*  i-irht  thing  In 
1908,  but  it  would  be  a  stake  to  repeat 
it,  for  it  wquld  sap  th^  dninoei  pnd  pre- 
vent the  state  and  na  r>nal  organizations 
from  carrying  on  the  wide  activities  which 
will  otherwise  be  possible.     Immense  meet- 


> 


224  I 


NATIONAL -SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


ings  can  be  arranged  for  the  candidates  in 
the  regular  manner,  and  they  can  be  util- 
ized for  the  purpose  of  putting  vast  quan- 
tities  of   literature   into   circulation. 

The  most  direct  method  of  raising  a  cam- 
paign fund  is  the  best.  I  recommend  that 
a  special  assessment  of  *one  dollar  per 
member  be  levied;  ten  per  cent  of  it  to  go 
to  the  National  Office,  forty  per  cent  to  the 
state  office,  and  fifty  per  cent  to  the  locals 
and  branches. 

The  campaign  ought  not  to  be  conducted 
on  the  vote  catching  plan.  Without  mak- 
ing any  special  appeal  for  votes,  we  will 
get  all  the  votes  that  are  coming  to  us 
and  probably  more.  The  campaign  should 
be  a  campaign  of  education. 

AN   ERA  OP  BIG   THINGS. 

The  Socialist  Party  is  entering  upon  an 
era  of  big  things.  We  must  give  ourselves 
room  to  do  big  things.  We  must  expand 
our  activities  in  accordance  with  the  needs 
of  the  hour.  We  have  a  stupendous  task 
before  us  and  we  must  use  the  most  effi- 
cient   means    of   accomplishing   it. 

We  have  a  stupendous  task  of  education 
and    a    stupendous    task   of   administration. 


Anyone  who  permits  himself  to  be  foi 
into  believing  that  the  path  from  here 
the  co-operative  commonwealth  is  a  smc 
and  gentle  incline  will  find  himself  terr 
mi  strLkpn 

On  the  contrary,  there  are  mountains 
climb,  cliffs  to  scale,  jungles  to  penetr 
rivers  to  ford  and  wild  beasts  to  o1 
come,  before  the  goal  can  be  reached. 

We   shall   have   reverses   and  discoun 
ments.    We  shall  have  need  for  every  gi 
of    our    courage,    wisdom,    persistence, 
sourcefulness,    constructiveness,    and     s 
control. 

But   all   obstacles   will   be   overcome 
the   goal   will    be    reached.     The    indust 
have  evolved  to  the  point  where  they 
ripe  for  Socialism.     It  is   ours  to  convi 
our    fellow    workingmen    and    women    1 
this   is   true,    and   to   transform   our   pri 
pies  into  action.     We  believe  that  the  p 
ent   is   the   most   promising  moment   in 
world's    history,    and    we    face    the    fu1 
with   enthusiastic  >  confidence. 

Fraternally  submitted, 

JOHN  M.  WORK, 
National    Secretar 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX  M 


226 


Report  of  Lyceum  Department. 


K 


INANCIAL  STATEMENT,  APRIL,  15. 
Receipts, 
bscriptions: 

'(Locals)    $76,899.32 

Organizers).         379.00 

(Misc.)     270.84 

ides     (Lan- 

ern)     98.45 

inting    12.11 

»  e  c  i  a  1    Lec- 

ures    1,561.31 

nations    and 

ollections    ..         499.S1 
scellaneous    .        222.68 


ivanced  b  y 
National  Of- 
5ce  before 
Tan.  1   


-$79,943.02 


3,038.75 


a,ges    $ 

stage   

lephone  and 
Telegraph  . . 
eight  and  Ex- 
press     

ationery  and 
Supplies  .... 
Rce  Fixtures, 
ides  (Lantern 
Advertising) .. 

inting 

•ganizers    .... 

icturers    

bscriptions  .. 
iscellaneous. . 


Expenditures. 


-$82,981.77 


6,510.02 
1,859.79 

338.00 

1,971.54 

536.35 
849.19 

124.28 

12,250.06 

5,735.20 

21,503.15 

27,166.58 

298.69 


Bank  Balance, 
*  April  15  . . . 


-$79,142.85 


3,838.92 


Assets  on  Hand 
a  n  k  Balance, 

April    15 

lice  Fixtures 
(approx.)  ... 
tpplies 


-$82,981.77 


$  3,838.92 


700.00 
500.00 


Total 


•eight  and  Ex- 
press     $ 

ationery  and 
Supplies    .... 

Anting 

Itional  Office. 


$    5,038.92 
Liabilities.      > 

53.51 


45.20 

.60 

3,086.71 


Estimate  of  Unfinished  Business, 
tiount  still  due 

from    Locals.  $21,962.28 

lount  needed 
complete 
ourse: 

>ffice       (esti- 
mated)    ...$      400.00 
lecturers 

(estimated)      1,600.00 
Subscriptions 

(estimated)   10,000.00 


-$  3,186.12 


$12,000.00 


I  shall  submit  at  the  convention  for  the 
consideration  of  such  delegates  as  may  be 
interested  a  detailed  and  itemized  statement 
of  the  Amount  paid  by  each  Local  and  the 
amount  paid  to  each  organizer,  lecturer  and 
publisher,  together  with  the  number  of  sub- 
scriptions forwarded  to  each  up  to  May  9th. 
-  It  is  probable  that  this  entire  work  will 
be  completed  without  one  cent  of  expense  to 
the  National  treasury.  In  the  amount  put 
down  as  due  the  National  Office  is  included 
one-fifth  of  the  National  Secretary's  salary 
and  part  of  the  salary  of  other  National 
Office  employes  proportionate  to  the  increase 
that  the  Lyceum  has  meant  in  their  work. 
The  Lyceum  has  also  been  charged  with 
one-half  the  Natienal  Office  telephone,  one- 
third  the  light  and  one-fourth  of  the  rent, 
so  that  it  can  truly  be  said  to  have  been  self- 
sustaining.  In  comparing  it  with  any  other 
Party  activities,  this  should  be  kept  in 
mind: 

That,  whereas  practically  all  other  pro- 
paganda work  is  partly  paid  for  with  dues, 
either  local,  state  or  national,  not  a  c'ent  of 
dues-money  has  been  used  to  carry  on  the 
Lyceum,  except  that  about  $3,000  was  ad- 
vanced during  six  months  preceding  January 
1,  to  start  it.  This  is  now  on  hand  and  can 
be  returned  at  any  time.  The  entire  prop- 
osition has*  been  paid  for  out  of  the  com- 
missions on  the  Socialist  papers  and  books 
sold  by  the  comrades. 

EVOLUTION  OF  LYCEUM  PLAN. 

But  the  real  significance  of  this  Lyceum 
work  cannot  be  measured  in  terms  of 
money.  Weighing  the  arguments  for  and 
against  it,  it  is  essential  to  understand  the 
conditions  that  led  up  to  the  project,  the 
fundamental  ideas  at  the  bottom  of  it  and 
the  objects  to  be  accomplished. 

Like  many  other  comrades,  I  have  for 
years  studied  the  problem  of  how  to  hold 
our  Party  membership.  I  noted  that  during 
campaign  time  our  membership  always 
grows,  but  when  no  active  campaign  is  being 
waged  by  a  local,  the  tendency  is  ever  pres- 
ent for  the  organization  to  dissolve  itself 
into  a  mere  little  philosophical  discussion 
society,  where  a  few  of  the.  faithful  come 
together  semi-occasionally  and  engage  in 
the  more  or  less  pleasant  pastime  of  "clar- 
ifying" each  other. 

With  others,  I  have  come  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  just  as  a  man  must  exercise  to 
develop  his  muscle,  so  an  organization  to 
hold  its  members  and  build  itself  up,  MUST 
WORK. 

The  first  purpose  of  the  National  Socialist 
Lyceum  is  to  furnish  this  work  to  locals,  to- 
gether with  a  special  incentive  for  them  to 
do  it;  work  that  is  worth  while  enough  to 
bring  back  into  the  harness  every  old  war 
horse  and  to  make  use  of  the  enthusiastic 
energy  of  every  new  convert;  work  through 
which  they  will  learn  that  they  can  accom- 
plish more  together  as  an  organization  than 
by  themselves  as  individual  bushwhackers; 


' 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


wor  that  will  develop  the  locals  into  well 
drilled,  ciiieient  fighting  armies. 

The  second  fundamental  idea  of  the  Ly- 
ceum is  that  this  work  should  be  done  in 
such  a  way  as  to  secure  the  greatest  possi- 
ble results  for  the  energy  expended.  It  re- 
quires a  certain  amount  of  energy  to  take  a 
subscription  for  a  Socialist  paper  or  sell  a 
Socialist  book.  It  also  takes  a  similar 
amount  of  energy  to  get  a  non-Socialist  to 
attend  a  Socialist  lecture.  By  combining 
the  two  operations  we  make  it  easier  to  ac- 
complish both  than  it  was  before  merely  to 
succeed  in  one.  In  other  words,  the  sub- 
scription lecture  is  a  labor-saving  device  for 
our  propaganda.  We  kill  two  birds  with 
one  stone. 

There  is  the  additional  advantage  that  our 
literature  is  most  effective  when  rein- 
forced by  the  personal  appeal  of  ou«  speak- 
ers; while- on  the  other  hand,  our  lecturers' 
message  will  find  its  readiest  response  if 
the  audience  has  already  been  set  to  think- 
ing by  our  papers,  books  and  pamphlets. 
The  written  and  the  spoken  word  combined 
with  the  personal  work  of  the  Local  Com- 
rades form  the  ideal  propaganda.    » 

The  third  fundamental  of  the  Lyceum 
plan  is  that  the  same  number  of  speakers 
can  accomplish  more  working  as  one  team 
than  they  can  in  disconnected  lectures. 

It  is  impossible  for  one  speaker  to  cover 
the  whole  subject  of  Socialism  satisfactorily 
in  one  evening's  time.  In  a  series  of  lectures 
a  greater  measure  of  justice  may  be  done, 
especially  if  each  lecture  is  delivered  by 
some  one  well  suited  to  his  special  part  and 
if  each  speaker  knoVs  what  the  other  speak- 
ers have  said  or  will  say  and  adapts  him- 
self so  that  each  lecture  supplements  the 
others.  This  was  one  objective  in  planning 
the  lecture  courses,  to  secure  even  among 
our  speakers  the  greatest  possible  amount 
of  "team  work."  The  first  speaker  was  to 
present  the  problem,  the  second  to  go  into 
our  philosophy,  the  third  to  make  clear  the 
fact  that  there  Is  a  class  war,  the  fourth  to 
eliminate  all  other  ways  of  dealing  with  the 
problem  and  the  fifth  to  tell  how  Socialists 
meet  it.  The  plan  was  to  present  our  whole 
position  logically  and  bring  the  audience 
step  by  step  to  the  inevitable  conclusion, 
Membership  in  the  Socialist  Party. 

This  plan  was  not  altogether  untried. 
Some  of  its  essential  features  had  been 
proven  successful  under  different  private 
auspices.  The  direct  antecedent  of  the  Na- 
tional Socialist  Lyceum  Bureau  was  the 
Chicago  Daily  Socialist  Lecture  Course,  of 
which  I  was  in  charge.  In  spite  of  the  fact 
that  many  mistakes  were  made  and  that 
financially  the  proposition  was  a  failure,  it 
was  very  much  worth  while  as  far  as  the 
Party  was  concerned,  more  than  two  thou- 
sand new  members  being  brought  into  the 
organization  through  the  work. 

Many  other  papers  have  also  conducted 
lectures  along  similar  lines.  Two  or  three 
papers  having  started  in  this  work,  compe- 
tition forced  others  into  it — they  found  the 
plan  successful  and  within  a  year  nearly 
every  Socialist  publisher  would  have  been 
using  it. 

NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  LYCEUM  ESTAB- 
LISHED. 
Now,  as  long  as  there  were  only  a  few 
trying  to  route  speakers,  it  did  not  cause 
mu^h  confusion  in  the  Party  work,  but  a 
score  or  more  different  agencies  trying  to 
make  dates  for  speakers  independently  of 
each  other  would  cause  a  confusion  alto- 
gether unbearable.  It  would  also  mean  a 
great  waste  in  competitive  advertising  on 
the  part  of  the  different  publishers  to  per- 
suade the  Locals  to  take  up  this  proposition 


or  that  one.  It  would  mean  a  terrible  wa 
of  railroad  fare  in  touring  so  many  speak 
back  and  forth  across  the  country  with* 
plan  or  system. 

According  to  our  Socialist  philosop 
such  conditions  in  the  commercial  field  br 
cut-throat  competition,  resulting  in 
strong  gobbling  up  the  weak;  then  the  s 
vivors,  seeing  the  cost  of  their  competit 
war,  get  together  in  a  "trust." 

This  same  condition  would  have  develo; 
in  the  Socialist  propaganda  field;  a  ceni 
Lyceum  Bureau  would  inevitably  h; 
grown  up  controlled  by  the  strongest 
cialist  publishers.  If  such  a  central  bure 
controlling  practically  all  prominent 
cialist  speakers,  had  been  allowed  to  gr 
up  outside  the  party  organization,  it  wo 
have  meant,  to  say  the  least,  a  danger 
concentration  of  power  in  the  hands  of 
dividuals  without  corresponding  respoi 
bility  to  the  party  membership. 

This  was  the  condition  thaL  faced  the  ] 
tional  Executive  Committee  at  its  meet 
in  Boston  on  May  1st,  1911,  when  I  laid 
fore  them  the  plan  for  the  National 
cialist  Lyceum  Bureau,  to  be  established 
National  Headquarters  under  the  control 
the  party.  There  were  only  three  poss: 
ways  of  meeting  the  situation: 

1 — To  do  what  some  of  the  State  Org? 
zations  tried  to  do;  that  is,   to  prohibit 
cals  from  taking  speakers  routed  on  the  s 
scription    plan.      This    would    have    stop 
the   smaller  papers   from   entering  this  ] 
of  work,  but  would  not  have  prevented 
more    powerful    ones    from    doing    so, 
would    therefore    have   been    manifestly 
just.     Even  if  this  could  have  been  done 
would  not  have  been  desirable  because 
subscription    lectures    offered    the    best 
most   effective  propaganda  yet  devised. 

2 — To  let  the  whole  development  go  or 
its  logical  conclusion.  This  would  h 
meant  within  the  near  future  a  central 
ceum  Bureau  outside  the  party  organizal 
and  party  control  that  would  have  absor 
and  assumed  many  of  the  functions  that 
long  to  the  State  and  National  offices. 

3 — The    only    other    alternative    was 
course  that  was  pursued — the  establishrc 
of   the    National    Socialist    Lyceum    Bur< 

The  fundamental  object  of  this  bur< 
which  must  always  be  kept  in  mind,  is 
help  build  up  the  Socialist  Party  organ 
tion. 

PROGRESS  OP  THE  WORK. 
It    was    decided    to    conduct    the    Bur 
along  the  most  liberal  lines  possible  wil 
the  following  limitations: 

(a)  Every  speaker  to  be  a  good  stand 
party  member. 

(b)  The  Lyceum  Course  to  be  placed  c 
with  locals  in  good  standing  and  only  v 
the  consent  of  state  officers. 

(c)  Only  periodicals  controlled  by  g 
standing  party  members  to  be  handled. 

The  first  letter  announcing:  the  plans 
the  Bureau  was  sent  to  state  secrtaries 
June  1.  Beginning  June  26,  I  put  in  all 
time  in  the  National  Office,  directing 
Lyceum  work.  The  response  from  state  : 
retaries,  locals,  speakers  and  publishers  ' 
most  gratifying,  and  on  August  11,  w 
the  Executive  Committee  met  in  Milwau: 
I  was  able  to  report  that  only  one  state 
fused  permission  to  the  operation  of 
Lyceum;  that  most  of  the  states  were 
onerating  with  a  splendid  spirit;  that  a  s 
ficient  list  of  speakers  had  expressed  tl 
willingness  to  serve  on  the  Lyceum, 
that  the  plans  had  met  with  enthusiastic 
sponse  from  a  sufficient  number  of  local; 
guarantee  a  fair  measure  of  success  to 
enterprise. 


APPENDIX 


227 


The  Committee  approved  the  plans  as  a 
vhole.  With  their  sanction  the  country  was 
livided  into  four  circuits  and  afterward  the 
issignment  of  the  speakers  and  subjects 
nade  substantially  as  follows: 

LIST    OF    SUBJECTS. 

1.  How  We  Are  Gouged. 

2.  Why  Thing's  Happen  to  Happen. 

3.  The  War  of  the  Classes. 

4.  The  Trust  Busters. 

5.  Socialists  at  Work. 

LIST  OF  CIRCUITS  AND   SPEAKERS. 

Eastern  Circuit-*— 64  Lecture  Courses. 
TERRITORY:     New      England,      Atlantic 
Coast  States  and  Pennsylvania. 
r,  SPEAKERS:     1.     Charles    Edward    Russell, 
Janet  Fenimore. 

2.  Walter  J.  Millard. 

3.  Ben  F.  Wilson,   James  H. 
Maurer. 

4.  John  W.  Slayton. 

5.  Lena  Morrow  Lewis. 
Central  Circuit — 68  Lecture  Courses. 

TERRITORY:     Michigan,  Ohio,  West  Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Missouri,  Arkansas. 
SPEAKERS:     1.     Arthur  Brooks  Baker. 

2.  W.    Harry    Spears. 

3.  Frank  Bohn. 

4.  Phil  H  Callery. 

5.  A.    W.    Ricker,    Walter    J. 

Millard. 
Western  Circuit — 85  Lecture  Courses. 
TERRITORY:        Minnesota,      North      and 
South     Dakota,     Iowa,     Wisconsin,     Illinois, 
Nebraska,  Kansas,  Oklahoma. 
SPEAKERS:      1.     W.  F.  Ries. 

2.  Ernest  Untermann. 

3.  R.  A.  Maynard. 

4.  Mila  Tupper  Maynard. 

5.  Ralph  Korngold. 
Pacific  Circuit — 92  Lecture  Courses. 

TERRITORY:  Montana,  Idaho,  Utah, 
Washington,  Oregon,  California,  Arizona, 
New  Mexico,  Colorado. 

SPEAKERS:     1.     Eugene      Wood,      Edward 
Adams  Cantrell. 

2.  N.  A.  Richardson. 

3.  George  D.   Brewer. 

4.  May    Wood-Simons,    Anna 

A.    Maley. 

5.  George  H.  Goebel. 

The  plans  for  the  Lyceum  also  received 
the  unanimous  endorsement  of  the  conven- 
tion of  Socialist  Elected  Officials  Meeting  in 
Milwaukee  during  the  Executive  Committee 
session. 

According  to  these  plans  we  issued  special 
combination  subscription  tickets  good  for 
admission  to  the  lectures  and  also  for  sub- 
scriptions to  Socialist  papers  and  books.  A 
ticket  to  one  lecture  was  attached  to  each  26 
cent  subscription  and  a  ticket  to  all  the  lec- 
tures to  each  dollar  subscription.  The  course 
of  five  lectures  was  offered  the  locals  as  a 
prize  for  selling  $300  worth  of  these  com- 
bination subscriptions..  In  this  way  every 
worker  could  hustle  for  the  publication  that 
he  liked  best  and  the  subscriber  could  get 
the  one  of  his  own  choice  with  the  lecture 
ticket.  We  paid  the  speakers'  wages  and 
evpenses  and  furnished  advertising  matter. 
The  locals  got  the  collections  and  literature 
sal ps  made  at  the  meetings  and  a  commis- 
sion of  40  per  cent  on  all  the  combination 
subscriptions  sold  above  the  $300  require- 
ment. .        , 

One  good  fortune  deserves  mention  here. 
We  discovered  that  Comrade  Arthur  Brooks 
Baker,  who  was  to  have  worked  as  an  ad- 
vance organizer,  was  an  expert  printer.  With 


his  help  we  published  for  the  advertising 
appropriation  of  $30  that  we  had  allowed 
for  each  local,  not  only  a  much  greater 
quantity  of  advertising  matter  than  we  had 
originally  planned,  but  advertising  matter 
of  a  much  higher  grade  than  we  had  hoped 
to  produce. 

Our  plan  included  sending  advance  organi- 
zers to  locals  to  make  the  preliminary  ar- 
rangements. Tin-  following  arc  the  'com- 
rades selected  for  this  work  and  the  num- 
ber of  days  that  each  one  was  in  the  field: 

Arthur  Brooks  Baker    4 

Thomas  G.   Beem 9 

Frank  Bohn 5 

Prudence  Stokes  Brown .'.'.'.'.  167 

Edwin  F.  Cassidy 77 

H,  G.  Creel ]  8 

Leon  Durocher    mi 

M.  J.  Hynes   115 

W.   B.   Killingbeck 33 

Anna  A.   Maley    12 

Edward  J.  McGurty 21 

H.  C.  Mestemaker 71 

Ernest  J.  Moore    172 

J.  E.  Snyder 105 

Piet  Vlag   9 

Clyde  J.  Wright   : 68 

Quite  a  number  of  locals  that  were  not 
visited  by  field  men  took  the  offer  up  by 
mail;  altogether  442  locals  accepted  the 
proposition  and  signed  the  agreement  to  sell 
at  least  $300  worth  of  subscriptions  for  the 
Lyceum  Course. 

SHORTCOMINGS. 

Before  mentioning  the  results  achieved 
through  this  work,  I  want  to  say  that  no 
one  can  realize  more  fully  than  those  of  us 
that  were  actively  engaged  in  conducting  it, 
how  far  it  has  fallen  short  of  the  possibili- 
ties, financially  as  well  as  in  other  ways. 
Tn  no  single  detail  is  the  work  above  criti- 
cism; in  no  detail  has  it  been  done  as  well 
as  it  should  be  done. 

There  are  many  reasons  for  this,  some  of 
which  I  want  to  mention,  not  as  excuses  but 
as  explanations,  in  the  hope  that  they  will 
help  increase  the  effectiveness  of  whatever 
may  be  undertaken  in  the  future. 

LACK  OF  EXPERIENCE. — Both  we  here 
in  the  office  and  the  comrades  in  the  field 
lacked  experience.  Much  time  and  money 
was  used  for  correspondence  which  would 
have  been  needless  if  we  could  have  fur- 
nished locals  and  hustlers  with  printed  in- 
struction books,  covering  the  different  con- 
tingencies that  would  be  Jikely  to  arise.  In 
many  ways  we  had  to  experiment.  Now  we 
KNOW. 

A  LATE  START. — The  preliminary  work 
was  begun  too  late  to  get  full  results.  Tn 
many  cases  it  was  impossible  to  get  out  the 
advertising  as  early  as  it  should  have  been 
sent.  Some  of  the  locals  did  not  have  suf- 
ficient time  to  make  their  own  advance  ar- 
rangements and  sell  the  subserintions.  Cap- 
italist bureaus  begin  their  preliminary  work 
over  a  year  in  advance,  and  their  local  con- 
tracts are  usually  made  several  months  in 
advance.  We  can  not  begin  too  early  for  the 
cominer   season. 

SHORT  FUNDS. — The  Lyceum  was  grent- 
lv  handicapped  at  the  beginning  by  lack  of 
funds.  We  could  not  carry  on  the  right  sort 
of  advertising  campaign  and  we  could  not 
put  out  enough  advance  organizers.  T  ater, 
when  we  had  plenty  of  money  for  these 
things,  the  ^on«nn  was  too  far  advanced  for 
the  he^t  wnrV. 

SHORT  JIVA^. — Tn  launching  such  a  Inrp-p 
enterprise,  involving  so  much  work  in  new 
fields,  the  Lvoeum '  needed  several  men  of 
force  and  initiative,  capable  of  taking  charge 
of  the  various  departments,  thinking  nut 
plans  and  putting  them  into  execution.     Tt  Is 


V. 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


not  easy  to  secure  Socialists  possessing 
these  qualifications  so  long  as  privately- 
owned  publishing  houses  are  glad  to  pay 
th«m  much  better  salaries  than  the  National 
Office  is  permitted  U  offer. 

HIGH  COST. — The  Lyceum  Course  cost 
the  locals  too  much.  Many  elements  con- 
tributed to  this  high  cost. 

First — There  was  much  waste,  part  of 
which  was  inevitable  because  of  the  dif- 
ficulties incidental  to  the  launching  of  any 
enterprise,  but  some  of  which  might  easily 
have  been  avoided  had  all  concerned  given 
their  hearty  co-operation. 

Second — We  were  compelled  to  use  ex- 
pensive advertising,  to  compete  with  pri- 
vately-owned Socialist  publishing  houses  for 
the  enlistment  of  the  party  workers  and 
hustlers.  This  turning  the  attention  arid 
arousing  the  enthusiasm  of  the  workers 
cost  a  great  deal  of  money.  We  were  at  a 
decided  disadvantage,  as  our  competitors, 
with  second-class  postal  rate  and  rapid-fire 
periodical  issue  reached  the  worker  often 
and  cheaply,  while  we  could  only  talk  to 
him  at  longer  intervals  and  high  expense. 

Third — The  experiments  necessarily  at- 
tending the  building  of  a  new  business  ne- 
cessitated items  of  cost  which  will  not  be  a 
permanent  feature.  For  instance,  now  that 
the  locals  generally  are  familiar  with  the 
plans,  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  repeat  the 
pioneer  work  of  sending  out  advance  organ- 
izers, which  this  year  cost  nearly  $6,000. 

Fourth — The  business  methods  used,  both 
by  the  Bureau  and  the  locals,  were  so  loose 
as  to  involve  much  unnecessary  expense.  We 
offered  them  a  contract  which  was  not  suf- 
ficiently rigid;  they  accepted  it  because  it 
was  easy  to  sign,  and  in  many  cases  did  not 
even  attempt  to  carry  out  their  obligations. 
All  the  expense  of  advance  work,  correspon- 
dence, etc.,  with  locals  which  failed  to  make 
good  was  necessarily  shifted  upon  those 
that  were  able  and  willing  to  carry  out 
their  obligations. 

Fifth — Because  of  inadequate  preliminary 
work,  the  fixing  of  dates  was  done  too  late, 
and  to  accommodate  locals  which  secured 
their  halls  at  the  eleventh  hour  the  speakers 
were  often  obliged  to  "back  track"  at  great- 
ly increased  mileage  and  expense.  By  work- 
ing farther  in'  advance,  a  more  nearly  per- 
fect order  of  dating  can  be  secured  and  the 
mileage  greatly  lessened. 

Sixth — The  same  rush  of  work  and  lack 
of  time  caused  unnecessary  expense  in 
routing  the  lecturers.  Instead  of  each 
speaker  beginning  near  his  home,  several 
were  transported  two  thousand  miles  to  the 
place  of  their  first  engagement,  receiving 
wages  and  all  expenses  while  en  route. 

Seventh — While  the  manufacturing  cost  of 
the  advertising  matter  was  low  owing  to  the 
great  quantities  purchased,  the  results  se- 
cured were  at  high  cost.  Owing  to  the  rush 
of  work,  with  insufficient  help,  many  locals 
received  their  advertising-  too  late  to  get  its 
full  value  (even  though  we  sent  some  of  it 
bv  high-priced  express).  Many  others,  not 
having  paid  directly  for  the  advertising, 
failed  to  appreciate  its  value  and  did  not 
circulate  it  properly.  Tn  fact,  from  lec- 
turers' reports,  the  advertising  was  properly 
and  fullv  used  only  in  exceptional  cases. 
This  was  largely  the  fault  of  our  office,  in 
that  while  Ave  gave  full  instructions,  we  had 
no  system  of  constantly  reminding  and  urg- 
ing unon  committees  the  necessity  of  cir- 
culating and  posting  their  paner. 

Another  factor  which  decreased  the  re- 
sults of  the  Lyceum  and  increased  the  cost 
per  local  over  what  it  should  have  been. 
Was  the  lack  of  co-operation  of  some  of  the 
state  ofRoos  and  the  active  hostility  of  cer- 
tain individuals.     Furthermore,   some  of  the 


papers  that  should  have  been  enthusiastic 
in  support  of  this  plan  to  build  up  a  better 
party  organization  remained  silent.  It  was 
impossible  to  achieve  the  best  results  and 
the  greatest  economy  without  the  publicity 
that  similar  enterprises  conducted  under 
private  agencies  had  secured  in  the  past. 

All  this  meant  for  us  an  indirect  expense 
of  thousands  of  dollars  so  that  instead  of 
having  a  $10,000.00  surplus  we  are  coming 
out  barely  even  financially.  We  must  learn 
how  to  co-operate  so  as  to  do  our  party 
propaganda  work  with  less  waste. 

Still  another  respect  in  which  this  year's 
Lyceum  fell  far  short  of  the  original  plans 
is  in  the  lecturers  themselves.  The  fact  is 
that  the  speakers  did  NOT  do  the  desired 
team  work.  The  lecture  course  was  not  al- 
together what  we  intended  it  should  be:  a 
connected  series  of  lectures  giving  a  logical 
presentation  of  the  entire  Socialist  position. 
This  was  due  partly  to  the  fact  that  the  in- 
dividuality of  most  lecturers  is  abnormally 
developed  so  that  it  is  hard  for  them  to 
overcome  the  temptation  to  "star"  rather 
than  work  as  members  of  a  team,  but  the 
main  reason  for  this  shortcoming  was  that 
because  of  lack  of  time  any  adequate  inter- 
change of  ideas  preliminary  to  the  lecture 
tour  was  practically  impossible. 

A  further  criticism  of  this  .year's  work 
can  be  made  because  contrary  to  original 
intentions  some  of  the  speakers  peddled  lit- 
erature for  their  own  profit.  They  should  be 
excused  since  this  has  been  the  custom  for 
Socialist  speakers  in  the  past  who  thereby 
increased  a  wage  which  seemed  to  them  in- 
sufficient. We  ourselves  are  to  blame,  since 
because  of  lack  of  time  and  lack  of  experi- 
enced help  we  had  not  worked  out  a  system- 
atic plan  for  handling  the  literature  to  be 
sold  at  the  meetings. 

But  all  the  energy  wasted  here  at  the 
office  and  by  the  lecturers  is  insignificant 
when  compared  with  the  energy  wasted  by 
some  of  the  locals  as  measured  in  their 
failure  to  make  the  most  of  their  opportu- 
nities. Compared  to  what  might  have  been 
done  the  results  achieved  are  small  indeed. 
Compared  to  our  hopes  and  aspirations  the 
Lyceum  cannot  yet  be  called  a  success,  but 
it  would  not  be  just  to  weigh  it  in  such  a 
scale. 

RESULTS. 

In  spite  of  all  these  mistakes  and  short- 
comings; in  spite  of  all  disappointments, 
difficulties  and  obstacles,  the  following  re- 
sults were  accomplished: 

1 — 309  of  the  442  locals  that  voted  to  take 
up  the  Lyceum  Course  carried  it  through, 
which  means  a  total  of  1,545  Lyceum  lec- 
tures. The  average  audience  at  the  Lyceum 
lectures  was  over  300.  In  addition  to  the 
Lyceum  lectures  82  special  lectures  were 
given  on  open  dates.  The  advance  organ- 
izers had  over  500  advertised  meetings.  The 
Lyceum  work  has  brought  together  aud- 
iences totaling  over  five  hundred  thousand. 
#  2 — The  number  of  subscriptions  to  Social- 
ist papers  forwarded  to  the  publishers  up  to 
Anril  15th  was  50,-194.  The  number  of  cloth 
bound  books  sold  on*  the  Lvcenm  subscrip- 
tion cards  was  18.000.  while  the  number  of 
paper  bound  books  sold  in  this  way  was 
24.735,  making  the  total  number  of  subscrip- 
tions for  books  and  papers  already  for- 
warded  to   the  publishers   93,229. 

3 — The  reports  from  Lyceum  locals  indi- 
cate that  in  addition  to  all  this  literature 
sold  on  Lyceum  subscriptions,  the  literature 
sales  at  the  meetings  averaged  about  $10.00. 
The  Lyceum  has  therefore  alreadv  men^t 
the  distribution  of  about  $100,000.00  worth 
of  Socialist  papers  and  books,  about  one-half 
of  the  total  being  books. 


APPENDIX 


229 


4 — Over  2,000,000  pieces  of  advertising 
matter  were  distriDUted.  All  of  this  was  ar- 
ranged so  as  to  navv  uie  greatest  possible 
propaganda  value,  especially  the  big-  16  page 
folders,  over  3uo,vUu  01  which  were  ua^a. 

5 — We  have  received  clippings  irom  cap- 
italist papers  totaling  aoouc  iu,0uu  inches 
of  reports  of  Lyceum  lectures.  In  many 
ways  this  is  the  mo.  t  valuable  feature  of 
the  entire  worK,  since  tne  paragraphs 
quoted  from  the  Lyceum  lectures  printed  in 
the  local  capitalist  papers  reached  a  vast 
number  of  people  iu  wiiom  the  message 
could  not  be  carried  by  any  other  method. 
It  would  have  co_>t  tne  party  many  thou- 
sands of  dollars  to  accomplish  a  similar 
amount  of  propaganda  in   other   ways. 

6 — In  some  of  the  locals  individual  com- 
rades found  it  necessary  to  dig  into  their 
own  pockets  to  make  up  the  amount  due  on 
the  Lyceum  Course,  but  reports  show  that 
other  locals  have  made  enough  profit  from 
the   lectures   to   offset   this. 

7 — A  number  of  new  locals  have  been 
'organized  by  the  Lyceum  lecturers  on  open 
dates.  Collections  were  taken  up  at  many 
of  the  meetings  for  the  benefit  of  strikers 
in  different  parts  of  the  country,  thousands 
Of  signatures  were  secured  to  the  woman 
suffrage  petition,  and  in  many  other  ways 
the  Lyceum  was  made  use  of  to  help  along 
other  party  activities. 

8 — The  records  cf  the  National  ,  Office 
show  that  the  Lyceum  work  did  not  sup- 
plant activity  in  other  lines,  but  that  the 
locals  working  on  the  Lyceum  Course  at 
the  same  time  ordered  more  than  their  pro- 
portion of  leaflets  for  house  to  house  dis- 
tribution, pamphlets  and  other  literature 
for  sale.  Reports  from  the  locals  also  indi- 
cate that  the  Lyceum  work  did  not  decrease 
but  rather  augmented  the  demand  for  local 
speakers. 

9 — Specific  reports  received  from  a  large 
number  of  the  locals  that  had  the  Lyceum 
Course  indicate  that  the  work  has  brought 
into  the  party  to  date  in  those  locals  at 
least  10„000  new  members.  This  means  ad- 
ditional dues  of  $6,000  per  annum  to  the 
national  treasury,  $6,000  to  the  state  offices 
and  $18,000  to  the  locals  concerned.  It  is 
of  course  true  that  other  agitation  preced- 
ing the  Lyceum  Course  is  largely  responsi- 
ble for  the  members  so  far  brought  in.  On 
the  other  hand  it  is  equally  true  that  the 
[full  effects  will  not  be  felt  for  a  long  time 
to  come,  since  the  people  whom  the  Ly- 
ceum has  started  studying  this  winter  will 
only  in  exceptional  instances  join  the 
(party  before  next  year. 

L  10 — A  large  number  of  locals  that  have 
had  the  Lyceum  Course  have  been  success- 
ful in  their  local  elections  this  spring,  and 
rat  least  a  few  of  them  attribute  their  suc- 
cess at  the  polls  directly  to  the  general  in- 
fluence of  the  Lyceum  work  upon  their 
community. 

I  11 — According  to  reports  received  from 
peeretaries.  the  Lyceum  has  increased  the 
rovorking  efficiency  of  nearly  every  local 
[that  took  it  up.  It  means  a  vastly  more 
[efficient  campaign  next  fall  than  would 
[otherwise  have  been  possible.  The  fact 
[that  this  has  been  carried  through  success- 
fully will  gradually  get  the  comrades  to 
jtnore  and  more  make  uce  of  the  organiza- 
tion for  doing-  their  work.  The  experience 
■rained  through  the  Lyceum  will  be  an  in- 
valuable asset  to  the  locals  for  whatever 
Khey   may   undertake   in   the   future. 

RECOMMENDATIONS. 
f.  For  the  purpose  of  increasing  the  effec- 
tiveness   of  the    work    f  made    certain   rec- 
nmendations#  to   the   Executive   Committee 
t    its    March    session.      In    order    to    l^arn 


r 


the  sentiment  of  the  locals  that  had  this 
years  Lyceum  Course  and  to  secure  further- 
data  as  a  guide  to  future  action,  I  sub- 
mitted the  same  propositions  to  an  advisory 
referendum  of  the  Lyceum  locals  and  the 
state  secretaries  of  the  41  states  in  which 
the  Lyceum  was  held.  I  am  pleased  "to 
announce  that  of  all  tnese  state  secretaries 
only  two  voted  against  tne  continuation  of 
the  Lyceum  and  of  tne  182  locals  whose  ad- 
visory ballots  we  have  received  only  one 
voted  against  it  and  181  voted  to  continue 
the  Lyceum,  which  is  about  as  nearly  unani- 
mous as  anything  has  ever  been  in  the  So- 
cialist Party.  (96  of  these  locals  reported 
the  number  voting  which  was  1,893  yes 
and  only  25  nays.) 

We  may  be  pardoned  for  feeling  grati- 
fied with  this  splendid  endorsement  of  the 
Lyceum  plan  on  the  part  of  comrades  who 
out  on  the  firing  line  have  stood  the  brunt 
of  the  fight,  and  whose  devotion  to  the 
cause  and  never-tiring  work  without  hope 
of  immediate  personal,  reward  has  made 
possible  whatever  of  success  has  been 
achieved. 

Most  of  these  recommendations  are  mere 
matters  of  administrative  detail  and  should 
not  properly  take  up  any  of  the  conven- 
tion's time.  Since,  however,  a  general 
knowledge  of  the  problems  that  confront 
tne  management  of  the  Lyceum  is  essential 
to  its  greatest  sucess,  I  herewith  append 
the  recommendations  together  with  the 
vote  thereon,  the  first  figure  in  each  case 
representing  the  vote  of  the  locals  and  the 
second  the  vote  of  the  state  secretaries.  I 
shall  also  add  to  each  recommendation 
some  of  my  reasons  for  making  it. 

1.  That  the  Lyceum  be  continued 
next  year  with  such  changes  as  seem 
advisable. 

Yes,  181  and  20;  No,  1  and  2. 
Comment: — There  are  four  possible 
courses  of  action:  (1)  the  entire  work 
of  arranging  subscription  lectures  or  So- 
cialist lecture  courses  could  be  prohibited. 
No  argument  seems  necessary  on  this  point. 

(2)  This  work  could  be  left  to  the  pri- 
vate agencies  of  Socialist  publishers.  The 
reasons  that  were  given  earlier  ir#  this  re- 
port and  that  prevailed  with  the  executive 
committees  one  year  ago  should  be  suf- 
ficient here.      , 

(3)  The  work  could  be  turned  over  en- 
tirely to  the  state  offices.  This  does  not 
seem  to  me  a  good  plan  since  most  of  the 
state  offices  are  in  no  way  equipped  to 
handle  the  details  of  such  a  proposition  and 
even  if  all  of  them  were  so  equipped  it 
would  mean  in  many  ways  a  worse  than 
useless  duplication  of  effort.  Much  of  the 
Lyceum  work  can  be  done  as  easily  for  the 
whole  United  States  as  for  one  state  or 
even  one  local.  It  would  mean  applying  to 
our  own  problems  the  logic  of  a  Bryan, 
who  would  "Bust  the  Trust"  and  go  back  to 
the  days  of  small-scale  production. 

(4)  Let  the  Lyceum  develop  under  na- 
tional auspices,  with  the  guidance  of  the 
Executive  Committee  and  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  party  membership,  in  such  ways 
as  experience  may  teach  to  be  wisest  and 
best.      This   is    my   recommendation. 

2.  That  the  preliminary  work  start 
as  soon  as  possible,  but  that  the  lec- 
ture course  do  not  begin  until  after 
the  fall  election. 

Yes,  176  and  18;  No,  6  and  2. 
Comment: — This  past  season  we  were  be- 
hind the  time  all  the  time.  The  work  was 
not  started  early  enough.  At  least  six 
months  should  elapse  between  the  selection 
of  speakers  and  the  beginning  of  their  lec- 
ture tours.  I  therefore  recommend,  that 
the  preliminary  work  begin  immediately. 


F 


230 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


I  do  not  however,  agree  with  some  en- 
thusiastic comrades  who  want  the  Lyceum 
lectures  to  run  during  the  campaign.  Most 
competent  speakers  are  already  engaged, 
and  most  state  secretaries  have  already 
completed  their  plans  for  the  fall  cam- 
paign. Let  us  take  advantage  of  every 
ounce  of  campaign  enthusiasm  for  selling 
Lyceum  subscriptions  but,  in  order  to  avoid 
confusion  and  secure  the  best  possible  re- 
sults, let  us  not  start  the  lecturers  them- 
selves until  after  election. 

3.  .That  two  lecture  courses  be  ar- 
ranged, one  course  of  six  numbers  at 
$300,  another  course  of  three  numbers 
for  $150. 

Yes,  174  and  19;  No,  3  and  1. 
Comment: — Since  I  made  this  recommen- 
dation Comrade  Arthur  Brooks  Baker,  the 
printing  expert  whose  technical  knowledge 
has  already  saved  the  National  Office  many 
thousands  of  dollars,  has  revised  our  esti- 
mates on  advertising  and  printing  costs.  I 
have  carefully  gone  over  all  the  other 
figures  in  the  light  of  last  season's  experi- 
ence, and  feel  sure  that  if  the  recommenda- 
tions made  in  this  report  are  adopted,  we 
can  give  the  Lyceum  Course  of  five  lectures 
to  every  local  that  sells  $150.00  worth  of 
subscriptions,  instead  of  requiring  $300.00 
worth  as  last  season.  I  therefore  recom- 
mend one  lecture  course  of  five  numbers 
for  $150.00  worth  of  subscriptions. 

4.  That  one  of  these  numbers  be  an 
illustrated    lecture. 

Yes,  177  and  16;  No,  2  and  3. 
Comment: — There  has  been  considerable 
demand  for  an  illustrated  lecture.  I  my- 
self do  not  yet  know  as  to  the  practicabil- 
ity of  making  one  of  the  Lyceum  lectures 
an  illustrated  lecture,  and  would  like  to 
hear  from  all  who  have  experience  on  the 
subject. 

5.  That  the  Executive  Committee 
put  on  the  "Approved  List"  at  least 
twice  as  many  speakers  as  will  be 
needed. 

Yes,  173  and  18;  No,  4  and  1. 
Comment: — In  filling  vacancies  this  sea- 
son, we  could  not  consider  the  wants  of 
comrades  in  states  to  be  traversed,  since 
the  small  approved  list  left  the  manage- 
ment so  little  choice.  It  may  be  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  find\  enough  speak- 
ers to  carry  out  this  proposal  literally,  but 
there  should  be  an  approved  list  so  large 
that  we  can  at  all  times  give  due  consider- 
ation to  the  special  adaptability  of  speak- 
ers to  subject  and  territory.  Of  course,  no 
speakers  will  receive  any  pay  except  those 
actually,  employed. 

6.  That  opinions  on  party  tactics 
receive  no  consideration  in  the  selec- 
tion of  speakers  and  that  on  the  other 
hand  the  speakers  be  instructed  not  to 
dwell  on  these  moot  questions  during 
their  lectures. 

Yes,  171  and  17;  No,  9  and  4. 
Comment: — The  Lyceum  should  be  above 
factional  fights.  We  should  select  speakers 
not  because  of  opinions  on  tactics,  but  only 
for  their  special  qualifications  as  Lyceum 
lecturers.  On  the  other  hand,  they  should 
use  their  position,  not  to  boost  party  fac- 
tions but  to  teach  undisputed  fundamentals. 

7.  That  speakers  be  paid  a  uniform 
flat  rate  of  $50  per  week  and  railroad 
fare,  and  that  they  pay  out  of  their 
$50  their  own  hotel  bills  and  incident- 
als, it  being  understood  that  $28  of 
this    is    wages    and    $22    personal    ex- 

enses. 
Yes,   1&7  and  11;  No,   11  and   7. 
Comment: — Under     the     Executive     Com- 
mittee's ruling  that  the  constitutional  limit 
of  $3  per  day  for  organizers  did  not  apply 


to  Lyceum  lecturers,  we  paid  them  $35  p< 
week  and  railroad  fare  and  personal  ei 
penses.  Personal  expense  accounts  of  di: 
ferent  speakers  varied  so  greatly  that 
seems  better  to  pay  a  flat  rate  and  1< 
them  pay  their  expenses.  This  last  seaso 
the  speakers  cost  from  $55  to  $70  per  wee 
plus  railroad  fare.  I  now  recommend  tlu 
this  be  REDUCED  to  $49  per  week  an 
R.  R.  fare,  which  would  be  just  $4  per  da 
salary  and  $3  for  hotel  and  incidental  e? 
penses. 

I  certainly  do  not  favor  the  fancy  sa 
aries  that  some  are  said  'to  draw  from  oi 
movement,  but  on  the  other  hand  I  thin 
our  speakers  should  not  feel  compelled  t 
eke  out  their  incomes  by  peddling  thing 
for  private  profit  as  seems  to  have  been  tr. 
custom  in  the  past,  but  should  receh 
enough  to  keep  themselves  in  good  cond 
tion  and  care  for  their  families. 

If  this  conflicts  with  the  constitute 
then  let's  amend   the  constitution. 

8.  That  party  membership  of  at  least 
three  years'  standing  be  required  of 
Lyceum    lecturers. 

Yes,  147  and  19;  No,  31  and  2. 
Comment: — It  may  be  that  three  years  : 
rather  long,  but  I  am  sure  that  the  be; 
interests  of  the  movement  demand  that  an 
bitious  orators  be  "kept  in  pickle'"  at  lea; 
two  years. 

9.  That  the  maximum  wage  limit  in 
"  the  office  be  raised  to  equal  that  of  the 

speakers. 

Yes,  151  and  10;  No,  21  and  5. 

Comment: — At   present   the   highest   wag 
that   can   be   paid   to   any    office    employe 
$21    per    week.      My    recommendation    is    l 
raise  this   maximum  limit  to   $28  per  wee 

Different  departments  of  the  work  shou: 
be  in  charge  of  specialists  who  are  also  : 
demand  elsewhere.  The  inevitable  effei 
of  the  present  limitation  is  that  some  < 
the  best  brains  in  the  movement  are  bougl 
by  private  enterprises  more  or  less  ii 
directly  connected  with  it,  instead  of  beir 
in   the   direct   service  of  the   party. 

10.  That  I  be  permitted  to  scour  the 
country  for  the  best  and  most  efficient 
persons  for  this  work. 

Yes,  174  and  19;  No,  7  and  1. 
Comment: — I  do  not  wish  to  minimize  tr 
worth  of  private  enterprises  in  advancir 
the  Socialist  movement.  But  to  me  tl 
most  important  part  of  the  work  is  thi 
done  directly  through  the  party  organiz; 
tion.  I  believe  that  our  party  should  ha-\ 
in  its  service  the  most  efficient  machiner 
the  most  efficient  methods  and  the  moi 
efficient  men  that  can  be  had.  If  I  am  1 
manage  the  Lyceum,  I  want  permission  1 
search  for  and  secure  the  best  persons  f( 
this  work  no  matter  where  or  by  who: 
they  -may  at  present  be   employed. 

11.  That  as  much  as  possible  of  the 
work,  especially  the  advance  work,  be 
turned  over  to  State  Offices,  and  that 
the  State  Offices  be  paid  $10  for  each 
Local  that  makes  good  on  the  $300 
course,  and  $5.00  for  each  Local  that 
makes  good  on  the  $150  course. 

Yes,   162   and   17;   No,   16  and  4. 

Comment: — Most     of    the    Lyceum    woi 

can    be    done    so    much    cheaper    and    bett< 

from    one    central    point    that    it    would    1 

ridiculous  to  divide  it  up  among  forty   di 

ferent   State   Offices.      However,    some   of 

for    instance    the    advance    work,    could 

many  cases  be  directed  better  by  the   Sta 

Secretaries,   who   know    the    Locals    in   the 

territory.      There  seems  to  be   some  opno< 

V  tion  to  turning  this  work  over  to  the  Sta 

•''Offices    on     the    pArt    of     State    Secretary 

themselves,    and    I    have    corfte    to    the    co 

elusion     that     it    would    be    best    to  ,  mal 


APPENDIX 


231 


^ 


i  eial  arrangements  only  with  those  State 
if  ices  that  may  be  able  and  willing  to  do 
il  s  special  work. 

12.  That  the  list  of  "approved 
peakers"  be  submitted  to  State  Offices 
or  their  approval. 

Yes,  169  and  18;  No,  11  and  3. 
Comment: — This  merely  means  that  no 
aj[>akers  shall  be  toured  in  a  State  whom 
s  State  does  not  want.  It  is  very  em- 
rassing  to  bring  these  matters  up  after 
angements  have  already  been  made.  Un- 
■  my  plan  dislikes  could  be  discovered 
1  taken  into  consideration  before  the 
jakers  are  assigned. 

13.  'xhat  publication  of  a  series  of 
jpecial  propaganda  leaflets  for  Lyceum 

v^idvertising  be  authorized. 

Yes,  179  and  20;  No,  1  and  1. 
omment: — I    propose    the    publication    of 
special    propaganda    leaflets    to    fit    the 
jture  course  outline,  two  of  the  leaflets  to 
distributed    house    to    house    before    the 
jt    lecture    and    one    before    each    of    the 
Ifers,  each  leaflet  to  advertise  the  follow- 
r    lecture.       In     this     way     an     immenser 
lount  of  propaganda  work  will  be  accom- 
5  Shed  in  a  systematic  manner. 
I  14.     That  the  Lyceum  Department  be 
permitted    to    publish    a    weekly    leaflet 
Cor  "Party  Boosters,"  this  leaflet  to  be 
mailed  under  second   class  rates. 
Yes,  176  and  18;  No,  5  and  3. 
Comment: — This   year    it   cost   $100   post- 
i  to  §end  a  message  to  each  of  the  5,000 
ft'ceum  hustlers.  To  send  the  same  message 
Ifa  leaflet  under  second  class   rates  would 
Je  cost  only  fifty  cents  postage,  a  differ- 
fee  of  $99.50.     If  there  were  a  party  paper 
jwhich  a  column  could  be  devoted  to  the 
fceum    work,    this    leaflet    would    not    be 
Ided,    but   as    it    is    the    Lyceum    is    very 
5  ach  "hobbled."     I  believe  that  the  party's 
'  rceum  Bureau  should  have  as  good  oppor- 
faity  to  encourage  party  builders  to  their 
it  efforts  as  different  private  institutions 
m  have   to   enthuse   their  respective   sup- 
fters.     This  year's  experience  teachss  that 
feh  a  periodical  is  essential  to  the  great- 
t    success    of    this    or    any    other    party 
prk. 

15.  That  a  report  of  this  year's  Ly- 
fceum  Bureau,  together  with  the  plans 
gor  next  year,  be  submitted  to  the 
National  Convention  for  endorsement. 

Yes,  176  and  21;  No,  X  and  0. 
Comment: — By  this  I  do  not  mean  to  take 
the    time    of    this    Convention    with    a 
icussion     of    these    'recommendations     in 
■ail.     They  are  properly  the  work  of  ad- 
fcistration,    and    the    management    should 
I  left  free  to  work  out  these  problems  as 
■y    present    themselves,    under    the    guid- 
le    of    the    National    Secretary    and    the 
Itional    Executive    Committee.      The    Con- 
dition  will   prcbably   not  care  to   consume 
time   discussing  details   of   the   Lyceum 
nagement,    but    I    shall    be    glad    to    re- 
fc^e    personally    all    suggestions    from    in- 
idual   delegates   who   have  ideas   on   how 
improve   the  work.     The   question,    how- 
r,    of    stopping    or    continuing    the  •  Ly- 
m    work    is    one    that    in    my    judgment 
uld   be    decided   by    the    Convention, 
his   past   season   every  bit   of  progress 
"e  by  the  Lyceum   has  been  made  with 
brakes    set    in    certain    quarters,    which 
;de    the   work   exceedingly   difficult.      The 
ceum     should     either     be     stopped     alto- 
her    or    should    have    the    united    support 
the  entire   party   organization.      The  en- 
sement  of  the  proposition  as  a  whole  on 
part  of  this  Convention  would  gain  this 
ted    support.      I    therefore    recommended 
the  Executive  Committee  that  the  ques- 


tion of  continuing  the  Lyceum  be  referred 
to  the  Convention. 

Some  additional  recommendations  that  in 
my  opinion  will  greatly  increase  the  effec- 
tiveness of  the  Lyceum  work  are  the  fol- 
lowing: 

16.  That  we  select  a  series  of  books, 
appropriate  for  the  different  lecture 
subjects,  and  either  publish  them  our- 
selves or  buy  them  in  large  quantities. 
Lecturers  and  publishers  should  not 
exploit  the  Lyceum  audiences  for  pri- 
vate profit.  Literature  sold  at  Lyceum 
lectures  should  be  handled  systematic- 
ally through  the  Lyceum  and  the 
Locals. 

Comment: — This  recommendation  I  sub- 
mitted in  a  letter  to  Lyceum  Locals  and 
received  unanimous  endorsement.  I  be- 
lieve the  best  results  would  be  obtained  by 
selling,  after  each  lecture,  printed  copies  of 
the  lecture  itself.  Comrade  Baker,  who  has 
demonstrated  with  "The  Growing  Grocery 
Bill"  that  he  can  substantiate  his  printing 
estimates,  tells  me  that  if  we  publish  the 
lectures  ourselves  we  can  retail  them  in 
the  form  of  32-page  pamphlets  at  ten  for  a 
dime  and  still  turn  over  50  per  cent  of  the 
selling  price  to  the  Locals.  I  recommend 
that  all  the  Lyceum  lectures  be  published. 

Gn  the  back  of  each  pamphlet  could  be 
stamped  an  announcement  of  the  follow- 
ing lecture.  The  people  who  buy  these 
pamphlets  at  one  lecture  will  distribute 
them  to  their  neighbors,  and  in  that  way 
not  only  do  some  excellent  propaganda 
work,  but  also  help  to  build  up  the  audi- 
ence   for   the    next   speaker. 

17.  That  the  publication  of  ten  So- 
cialist books,  approximately  the  size  of 
"What's  So  and  What  Isn't,"  be  author- 
ized for  sale  in  connection  with  the  Ly- 
ceum lectures. 

Comment: — In  no  way  can  we  facilitate 
the  sale  of  Lyceum  subscriptions  more 
than  by  putting  into  concrete,  visible,  tan- 
gible form  the  best  book  offer  ever  pre- 
sented to  the  public. 

We  now  know  that  even  without  a  Na- 
tional Print  Shop,  such  as  I  hope  will  be 
established,  we  can  print  on  our  own  ac- 
count ten  books,  averaging  160  pages  each, 
totel  1,600  pages,  and  sell  them  together 
With  a  Lyceum  ticket  for  fifty  cents.  To 
make  this  possible  we  would  have  to  ship 
to  the  Locals  direct  by  freight  and  get 
cash  in  advance  from  the  Locals-.  But  by 
placing  in  the  hands  of  the  hustler  a  set 
of  paper  covered  volumes  which  the  pro- 
spective customer  could  see  and  feel  and 
weigh,  we  would  be  giving  the  Comrade 
Hustler  a  lever  with  which  he  would  find 
it  easy  to  pry  loose  the  fifty-cent  piece. 

The  ten  books  should  be  selected  so  as  to 
cover  the  main  elements  of  the  Socialist 
Philosophy  and  their  application  to  present 
flay  problems,  following  the  same  general 
outline  as  the  leaflets  and  the  lectures 
themselves. 

■vt1*8.-     ^hat  the  $3,000  advanced  bv  the 
National    Office    last    year    to    start    the 
Lyceum    be    left    in    the    Lyceum    Fund 
for  beginning-  this  year's   work 
Comment: — Even   this   sum   is   utterly  in- 
adequate  to   start  the  work  unon   the   scale 
that  it  should  be  done.     T  believe,  however 
that   by    using   our    credit    and    e-ettimr    the 
Locals     to     make     advance     payments     the 
plans  can  be  worked  out  to  brin*  a   suffici- 
ent income  by  the  time  the   S3  000  is  snent 
to  carry  on  this  work.     Next  fail  the  $3,000 
could  be  returned  to  the  National  Treasury 

CONCLUSION. 
.-  Tf  these  recommendations  are  adopted  by 
the   Executive   Committee   and   the   Lvceum 
is    endorsed    by    the    Convention,    we'  shall 


r 


232 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


make  the  following  offer   to  the   Locals: 

A  lecture  course  of  five  numbers  to  every 
Local  that  sells  $150  worth  of  subscrip- 
tions. Every  50-cent  subscription  will  en- 
title the  holder  to  admission,  to  the  entire 
course  of  five  lectures  and  to  a  library  of 
10  Socialist  books  or  a  50-cent  subscription 
to  any  other  Socialist  books  or  papers 
whose  publishers  give  a  satisfactory  rate 
to  the  Lyceum.  This  offer  is  the  best  that 
can  be  made  until  the  party  owns  its  own 
press  and  its  own  publishing  plant,  which 
I  hope  will  be  in  the  near  future. 

Under  such  an  unprecedented  offer  even 
Locals  in  the  smallest  country  towns  could 
avail  themselves  of  this  great  organizing 
campaign.  Judging  from  this  .  year's  ex- 
perience, two  thousand  Locals  could  make 
a  success  of  this  undertaking,  necessitating 
16  circuits  with  five  speakers  on  each  cir- 
cuit. This  would  mean  in  round  figures  80 
lecturers,  each  filling  125  dates,  a  total  of 
ten  thousand  Lyceum  lectures  for  the  sea- 
son. It  would  mean  the  selling  of  at  least 
four  million  Socialist  books,  and  several 
hundred  thousand  subscriptions  to  Socialist 
papers.  It  would  mean  the  circulation  of 
ten  million  pamphlets  and  the  distribution 
of    thirty    million    propaganda    leaflets.      It 


would  mean  that  instead  of  our  campaif 
relaxing  after  the  National  election  th 
fall,  it  would  increase  in  vigor  and  e: 
thusiasm  throughout  the  entire  year. 

I  feel  sure  that  these  estimates  can  1 
surpassed  with  this  Lyceum  plan.  It  cor 
bines  logically  arranged  series  of  lecturi 
by  specially  trained  speakers,  careful 
planneu  publicity  campaign  in  the  Capita 
ist  press,  publication  and  sale  of  special 
prepared  lecture  pamphlets,  publication  ai 
sale  of  a  special  library  of  ten  stronge 
propaganda  books,  sale  of  subscriptions 
all  other  Socialist  papers  and  books,  houi 
to  house  distribution  of  a  suitable  serii 
of  propaganda  leaflets,  personal  effort  i 
every  live  member  and  co-operation  i 
State  Organizers,  State  Offices  and  tl 
National. 

It  means  co-ordinating  all  the  differei 
factors  of  our  movement  so  as  to  get  tl 
greatest  possible  results  for  every  ounce  i 
our  energy.  It  means  the  development  of 
great  labor  saving  device  to  do  our  pr 
paganda  and  organization  work.  It  meai 
LESS  FRICTION  AND  MORE  POWER. 
Fraternally   submitted, 

L.   E.   KATTERFELD, 
Manage 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX  N 


288 


Report  of  Representative  Victor  L.  Berger,  of  the  Fifth  District  of 
Wisconsin,  as  to  His  Activity. 


The  fall  election  of  1910  marked  a  new 
epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Socialist  move- 
ment in  America.  A  Socialist  was  elected 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

Naturally  I  considered  it  a  great  honor  to 
ibe  the  first  representative  of  the  class 
•conscious  proletariat  of  America  in  the 
halls  of  our  national  legislature.  But 
having  been  in  the  fight  for  the  emancipa- 
tion of  the  working  class  for  almost  a  gen- 
eration, I  also  at  once  realized  the  difficulty 
•of  my  position.  I  was  the  only  member  of 
;a  much  feared  and  much  hated  party  in  the 
lower  House,  with  391  other  members  of 
the  House,  and  96  Senators,  absolutely  and 
uncompromisingly  opposed  to  me  on  all 
f.  vital   political   and   economic   questions. 

Moreover,  our  republic  differs  from  all 
.  other  republics  '  known  in  the  civilized 
;  world.  The  President  of  the  United  States 
I is  not  only  the  chief  executive  and  is 
.^elected  by  a  geneeal  vote  of  all  citizens — 
•  on  account  of  his  veto  power  he  also  forms 
!  a  very  important  part  of  the  national  legis- 
[  lature. 

Under  our  Constitution  the  real  power  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  lies  in  the 
«fact  that  the  House,  being  the  so-called 
,  popular  branch  of  the  legislature,  has  the 
>sole  power  to  originate  bills  raising  revenue 
F — the  Senate  has  only  the  power  to  amend 
[a,  bill  containing  an  appropriation,  and  can- 
,  not   originate  an  appropriation. 

Our  Constitution  was  formed  very  much 
1  after  the  English  form  of  government — as 
£to  the  control  of  the  treasury  our  House  of 
f  Representatives  was  to  resemble  the  House 
[of  Commons  in  England. 

In  our  country,  however,   in  practice  this 
power   of   the   House   of   Representatives   is 
kxeduced  to  a  shadow. 

The  shortness  of  the  term  of  the  mem- 
l  hers  of  the  House  when  compared  with  the 
[  much  longer  term  of  the  Senators,  and  the 
I  Senate's  power  over  the  patronage  of  the 
[different  districts  very  soon  gave  all  the 
f  practical  advantages  to  the  Senate.  The 
Senate  today  is  really  the  ruling  legislative 
tbody  of  our  country. 

Furthermore,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
fe  when  our  constitution  was  formed  less  than 
I  one-third  of  the  male  inhabitants  were 
given  the  right  to  vote.  The  upper  house 
of  our  national  legislature  was  even 
created  for  the  very  purpose  of  represent- 
ing "the  wealth  and  invested  interests  of 
the  country"  as  Alexander  Hamilton  put  it 
— even  against  that  third  of  the  male  popu- 
lation that  could  vote  for  it. 

From    the    beginning    of    our    government 

the  Senate   was   intended  to   "form  a  check 

upon  the  will  of  the  people."     Therefore,  its 

selection  was   removed   from   the   people   as 

*  far  as  possible  and  put  in  the  hands  of  the 

1  respective   legislatures. 

Our  reformers  have  been  trying  to  rem- 
|  edy  this  by  having  the  senators  elected 
|  directly   by   the   people.      However,    this    so- 


called  remedy  is  only  superficial.  Even  in 
a  reformed  Senate  the  30,000  voters  of 
Wyoming  would  have  as  many  Senators  as 
the  two  million  voters  of  New  York,  which 
is  absurd  on  the  face  of  it,  although  the 
Senators  of  each  state  are  elected  directly 
by  the  people. 

Moreover,  the  Senate  is  indefensible  as  a 
check  against  bad  legislation.  Either  the 
Senate  agrees  to  the  legislation  proposed  by 
the  Representatives  of  the  people  and  then 
it  is  superfluous.  Or  it  is  opposed  to  the 
legislation  of  the  Representatives  of  the 
people  and  then  it  is  dangerous  and  un- 
democratic. 

If  there  is  any  corrective  to  be  provided 
in  a  democracy,  let  democracy  provide  for 
it.  The  best  possible  check  upon  any  whim- 
sical or  hasty  legislation  is  a  referendum 
of  the  people.  Abolish  the  Senate.  The 
best  cure  for  any  ills  of  democracy  is  more 
democracy.  I  mention  this  only  so  that 
some  of  my  bills  should  be  understood. 

The  fact  is  that  the  Senate  is  the  para- 
mount power  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  and  that  as  a  body  it  represents 
best  the  power  of  capitalism. 

The  Senate  has  a  small  membership,  and 
discussion  in  the  Senate  is  unlimited;  thus 
one  senator  with  some  powers  of  endurance  . 
may  talk  to  death  any  bill  which  he  op- 
poses. The  House  has  a  very  large  mem- 
bership and  this  has  made  it  necessary  to 
limit  the  right  of  the  individual  members 
to  speak  and  to  offer  amendments  from  the 
floor. 

The  short  intervals  between  elections  of 
members  of  the  House  which  makes  many 
of  them  in  a  sense  permanent  candidates 
and  the  fact  that  most  of  them  are  lawyers 
and  professional  orators  makes  stringent 
rules  obviously  necessary  to  limit  the  out- 
put of  oratory. 

The  proceedings  of  the  two  houses  of 
Congress  are  supposed  to  be  published 
verbatim  in  the  Congressional  Record. 
Therefore,  the  custom  has  grown  up  of 
printing  speeches  that  have  never  been  de- 
livered on  the  floor.  And  this  is  a  wise 
custom  owing  to  the  temptation  of  the 
members  to  impress  themselves  upon  their 
constituents  at  home  by  making  speeches 
in  Congress. 

As  it  is,  the  constructive  work  amounts 
to  very  little.  Our  system  of  government 
by  checks  and  balances — the  ideal  of  the 
American  bourgeois — and  the  antiquated 
constitution  have  resulted  In  the  fact  that 
nr  a  single  great  and  important  measure 
h&  j  passed  our  Congress  in  thirty  years. 
uniess  we  consider  tariff  bills  "and  the 
Sherman  anti-trust  act  as  great  and  im- 
portant measures. 

Moreover,  both  houses  of  Congress  are 
practically  made  up  of  the  same  type  of 
men.  Wealth  was  always  held  in  great 
respect  in  our  country.  When  our  govern- 
ment was  formed   George  Washington   was 


234 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


chosen  the  first  president  not  oniy  on  ac- 
count of  his  merits,  but  also  because  he 
was    the   richest   man   in   America. 

The  majority  of  the  members  of  Congress 
belong  to  what  I  would  call  the  upper  mid- 
dle class.  Capitalism  as  a  'whole  is  of 
course  excellently  represented — especially 
the  railroads,  the  manufacturers,  the  banks 
and  similar  interests.  Yet  there  are  even 
large  groups  within  the  capitalist  class  of 
America  that  are  not  over-well  repre- 
sented. An  overwhelming  majority  of  both 
houses  is  made  up  of  lawyers.  There  are 
quite  a  number  of  business  men  and  manu- 
facturers, and  I  also  want  to  say  in  con- 
nection with  this,  that  these  men  are  not 
dishonest  or  crooked  as  is  often  claimed. 
They  are.  as  a  rule  honest  to  the  class  and 
the  interest  they  represent,  only  they  do 
not  represent  our  class,  nor  our  class  in- 
terest. 

As  everybody  knows  there  are  a  few 
workingmen  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives— about  half  a  dozen  so-called  card 
men — men  with  union  cards  in  their 
pockets.  They  do  in  no  way,  however,  dif- 
fer from  the  other  representatives  of  the 
capitalist  parties  in  their  votes,  argumenta- 
tion   or   method    of   thinking. 

Practically  all  the  work  of  Congress  and 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  is  done  in 
the  committees.  There  is  hardly  any  pos- 
sibility of  rejecting  a  bill  that  is  proposed 
by  the  ruling  party  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. Of  course  the  bills  are  dis- 
cussed in  the  committee  of  the  whole  and 
smaller  amendments  are  occasionally 
agreed  to.  But  as  a  rule,  the  Democrats 
will  vote  absolutely  with  the  Democratic 
leaders  and  the  Republicans  with  the  Re- 
publican leaders,  and  every  one  knows  be- 
forehand what  the  fate  of  the  bill  is  going 
to  be  when  it  is  once  reported  to  the  House. 
There  is  no  such  thing  as  an  adverse  or 
unfavorable  report  in  the  House.  A  bill 
reported  always  means  favorably  reported 
by  the  majority  of  the  committee.  If  the 
minority  disagrees  it  can  make  a  minority 
report.  Of  the  many  thousand  bills  intro- 
duced  only   very   few   are   reported. 

Of  the  nearly  40,000  bills  introduced  in 
the  preceding  Congress,  only  700  became 
law — the  great  majority  of  these  were  ad- 
ministrative acts  of  small  importance  to 
the  country  in  general.  Besides  these, 
Congress  passed  about  6,000  private  pen- 
sion bills. 

Such  are  the  parliamentary  conditions 
that  confronted  your  first  Socialist  Con- 
gressman. They  are  as  unfavorable  to 
any  new  departure  as  they  can  possibly  be. 
and  yet  some  people  expected  wonderful 
things.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that 
not  only  the  eyes  of  the  Socialist  Party, 
but  the  attention  of  the  entire  American 
people,  as  far  as  it  gave  any  attention  to  the 
doings  of  Congress,  were  riveted  upon  me. 
I  could  not  afford  to  do  or  say  anything 
that  would  make  one  cause  and  one  party 
ridiculous  before  the  many  millions  that 
are  not  yet  with  us.  There  was  no  prece- 
dent in  the  experience  of  any  other  party 
in  our  country  to  guide  me,  because  ours 
was  essentially  a  two-party  country  in  the 
past — the  People's  party  never  got  a  real 
first  hold  in  Congress. 

In  Germany  they  always  had  many  par- 
ties and  three  Sor-ial  Democrats  were  elected 
right  from  the  beginning  to  the  Reichstag 
in  1867,  'so  that  was  no  criterion  to  go  by. 
Our  parliamentarism  is  of  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent makeup.  Tt.  is  based  upon  the  two- 
party  system.  The  appointment  for  the 
committees,  where  all  the  real  legislative 
work  is  done,  and  even  the  assignment  of 
the  time  for  the  debate  is  on  a  two-party 
basis. 


There  were  two  ways  before  me.     I  coul( 

make  a  free-speech  fight  all  alone,  try  t< 
break  down  all  precedent  and  all  barriers 
speak  about  the  coming  revolution  and  th< 
co-operative  commonwealth,  as  long  as  nr 
lung  power  would  hold  out,  and  wind  u] 
my  short  parliamentary  career  by  beinj 
suspended  from  the  House,  and  thus  als< 
make  an  end  to  political  action  by  thii 
"direct  action." 

Or  1  could  pursue  the  other  course,  obe: 
all  rules  and  precedents  of  the  House  unti 
they  are  changed — get  the  respect  and  th( 
attention  of  my  fellow  members,  speai 
sparingly  and  only  when  measures  directly 
concerning  the  working-class  are  up  fo: 
discussion,  giving,  however,  close  attentior 
to  all  the  business  before  the  House  o 
Representatives.  This  latter  course  I  de 
cided  to  follow — and  this  I  did  follow  fron 
the  very  beginning. 

Owing  to  the  unique  position  I  held 
however,  I  was  from  the  beginning  callec 
upon  to  do  a  greater  variety  of  things  thar 
any  other  Congressman  in  Washington. 

Not  only  did  my  correspondence  grow  tc 
such  enormous  proportions  that  it  kepi 
three  secretaries  busy,  although  only  abou 
three  per  cent  of  this  correspondence  cam* 
from  my  district.  But  the  answering  o: 
these  letters  was  only  one  part  of  tha 
work.  I  was  also  considered  a  court  o: 
last  resort  for  a  great  number  of  men  anc 
women  who  had  real  or  imaginary  griev 
ances,  against  our  government  and  oui 
federal  courts,  or  even  against  state  govern 
ments  and  state  courts.  Moreover,  I  was 
the  recipient  of  requests  for  investigation* 
of  all  kinds  in  the  various  departments  01 
our  government,  and  of  course  was  askec 
to  protect  numerous  immigrants  all  ovei 
the  country  who  were  either  to  be  sem 
back  to  Europe  or  were  refused  admissior 
for  various  reasons,  some  of  them  being 
political   refugees. 

In  each  and  all  cases  I  did  examine  the 
evidence  and  the  circumstances,  and  wher- 
ever there  was  even  the  slightest  chance 
of  making  good  on  the  ease,  I  took  it  ur 
with  the  respective  departments.  And  1 
succeeded   in  very  numerous   instances. 

I  take  pleasure  in  stating  I  was  treated 
with  uniform  civility  by  the  governmenl 
and  I  am  especially  indebted  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  Commerce  and  Labor,  Hon.  Chares 
Nagel,  an  otherwise  very  conservative  gen- 
tleman, who  went  as  far  as  the  existing 
law  would  permit  him,  in  helping  me  with 
immigrant  cases,  his  office  allowing  him 
considerable  discretion  in  the  matter. 

The  work  of  the  departments  was  ex- 
ceedingly laborious,  and  took  a  great  dea] 
of  time,  not  only  of  myself,  but  also  of  my 
helpmates  in  the  office.  On  this  occasion  1 
want  to  acknowledge  my  appreciation  of 
the  very  valuable  services  of  my  secretary 
and  comrade,  Wm.  J.  Ghent,  not  only  in 
answering  letters,  but  in  helping  me  to 
frame  bills. 

In  the  framing  and  introducing  of  bills 
embodying:  the  demands  of  the  platforms 
of  the  Socialist  Party  of  America  and  of 
the  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Wisconsin, 
I  saw  one  of  my  most  important  duties — 
because  thus  I  gave  expression  to  the 
concrete  demands  as  well  as  to  the  hopes 
and  ambitions  of  my  class.  As  to  my  votes 
in  the  House  I  tried  to  follow  strictly  not 
only  the  letter  but  the  spirit  of  our  plat- 
form. 

I  may  divide  my  work  on  general  lines  in 
legislative  activities,  work  before  commit- 
tees,  and   departmental  activities. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  more  im- 
portant facts,  some  of  them  very  big,  some 
of  them  very  small — just  as  life  is  made 
up   of  big  and   small   things.      All   of   them 


APPENDIX 


235 


Id  tflll  convey  the  idea,  however,  that  I  always 
;ried  to  fulfill  my  duty  as  the  "congress- 
nan  at  large"  at  the  disposal  of  the  work- 
ing class  of  America. 

BEFORE   COMMITTEES. 
1911. 
MAY 

11.  Appeared  before  House  Committee 
on  Reform  in  the  Civil  Service  and 
spoke  in  favor  of  the  Lloyd  bill  to  give 
Government  employes  the  right  to  or- 
ganize and   petition   Congress. 

89.  Before    House    Committee    on    Rules 

and  made  a  statement  in  favor  of  an 
investigation  of  the  kidnapping  of  the 
McNamara  brothers.  Also  conducted 
the    examination     of    witnesses     during 

hearin£-  1912. 

17  Again    before    House    Committee    on 

Reform  in  the  Civil  Service  in  advo- 
cacy of  a  favorable  report  on  the 
Lloyd  bill. 

1  Before  House  Committee  on  Rules  to 

conduct  the  hearing  on  my  resolution 
to    investigate    the    Lawrence   strike. 

4.  Before  House  Committee  on  Library 
to  advocate  the  reporting  of  a  bill  to 
establish  a  legislative  division  of  the 
Library   of   Congress. 

I  was  then  in  Milwaukee  but  a  state- 
ment which  I  had  prepared  in  advocacy 
of  woman  suffrage  was  read  by  Com- 
rade Elsie  Cole  Phillips  before  House 
Committee  on  Judiciary. 

AY 

4  Before    House    Committee    on    Immi- 

gration to  express  my  opposition  to 
the  Root  amendment  to  the  immigra- 
tion bill,  providing  for  the  deportation 
of  political  refugees. 

LEGISLATIVE    ACTIVITIES. 
1911. 

■pjT    

Introduced  a  petition  containing  87,- 
600  signatures,  calling  upon  Congress 
to  withdraw  the  United  States  troops 
from  the  Mexican  border. 

UNE— 

Delivered    my    first    speech    in    advo- 
cacy  of  a  reduction    of    the    tariff    on 
wool. 
UGUST—  M  ■         ■  _ 

7.         Made   a   speech   in   favor   of   general 

old  age  pensions. 
ECEMBER— 
14.  Introduced  my  old  age  pension  bill 
as  an  amendment  to  the  then  pending 
appropriation  bill.  Made  a  speech  in 
its  favor,  but  the  amendment  was  ruled 
out  on  a  point  of  order. 

Addressed  the  House  in  favor  of  the 
bill    providing    for    the    eight-hour    day 
on  all  Government  contract  work. 
1912. 
ANUARY— 

3.  Made  a  short  speech,  pointing  out 
that  the  insurgents  could  not .  claim 
separate  recognition  as  long  as  they 
were  part  and  parcel  of  the  old  parties. 

4.  Called  the  attention  of  the  House  to 
the  fact  that  the  Democratic  appro- 
priation bill  for  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia contained  only  starvation  wages 
for  some  of  the  employes,  some  getting 
as  low  as  $240  a  year. 

Again  addressed  the  House  on  the 
above  subject  and  offered  an  amend- 
ment to  raise  the  wages  but  failed. 


18. 


Advocated  the  establishment  of  a 
municipal  asphalt  plant  for  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia. 

29.  Showed,  in  a  short  speech  in  the  dis- 

cussion of  ,  tariff  bill,  that  labor  is 
never  protected  by  tariffs. 

FEBRUARY— 

23.  Interposed     in     the     personal     debate 

between  Representatives  Hay  and  Hob- 
son,  and  suggested  that  the  House  had 
better  investigate  the  problem  of  un- 
employment rather  than  to  elect  com- 
mittee to  settle  personal  difference*.. 

28.  Addressed  the  House  in  favor  or  an 
investgation  of  the  Lawrence  out- 
rages. 

MARCH— 
4.         In    a    short    speech    denounced     the 
provisions   for   low    wages    for   laborers 
employed    in    the    Department   of    Agri- 
culture. 

APRIL— 

19.  Made  a  short  speech  and  offered  an 
amendment  in  favor  of  the  automatic 
promotion  of  all  postal  employes  from 
the  $1,100  grade  to  the  $1,200  grade. 
My  amendment  was  defeated  by  vote 
of  45  to  33. 

26.  Spoke  in  favor  of  a  woman  suffrage 
clause  in  the  charter  for  territorial 
government  given  to  Alaska. 

MAY— 

1.  Made  an  address  and  introduced  an 
amendment  in  favor  of  permitting  pos- 
tal employes  to  use  stools  for  at  least 
two  hours  a  day.  This  amendment 
was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  55  to  3t>. 

3.  Made    a    short     speech    against     the 

amendment  to  the  post  office  appropria- 
tion bill  requiring  newspapers  to  print 
weekly  a  list  of  all  their  stockholders. 
This  amendment  would  have  proved  a 
great  hardship  to  Socialist  and  labor 
papers,  which  are  owned  by  a  great 
number  of  individuals  and  organiza- 
tions. The  House  defeated  that  amend- 
ment and  instead  passed  one  requiring 
that  only  the  names  of  those  persons 
owning  more  than  $550  worth  of  stock 
shall  be  printed. 

DEPARTMENTAL  ACTIVITIES. 
1911. 
JUNE— 

29.  Took  up  with  the  Department  of 
Justice  the  unjust  imprisonment  of 
Matthew  H.  Lough,  an  engineer  of  the 
Panama  Railroad.  He  was  arrested  as 
a  result  of  an  unavoidable  accident  on 
the  road.  After  some  correspondence 
he  was  released. 

JULY— 

1.  Called  upon  the  Post  Office  Depart- 
ment to  permit  mail  carriers  in  warm 
weather  to  wear  blouses.  The  Depart- 
ment has  modified  its  position  in  this 
matter  to  a  great  extent. 

7.  Called   upon    the   Post   Office   Depart- 

ment to  facilitate  the  application  of 
the  California  Social  Democrat  for  the 
second  class  mail  privilege.  Request 
granted. 

2.  Through  some  correspondence  with 
the  War  Department,  Charles  S.  Gim- 
blin,  a  youthful  deserter  of  the  Pacific 
Coast  Artillerv,  was  freed. 

27.  Called  on  President  Taft  to  free  Al- 
bert Dewey  Carter,  a  twelve-year-old 
boy,  who  had  been  convicted  of  em- 
bezzling a  money-order  while  enu 

as  a  postal  messenger  in  Texas.  Al- 
though he  was  below  working  age  and 
the  blame  being,  therefore,  on  the 
Government,  Carter  has  not  yet  been 
freed. 


236 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


AUGUST— 

10.  Took  up  with  the  Department  of 
Commerce  and  Labor  the  case  of  Theo- 
dore Malkoff,  a  political  refugee,  who 
was  detained  at  Ellis  Island.  The  De- 
partment admitted  him.    . 

11.  Took  up  the  case  of  Dr.  H.  C.  Bark- 
man,  of  Washington,  who  was  denied 
citizenship  papers  because  of  his  belief 
in  Socialism.  The  matter  is  still  pend- 
ing. 

DECEMBER — 

15.  Took  up  case  of  Zolel  Marcus,  an- 
other refugee.  He  was  also  admitted 
into  this  country. 

1912. 

MARCH— 
1.         Called  on  President  Taft  to  order  an 
investigation     of    -the     Lawrence     out- 
rages.    The  Department  of  Justice  was 
instructed   to    take   up    the   matter. 

APRIL — 

18.  Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor, 
at  my  request,  took  the  same  action  in 
regard  to  The  Russian  refugees,  Fitel 
Kagan  and  Vasily  Lachatachoff,  who 
had  escaped  from  Siberia  and  were 
denied  admission  by  Tacoma,  Washing- 
ton, immigration  authorities,  under  the 
pretext  that  they  were  Anarchists. 
The  decision  was  reversed  and  both  ad- 
mitted. 


-  VOTED  FOR 

Campaign  publicity  bill. 

Canadian   reciprocity. 

Farmers'  free  list  bill. 

To  admit  Arizona*  with  "recall." 

To  reduce  tariff  on  steel,  wool  and  cottc 

Against   the  Russian  treaty. 

So  much  for  the  first  year  of  the  fir 
Socialist    Congressman   in    America. 

I  have  tried  to  do  my  duty  fearless, 
faithfully,  to  the  best  of  my  light.  Y 
always  want  to  keep  before  you  that 
was  only  one  man  with  work  enough  x 
300  Congressmen  and  60  Senators  and 
President  of  the  United  States;  that 
was  not  only  alone,  but  I  had  to  hew  ri 
path  through  this  "wilderness"  and  h 
to  overcome  mountains  of  prejudice  and 
sea  of  ill  will.  I  believe  that  I  ha 
cleared  a  modest  path  on  which  other  coi 
rades  can  join  me  which  we  can  wid 
and  which  will  finally  wind  up  in  a  cle 
road  for  Socialism  and  the  emancipati 
of  the  working  class  as  far  as  the  legisl 
tive   halls   of   our   nation   are   concerned. 

It  is  for  you,  comrades,  and  for  the  wor 
ing  class  to  elect  the  many  who  will  a 
complish  this. 

VICTOR    L.    BERGER. 


APPENDIX 


237 


APPENDIX  O 


Reports  of  Foreign  Speaking  Organizations. 


tEPORT      OF      THE      FINNISH      TRANS- 
LATOR-SECRETARY   TO    THE    SO- 
CIALIST  PARTY   NATIONAL 
CONVENTION,  1912. 

0  the  Socialist  Party  National  Convention, 
1912: 

The  organizing-  of  the  Finns  into  the  So- 
ialist  Party  was  mainly  begun  in  1902 
ad  1903,  and  during-  the  years  following 
lere  were  scores  of  Finnish  locals  and 
ranches  organized.  But  the  movement 
'as  weak  until  our  present  form  of  na- 
onal  organization,  composed  of  all  Finnish 
>cals  and  branches  of  the  Socialist  Party, 
las  started  in  1906  and  the  translator's 
Sice  established  at  the  party's  national 
eadquarters  beginning  with  the  year  1907. 
St  the  beginning  there  were  fifty-three 
Ranches  in  the  organization  with  member- 
lip  of  about  2,000.  With  this  small  but 
romising  group  of  units  and  members  our 
rganization  was  then  heartily  recognized 
|  the  Socialist  Party,  through  its  national 
kecutive  committee  and  national  secretary, 
fcd  a  space  for  our  translator  in  the  na- 
pnal  headquarters  was  arranged  for.  Of 
purse,  we  had  to  have  our  own  office  fix- 
Ires,  pay  rent  for  the  space  and  cond- 
ensate our  translator-secretary,  but  the 
fciple  recognition  and  the  moral  and  ad- 
feory  aid  given  to  us  by  the  Socialist 
iixty  was  of  great  help  to  our  organiza- 
fon  when  added  to  the  praiseworthy  en- 
tusiasm  in  the  rank  and  file.  From  May, 
108,  we  have  had  the  office  space  free,  and 
Ibm  October,  1910,  the  translator's  wages 
Lve  been  paid  by  the  national  office.  The 
intinuous  growth  of  our  organization   will 

1  best  seen  by  the  following  figures  as 
town  by  the  records  in  the  translator's 
pee.       The    average    paid-up     membership 

r  month  and  the  number  of  locals  in  good 
anding  at  the  end  of  each  year  respect- 
ely  has  been  as  follows: 


In  1910 — Total  receipts,  $18,836.34;  re- 
ceipts for  party  dues,  $8,332.25.  Total  ex- 
penditures, $18,824.39;  national  dues,  $3,- 
539.50;   state  dues,  $4,135.89. 

In  1911— Total  receipts,  $20,646.46;  re- 
ceipts for  dues,  $9,469.52.  Total  expendi- 
tures, $19,578.56;  national  dues,  $4,604.80; 
state    dues,    $4,755.55. 

In  1912  (up  to  and  including  April  30) 
— Total  receipts,  $11,315.06;  receipts  for 
dues,  $4,087.80.  Total  expenditures,  $9,- 
902.57;  national  dues,  $1,993.70;  state  dues, 
$2,094.10. 

Besides  the  receipts  and  disbursements 
for  party  dues  the  financial  transactions 
consist  mainly  of  the  following:  Special 
monthly  assessment  of  5  cents  per  member, 
collected  for  agitation  and  organization 
purposes,  which  has  been  permanent  dur- 
ing the  whole  life  of  our  organization  and 
which  is  required  from  every  affiliated 
branch;  special  assessments  and  donations 
for  the  Finnish  College;  special  yearly 
assessments  to  our  convention  fund,  and 
contributions  to  Finland's  socialist  and 
trade  union  movements;  for  Russia  revolu- 
tionists; for  the  general  strike  in  Sweden 
($1,369.70  in  1909),  and  for  every  strike, 
labor  controversy,  special  election  fund, 
etc.,  in  this  country,  for  which  a  call  for 
funds  has  been  issued  among  the  socialists. 
The  total  amount,  collected  as  assessments 
for  the  College  during  the  years  1909, 
1911  and  1912  up  to  April  30,  has  been 
$6,073.79.  The  next  highest  sum  collected 
through  our  organization  during  1908,  1910, 
1911  and  1912  has  been  for  the  socialist 
movement   in   Finland,   a   total   of   $4,622.92. 

To  our  call  for  statistics  about  the  ac- 
tivities and  conditions  of  the  Finnish  locals, 
during  and  at  the  end  of  last  year,  185 
of  the  217  locals  answered.  According  to 
the  answers  of  these  185  locals,  the  follow- 
ing data  is   given: 

The  membership  of  these  locals  on  De- 
cember   31,    1911,    was:      Paid    up    to    date, 


of  locals  at  the  end  of  year 133 

of  locals  at   the  end   of  year 160 

of  locals   at  the   end  of  year 180 

b.   of  locals  at  the  end   of  year 173 

b.   of  locals   at   the   end   of  year 217 

).  of  locals  at  the  end  of  April 223 


1907 membership,     2,928 

1908 membership,     3,960 

1909 membership,     5,384 

1910 membership,     7,767 

1911 membership,      9,139 

1912  aver,  for  1  months,  membership,   11,483 


The  figures  showing  the  financial  trans- 
tion  of  the  translator's  office  during  the 
me  period  are  as  follows: 
In  1907— Total  receipts,  $7,329.52;  re- 
[pts  for  party  dues,  $4,128.36.  Total  ex- 
nditures,  $6,545.45;  for  state  and  national 
les,    $3,570.13. 

Sin  1908— Total  receipts,  $10,069.82;  re- 
ipts  for  party  dues,  $4,770.45.  Total  ex- 
nditures,  $9,964.74;  for  national  dues, 
,'.,939.40;  state  dues,  $2,121.09. 
|jn  1909 — Total  receipts,  $15,645.94;  re- 
fcipts  for  partv  dup\  $6,087.00.  Total  ex- 
gnditures,  $15,208.79;  national  dues, 
1476.10;   state  dues,    $2,862.63. 


8,332;  total  In  the  books,  13,391,  of  which 
9,138  were  men  and  3,755  women.  Mem- 
bers of  labor  unions,  2,317;  naturalized  citi- 
zens, 1,635,  and  2,234  having  the  first  pa- 
pers. 

Business  meetings  held  during  the  year. 
4,346;  propaganda  meetings,  2,128;  enter- 
tainments, etc.,   3,233. 

Sub-committees:  83  agitation  committees, 
12  women's  committees,  106  show  commit- 
tees, 22  singing  societies,  28  brass  banrts, 
89    sewing   clubs     and    53    gymnastic    clubs. 

Lecture  courses  were  held  in  39  locals, 
for  a  total  time  of  58^  weeks  and  the 
combined    attendance    has    been    4,576    per- 


238 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


sons.     Schools  for  English  in   21    locals   for 
615  pupils. 

Locals  own  19  libraries  with  10,061  vol- 
umes. Besides  there  are  62  libraries,  witn 
20,419  volumes,  which  are  not  owned  by 
locals,  but  by  all  the  Finns  in  each  locality 
and  in  most  cases  are  controlled  and  man- 
aged  by   Socialists. 

Approximate  amount  of  literature  and 
papers  distributed  free,   $2,436.19. 

Approximate  amount  of  literature  and 
papers   sold,   $22,644.70. 

Total  receipts  for  the  year,  $193,569.47; 
expenditures,   $180,922.50. 

Sixty-three  of  the  locals  own  real  estate 
or  hall  buildings,  or  both,  with-  a  total 
valuation  of  $313,365.11.  Total  value  of 
shares  of  stock  and  bonds  to  the  college 
and  different  publishing  companies,  etc., 
$55,118.00.  Total  value  of  all  property  be- 
longing to  these  locals,  $550,751.00.  Debts 
to  individual  members  and  real  estate 
sellers,  $232,084.98.  Net  resources  of  all 
the  locals  combined,   $323,964.41.  ■ 

Approximate  Finnish  population,  men, 
women  and  children,  in  the  localities  where 
these  party  locals   exist  is   108,323. 

The  actual  paid-up  membership  of  the 
Finnish  locals  and  branches  of  the  Social- 
ist Party  is  well  over  10,000.  The  number 
of  Finnish  locals  in  good  standing  is  223, 
which  are  located  in  28  states,  as  follows: 
Arizona  1,  California  6,  Colorado  2,  Connec- 
ticut 1,  Florida  1,  Idaho  3,  Illinois  5,  In- 
diana 2,  Maine  5,  Massachusetts  17,  Michi- 
gan 26,  Minnesota  48,  Montana  10,  Nevada 
3,  New  Hampshire  7,  New  Jersey  3,  New 
York  6,  North  Dakota  2,  Ohio  11,  Oregon 
3,  Pennsylvania  10,  Rhode  Island  1,  Utah 
2,  Vermont  3,  Washington  16,  West  Vir- 
ginia 2,  Wisconsin  17,  Wyoming  10.  With 
the  exception  of  Connecticut,  Florida,  New 
York  and  Rhode  Island  and  the  large  cities 
in  California,  Ohio  and  Oregon,  the  Finnish 
locals  and  branches  in  these  states  have 
had  the  right  to  buy  their  party  due  stamps 
from  the  translator.  The  state  organiza- 
tions of  Arizona,  Colorado,  Idaho,  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minne- 
sota, Nevada,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey, 
North  Dakota,  Ohio,,  Oregon.  Wisconsin  and 
Wyoming  have  already  allowed  the  Finnish 
branches  the  requested  50  per  cent  rebate 
on  -  state  dues,  but  not  always  on  '  local 
dues:  California,  Montana,  Pennsylvania, 
Utah,  Washington  and  West  Virginia  are 
allowing  some  rebate,  and  the  rest  of  the 
states  do  not  allow  any  at  all. 

The  agitation  and  organization  work  is 
being  carried  on  by  the  eastern,  middle 
and  western  district  committees,  which 
were  organized  affpr  the  plan  decided  upon 
at  our  Hancock  convention  in  1909.  Ev- 
ery district  is  routing  a  permanent  or- 
ganizer and  special  organizers  occasion- 
ally. While,  on  account  of  language 
difficulties,  our  work  is  and  has  been 
more  of  an  educational  propaganda, 
still  we  are  trving  to  take  part  in 
the  political  affairs  as  well.  Our  locals 
are  bound,  by  the  prevailing  resolution  of 
Hancock  convention,  to  participate  in  the 
affairs  of  their  countv  and  city  organiza- 
tion as  much  as  possible,  and  every  effort 
is  bpiner  made  in  the  way  of  urging  our 
members  to  become  American  citizens.  At 
lenst  thrpe  special  organizers  will  be  put 
in   the  n>ld   during  the  coming  campaign. 

The  Finnish  Socialists  of  the  United 
Statos  have  had  three  national  conventions. 
The  first  one  was  hpld  at  Cleveland,  Ohio, 
in  190-1;  thp  second  one  at  Hibbing,  Minn., 
in  IftOfi,  and  the  third  at  Hancock,  Mich., 
in  1909.  The  welfare  of  the  Socialistic  ac- 
tivity among  the  Finns  in  this  country,  the 
plans    of    work    for    our    national    organiza' 


woman's  paper,  "Toveritar,"  at  Astoi 
tion  and  its  relations  to  the  Socialist  Pai 
have  been  the  most  important  matters  : 
discussion  at  the  conventions.  The  Soci 
ist  Party  has  had  a  representative  at  eve 
one  of  these  conventions.  Our  next  c< 
vention  will  be  held  June  1,  1912,  at  I 
luth,  Minn.,  and  most  likely  it  will  be  i 
less  of  importance  than  any  of  the  previc 
conventions.  One  of  the  propositions  tl 
will  come  under  discussion  is  the  taki 
over  of  our  papers  and  publishing  hou; 
into  the  ownership  of  the  organization. 

The  Socialist  papers  in  the  United  Stat 
published   in  the   Finnish  language,  are: 

"Tyomies,"  a  daily,  published  at  Hj 
cock,  Mich.,  circulation  of  about  12, 0i 
"Raivaaja,"  a  daily,  published  at  Fitchbu 
Mass.,  circulation  over  6,000;  "Toveri," 
tri-weekly,  but  will  appear  as  a  daily 
and  after  July  1,  published  at  Astor 
Ore.,  circulation  around  4,000;  a  weel 
Ore.,  has  been  in  existence  since  July 
last  year  and  already  has  a  circulation 
over  2,000.  A  monthly  magazine,  nan: 
"Sakenia,"  is  also  published  at  Fitchbu 
Mass.,  and  a  comic  -semi-monthly  pap 
"Lapatossu,"  at  Hancock,  Mich.  Besic 
these,  there  is  "Tyokansa,"  published 
Port  Arthur,  Ont.,  Canada,  heretofore 
tri-weekly,  but  by  May  1  will  be  a  dai 
which  is  widely  circulated  among  and  g< 
a  considerable  part  of  its  support  from  t 
Finns  in  the  United  States.  The  papers  s 
owned  by  stock  companies,  in  which  t 
Finnish  locals  as  well  as  individual  I 
cialists  are  the  shareholders.  Tyomies  a 
Raivaaja  both  own  their  buildings,  cc 
venient  for  printing  and  publishing  the  £ 
cialist  message  which  they  have  been  ( 
ing  in  the  most  valuable  manner. 

"Tyovaen  Opisto"  (The  Working  Peopl 
College),  with  its  school  building  and  otl 
accommodations  at  Smithville,  Minn., 
also  owned  and  controlled  by  the  Finni 
Socialists  and  Socialist  locals.  This  ins 
tution  is  being  conducted  on  the  same  lir 
and  for  the  same  purposes  as  workers'  u: 
versities  in  European  countries.  The  co 
mon  school  subjects  are  taught,  spec 
stress  beins-  put  upon  the  study  of  the  Er 
lish  language,  and  lectures  are  given 
Socialism  and  economic  subjects.  The  i 
tendance  in  the  school  has  been  increasi 
every  year.  The  tuition  has  been  made 
low  as  possible  in  order  to  give  an  c 
portunity  for  a  greater  number  of  peoi 
to  attend.  Heretofore  the  school  has  be 
maintained  mainly  by  special  assessmer 
and  voluntary  donations  by  the  locals 
our  organization,  and  methods  for  its  su 
port  in  the  future  will  be  discussed  at  o 
next  convention  as  well  as  at  the  anni 
meeting  of  the  College  stockholders,  whi 
will  be  held  after  the  adjournment  of  o 
convention. 

As  seen  by  the  figures  above  publish* 
the  Finnish  Socialists  have  always  be 
lavish  in  their  support  of  the  moveme 
in  the  old  country.  From  time  to  time  i 
have  sent  over  financial  aid  for  the  politic 
and  educational  campaigns  of  the  Sociali 
Party  of  Finland.  This  has  not  been  do 
for  the  love  of  the  "fatherland,"  nor  f 
the  purpose  of  keeping  our  nationality  ali 
or  to  simply  save  the  so-called  sta 
autonomy  of  Finland.  At  least  a  great  m 
jority  of  us  have  had  a  deeper  interest 
the  matter — have  had  the  aim  of  intern 
tional  Socialism  in  mind  and  have  giv< 
Tielp  to  that  part  of  the  globe  where  su 
pression  is  more  felt  and  where,  on  t: 
other  hand,  our  cause  at  present  has 
considerably  strong  foothold.  It  is  tl 
fight  against  Russian  autocracy,  which  f 
a   decade  and  a  half  has   used   every  effo 


APPENDIX 


230 


to  bring  in  reaction  in  the  place  of  the  ad- 
vanced education  and  ever-increasing  in- 
terest in  Socialism  in  Finland,  in  which 
we  are  taking  part.  We  ore  in  this  fight 
with  the  struggling  proletariat  of  Russia, 
and  we  know  that  only  in  the  victory  of 
the  Socialists  in  Russia  lies  the  victory 
Of  the  Socialists  in  Finland.  Before  the 
victory  is  won,  the  struggle  may  become 
more  pressing,  and  the  time  may  come 
when  you — the  delegates  to  this  convention 
> — and  your  constituents  will  be  asked  to 
do  your  utmost  in  the  way  directed  in  the 
resolution  on  Finland  adopted  at  the  last 
International   Socialist   Congress. 

in  conclusion  I  take  the  liberty  to  make 
a  few  suggestions  regarding  the  matters 
concerning  our  organization  as  well  as  the 
other  foreign-speaking  organizations  in  the 
American   Socialist  Party. 

The  Socialist  Party  should  do  everything 
in  its  power  to  organize  the  so-called  for- 
eigners— all  kinds  of  them- — as  it  is  the 
only  probable  way  to  prevent  them  from 
lowering  the  American  standard  of  living. 
The  same  help  should  be  given  to  every 
nationality  in  order  to  prevent  the  capital- 
ist class  from  using  the  unorganized  and 
yet  unawakened  nationalities  against  others 
that  happen  to  be  organized  and  are  try- 
ing' to  better  their  condition^.  Agitators 
should  be  sent  to  speak  to  them  in  their 
own  language  and  the  organization  of  all 
non-English  speaking  Socialists  should  be 
given  all  possible  forward  push.  The  pro- 
visions for  conducting  the  work  of  national 
non-English  speaking  organizations  shorid 
be  made  a  part  of  the  national  constitu 
tion  and  such  part  of  the  constitution  made 
imperative  to  all  state  and'  local  organiza- 
tions, without  regard  to  any  state  auton- 
omy, as  the  welfare  of  these  organizations 
affects  the  national  party  as  a  whole.  The 
provisions  in  the  present  constitution  have 
been  of  good  help  for  non-English  speaking 
organizations,  but  some  modifications  in 
them  should  be  made.  It  should  be  strictly 
provided  that  only  one  national  organiza- 
tion of  the  same  language  shall  be  ad- 
mitted or  recognized  by  the  Socialist  Party; 
branches  of  non-English  speaking  organiza- 
tions should  belong  to  the  national  party 
only  on  the  condition  that  they  also  be- 
long to  their  respective  state  organizations; 
the  non-English  speaking  organizations 
should  not  be  compelled  to  come  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  county  and  city  organi- 
zations, but  in  political  campaigns  and  con- 
ventions for  political  purposes  they  should 
have  equal  standing  with  the  rest  (this 
provision  has  been  successfully  practiced 
in  the  state  of  Washington,  for  instance) ; 
an  allowance  of  a  certain  amount,  say  50 
per  cent,  of  the  state  and  local  dues  should 
be  granted  for  use  in  agitation  and  organi- 
zation work  by  such  organizations;  for  the 
present  the  non-English  speaking  branches, 
no  matter  in  what  state  or  county  they  are 
located,  should  have  the  privilege  of  buying 
their  party  dues  stamps  from  their  re- 
spective   national    translator-secretaries. 

The  more  you  help  the  foreigners  to  or- 
ganize, the  sooner  they  cease  to  be  foreign- 
ers. When,  in  the  course  of  time,  the  Na- 
tional Finnish  Organization  will  be  no  more 
a  necessity,  the  moral  spirit  and  the  ma- 
terial holdings,  which  then  will  be  left  to 
the  Socialist  Party,  will  be  worth  receiv- 
ing. 

Fraternally  submitted, 

J.  W.  SARLUND,  Translator-Secretary. 


REPORT  OF  SOUTH  SLAVIC  SECTION. 

To    the    Socialist    Party    National    Conven- 
tion,  1912: 

At  the  Joint  Convention  of  the  South 
Slavic  nationalities,  which  was  held  at  Chi- 
cago on  July  3  and  4,  1910,  it  was  decided 
that  they  form  a  South  Slavic  Socialist 
Federation,  which  should  affiliate  with  the 
Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  the  new  organization  should  begin 
January,   1911. 

The  South  Slavic  Socialist  Federation  in- 
cludes the  following  nationalities:  Sloven- 
ians, Croatians  and  Servians.  The  Federa- 
tion was  organized  in  the  latter  part  of 
December,  1910,  and  it  affiliated  itself  with 
the  Socialist  Party  in  the  early  part  of 
January,  1911.  in  accordance  with  Article 
XII  of  the  National  Constitution. 

At  the  time  of  affiliation  the  Federation 
had  36  active  locals,  as  follows:  Chicago, 
5;  La  Salle,  111.,  1;  Glencoe,  Ohio,  1;  N.  S. 
Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  1;  E.  S.  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  1; 
Conemaugh,  Pa.,  1;  Johnstown,  Pa.,  1;  Mil- 
waukee-, Wis.,  2;  Forest  City,  Pa.,  1;  Ken- 
osha, Wis.,  1;  Sygan,  Pa.,  1;  St.  Louis,  Mo., 
1;  Clairton,  Pa.,  1;  E.  Youhgstown,  Ohio, 
1;  S.  Sharon  Pa.,  1;  Kansas  City,  Kan.,  1; 
Chisholm,  Minn.,  1;  Indianapolis,  Ind.,  1; 
Pullman,  111.,  1;  Hegewich,  111.,  1;  Neff 
Ohio,  1;  Cleveland,  Ohio,  1;  Roslyn,  Wash., 
1;  Seattle  Wash.  1;  Breezy  Hill,  Kan.,  1; 
West  Mineral,  Kan.,  1;  W.  Newton,  Pa.  1; 
New  York,  N.  Y.,  1;  Frontenac,  Kan.,  1;  W. 
Alli«,  Wis.,  1,  and  E.  Palestine,  Ohio,   1. 

The  36  Locals  had  at  that  time  a  mem- 
bership of  635,  of  which  were — 

Croatians     340 

Slovenians     250 

Servians     45 

Total     635 

Of  these  36  locals,  the  following  were 
affiliated  with  the  State  and  County  organ- 
izations: Two  in  Chicago,  1  in  Pittsburgh, 
1  in  South  Sharon,  1  in  Clairton,  2  in  Mil- 
waukee, 1  in  Kenosha,  1  in  Sygan,  1  in 
Conemaugh.  Total,  10,  with  a  membership 
of    120., 

All  the  635  members  (with  exception  of 
22  in  Cleveland)  expressed  the  wish  to  buy 
the  dues  stamps  from  the  South  Slavic 
Socialist  Federation.  The  Executive  Com- 
mittee has  tried  to  bring  each  local  into 
State  and  County  organizations  wherever 
the  foreign  organization  received  a  rebate 
on  County  and  State  dues.  The  Executive 
Committee  could  not  force  the  locals  which 
were  in  districts  where  the  rebate  was  not 
allowed  to  join  the  County  and  State  or- 
ganizations. According  to  the  view  of  the 
Executive  Committee  and  of  the  members 
of  the  Federation  it  is  not  the  fault  of  the 
foreign  branches  that  they  are  not  affiliated 
with  the  County  and  State  organizations, 
but  in  many  cases  it  is  the  fault  of  the 
respective    State   and    County    offices. 

From  January  1,  1911,  to  December  31. 
1911,  there  were  30  new  locals  organized 
with  over  800  members.  At  the  close  of 
1911  there  were  58  active  locals  in  the  field 
with  a  membership  of  1,266. 

Eight  locals  lapsed  during  the  year  for 
various   reasons. 

The  discontinued  locals  were  Chicago 
women  s  branch,  on  account  of  morering 
with  the  men's  local:  Kansas  City,  Kan., 
on  account  of  the  neglect  of  the  Soeretarv; 
Seattle.  Wash.,  on  account  of  unemploy- 
ment; Haekett,  Pa.,  on  account  of  closing 
of  mine;  Pullman.  Til.,  on  account  of  un- 
employment; Hegewich.  111.,  on  account  of 
unemployment;  Joliet,  111.,  on  account  of 
members  leaving  town;  Johnstown,  Pa.,  on 
account  of  neglect  of  the  Secretary 


240 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


The    locals    admitted    to    the    Federation, 
according  to  months,  were: 

January     2 

February     * 

March     * 

April     « 

May     -• * 

June * 

July     ° 

August     e 

September    Q 

October     * 

November     £ 

December     _^ 

Total     30 

Six  hundred  dollars  was  paid  during  the 
year  to  the  National  Office  for  dues  stamps, 
an  average  of  1,055  dues  stamps  per  month 
On  December  31,  1911,  there  were  1,266 
members  in  good  standing.  Of  these 
were — • 

Slovenians     607 

Croatians     Jj>8 

Servians     10i 

Total     • L266 

During   the   year  the   locals  paid  the  fol- 
lowing   amounts    to    the    South    Slavic    So- 
cialist Federation: 
For  the  National  Committee,   party 

dues,    at    5c    $    590.70 

For  the  South  Slavic  Central  Com- 
mittee,   at    5c    -  ••      253. d8 

For   the   National    Central   Commit- 

tee     at    3c     378.58 

For   Special    dues', 'at   5c 22^Ai 

For  Memberahip  books,  at  2c 44.&S 

Total $1,495.69 

The  National  Committees  received  $319.15 
out  of  $378.59.   as  follows:  #1CC,Q 

Slovenian    Central    Committee JJ   ^ 

Croatian    Central    Committee ol^o 

Servian  Central  Committee 25.42 

Total $319.15 

As  some  reports  of  the  locals  were  not 
definite  on  the  question  of  nationalities,  the 
Executive  Committee  could  not  apportion 
$59.44  to  the  respective  National  Commit- 
tees and  the  sum  was  given  over  to  the 
Federation. 

AGITATION. 

There  were  held  58  public  meetings  un- 
der the  auspices  of  the  South  Slavic  So- 
cialist Federation.  The  meetings  were  held 
in  the  following  cities:  Indianapolis,  Ind.; 
Detroit,  Mich.;  South  Sharon,  Pa.;  N.  S. 
Pittsburgh,  Pa.;  Monessen,  Pa.;  S.  S.  Pitts- 
burgh, Pa.;  Barberton,  Ohio;  Clairton,  Pa.; 
Chisholm,  Minn.;  E.  Pittsburgh,  Pa.;  Wau- 
kegan,  111.;  La  Salle,  111.;  Sygan,  Pa.;  Ken- 
osha, Wis.;  Milwaukee,  Wis.;  Gary.  Ind.; 
Hammond,  Ind.;  Pullman,  111.;  Chicago,  111., 
and    E.    Youngstown,    Ohio. 

The  Executive  Committee  has  held  15 
meetings  during  the  year  and  considered 
145    matters. 

The  Executive  Committee  proposes  to 
have  the  best  Socialist  speakers  of  Austria 
during  the  present  fall  campaign  .at  its 
service.  The  snoakers  will  he  under  the 
direction  of  the  "South  Slavic  Socialist  Fed- 
eration and  will  tour  the  United  States  dur- 
ing  the    coming    September    and    October. 

FINANCIAL    REPORT. 

Financial  report  of  the  South  Slavic  So- 
cialist Federation,  from  January  1,  1911, 
till  December  31,   1911: 


Total    Receipts     $1,833.58 

Total    Expenditures    l,6zi.d& 

Cash   on   hand,    Dec.   31,    1911 $    212.2?! 

Special   fund    (to   be   deducted) 229.44 

Deficit    for     the     year $      17.21 

LOCAL  ACTIVITIES. 

There  are  at  present — March  31,  1912 — 
the  following  locals  which  are  affiliated 
with    the    County    and    State    organizations: 

Chicago,     111 fi 

N.    S.    Pittsburgh,    Pa 1 

La    Salle,    111 1 

Conemaugh,    Pa 1 

Milwaukee,    Wis 2 

Kenosha,    Wis 1 

E.    Pittsburgh,    Pa J 

Sygan,    Pa 1 

Cleveland,    Ohio    1 

Frontenac,    Kan 3 

W.     Allis,     Wis 1 

Collinwood,    Ohio     1 

Indianapolis,    Ind 2 

Detroit,    Mich i 

Virden,    111 1 

Waukegan,    111 1 

Oglesby,    111 1 

Panama,    111 1 

East    St.     Louis,     111 1 

Livingston,     111 1 

Springfield,    111 1 

Total     2r, 

Union    members     34( 

American    citizens    20] 

Public   meetings  held  by   locals 5! 

Singing  Societies  and  Tamburicza  Clubs.   2: 

Paid,  to   Counties   and    States $    239.6' 

Paid     for    arrangements     of    public 

buildings    by    locals    493.6' 

Paid    for    maintenance    of    singing 

and    tamburiczas    947.4' 

Paid  for  rent,  light  and  furniture..  1,322.4: 
Paid  for  books,  stationery,  buttons, 

etc 1,968.2 

Collection  for  the  party  press....  620.1 
For  political  campaigns  and  strikes 

collected     309.7 

Grand    total    receipts 8,662.8 

Grand    total    expenditures 7,538.2 

Cash   on  hand,   Dec.   31,   1911,   by 

all    locals     $1,124.6 

Property  value  of  all  locals 3,537.7 

PRINTING    AND    PARTY    ORGANS. 

The  organs  of  the  South  Slavic  SociaHs 
Federation  are  "Proletarec"  for  the  Slovt 
nians,  "Radnicka  Straza"  for  the  Croatian 
and  "Narodni  Glas"  (The  People's  Voice 
for  the  Servians.  The  first  two  name 
are  weeklies,  the  last  one  a  semi-monthl 
paper. 

The  South  Slavic  Federation  has  also  e.' 
tablished  a  co-operative  printery  with 
view  of  building  up  a  plant  where  tr 
organs  and  party  literature  could  t 
printed.  '  The  establishment  is  incorporate 
under  the  Illinois  State  law  for  $1,000.( 
as  capital  stock,  with  the  view  of  increa: 
ing  it  to  $10,000.  The  shares  are  $10.( 
each  and  can  be  sold  to  the  Socialist  local 
individual  members  and  also  to  locals  < 
various  fraternal  societies  who  are  in  syn 
pathy   with   the   Socialist  movement. 

From  January  1,  1912,  to  March  31,  191 
further  progress  was  made.  The  Mar< 
report  indicates  that  there  was  an  increa! 
of   8   locals   with    140    members. 

The  financial  report  of  these  thr< 
months   is   as   follows: 


APPENDIX 


241 


ace  on  hand  January  1,  1912..$  212.23 

ipts    for    this   period 638.93 

tal    receipts    $  851.16 

I  expenditures  for  this  period.  391.44 

sh    on    hand   March    31,    1912..$  459.72 

ial  fund  for  campaign  speaker  405.61 


lance    March    31,    1912 $      54.11 

le  to  Central  Committees  for  January, 
uary  and  March,  3c  for  each  member: 
Sloveniam  Central  Committee.. $  60.57 
proatian  Central  Committee....  34.74 
Servian    Central    Committee....       11.79 


tal    due $    107.10 

ace    on    hand    54.11 

ficit     $      52.99 

Fraternally  submitted, 
INK  PETRICH,   Translator-Secretary. 

Report   of  Italian   section. 

the    Socialist    Party     National     Conven- 
tion, 1912: 

te  activity  of  the  Italians  in  the  Social- 
Party   began   in    the   latter   part   of   the 
1908,   after   a  tour    through   the    coun- 
made    by    Comrade    G.    Bertelli,    under 
auspices   of  the   National   Office, 
[th  the  closing  of  the  presidential  cam- 
h.     of     that    year     the     Socialist     Party 
"Led    about    40    Italian    branches.      Very 
were     the     Italian     branches     affiliated 
the  party  before  the  year  1908. 
th  ■    following  year,   1909,  a   movement 
started  by. the  New  York  branches  to 
nize    all    the    Italian    branches    of    the 
[  into  a  national  organization  in  order 
fcarry      on      the      Socialist      propaganda 
g   the  Italian   immigrants.      A  conven- 
was  called  in  West  Hoboken,  N.  J.,  for 
purpose,   but  it  had  failed   in  its  very 
ning  and  nothing  concrete  could  be  ac- 
lished. 

year  after  the  West  Hoboken,  N.  J., 
ention,  December,  1910,  with  the  con- 
Of  the  National  Office,  the  Italian  Sec- 
was  formally  organized  with  about 
ty  branches,  less  than  half  of  the 
Italian  branches  affiliated  with  the 
in  that  time,  for  the  other  branches 
lot  fully  realize  the  necessity  of  such 
rganization. 

om    December,    1910    till    October,    1911, 

ty-two     branches     joined     the     Section, 

in    the    same    period    of    time    fourteen 

hes   disbanded. 

len    I    took    the    office    as    Translator- 

itary  September,   1911,   the  Section  con- 

d    of    twenty-eight   branches    with    less 

660  members,  although  the  translator- 

tary  was  in  communication  with  more 

twenty  other  Italian  branches  directly 

ected   with    the   party. 

the  .  last    seven    months     (September, 

to     April     15,     1912)     seventeen     new 

ches  were  organized  and  eight  branches 

d  while  eight  have  disbanded,  leaving  a 

of    forty-four    branches    alive    and    in 

standing,    scattered    in    the    following" 

s: 

Hlinois     14 

New   York    ..14 

New    Jersey    4 

Pennsylvania    3 

Massachusetts 3 

Wisconsin     2 

(Vermont  2 
'Florida  '. .  1 
[Colorado     1 

(ese  have  a  total  membership  of  1,200. 
ban    branches    of   the   party    not   arrili- 
with    our    Section,   but    in    communica- 
r— - 


found  in  the  following  states:  Pennsyl- 
vania, 6;  Montana,  1;  Illinois,  6;  Michigan, 
2;  New   Jersey,   3;   Indiana,    1. 

Italian  members  of  the  party  can  also  be 
found  in  all  the  mining  districts,  especially 
in  the  states  of  Illinois,  Michigan  and 
Pennsylvania,  where  the  party  branches 
are  mixed  of  different  nationalities  and 
also  in  many  industrial  centers. 

The  Socialist  sentiment  is  very  strong 
among  the  Italian  workers  in  this  country, 
and  it  will  be  only  a  matter  of  time  to 
have  a  strong  Italian  organization,  which 
will  no  doubt  be  able  to  accomplish  its 
mission  in  organizing  and  educating  the 
Italian  workers  in  this  country  without  the 
assistance  of  the  party. 

PARTY*  PRESS. 

Our  press  consists  of  three  weekly 
papers:  "La  Parola  Dei  Socialisti,"  official 
organ,  published  in  Chicago,  Illinois,  with 
an  average  circulation  of  three  thousand 
copies,  "La  Fiaccola,"  published  in  Buf- 
falo, N.  Y.,  with  1,500  -copies  circulation, 
weekly.  "La  Fiamma,"  published  in  Cam- 
den, N.  J.,  with  two  thousand  copies  circu- 
lation. 

The  latter  two  weeklies  will  be  combined 
in  the  near  future,  following  a  resolution 
passed  at  the  interstate  convention  held  in 
Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  April  7  and  8,  1912. 

The  New  York  branches  and  vicinity  are 
working  to  establish  a  weekly  paper  of 
their  own. 

ORAL  PROPAGANDA  AND  ORGANIZERS. 

From  October,  1911,  to  April,  1912,  about 
120  lectures  have  been  delivered  by  A. 
Cravello,  as  a  special  organizer;  in  a  three 
months'  tour,  and  by  G.  Corti,  A.  Caroti, 
S.  Bonfiglio  and  G.  Bertelli.  The  states  cov- 
ered were  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  New  York, 
Kansas   and   New  Jersey. 

For  the  coming  national  campaign  we 
have  secured  as  a  speaker  one  of  the  best 
orators  and  propagandists  on  the  Italian 
platform,  Comrade  Miss  A.  Balabanoff,  who 
will  be  in  this  country  in  the  middle  of 
May  for  a  four  months'  tour. 

At  the  same  time  Comrade  V.  Vacirca, 
publicist  and  orator,  has  left  the  city  of 
Trieste  the  13th  of  this  month,  bound  for 
New  York,  who,  after  a  short  stay  in  that 
city,  will  come  to  Chicago  to  edit  our 
official  organ  until  he  becomes  acquainted 
with  the  American  movement;  then,  he  will 
be  engaged  as  an  organizer. 

The  future  is  full  of  promise  and  the 
prospects  are  very  bright  to  our  young 
movement.  With  a  permanent  organizer  in 
the  field,  we  are  sure  that  in  a  year's  time 
we  will  double  the  members  of  our 
branches  and  will  build  up  a  strong  party 
press,  without  which  we  would  not  be  able 
to  accomplish  much. 

Fraternally   submitted, 
'  JOSEPH   CORTI, 

Translator-Secretary. 

REPORT  OP  POLISH   SECTION. 

TO   THE   SOCIALIST    PARTY   NATIONAL, 
CONVENTION,   1912. 

My  report  will  be  very  brief,  consisting 
only  of  figures,  as  they  are  more  convinc- 
ing and  reliable. 

GENERAL. 

Four  years  ago,  in  December,  1908,  the 
Polish  Section  of  the  Socialist  Party  was 
organized,  with  23  branches  and  400  mem- 
bers. But  only  a  year  ago,  in  April,  1911, 
the  Polish  Translator-Secretary's  office  was 
establis.hjed.  Therefore,  I  can  give  my  re- 
port only  for  the  period  since   then. 


242 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


On  December  31,  1911,  the  Polish  Section 
was  composed  of  115  branches  with  a  mem- 
bership of  1,450  in  good  standing-.  The 
total  membership  was  2,130  members. 
During  the  year  of  1911  there  were  59  new 
branches  organized  and  215  branches  dis- 
banded. The  net  gain  in  the  membership 
for  the   last  year  was   105   per  cent. 

From  January  1  to  March  31,  1912,  there 
were  17  new  branches  organized  and  two 
dissolved,  leaving  130  branches  with  a 
membership  of  2,000  in  good  standing.  The 
total   membership   was   2,460   members. 

DUES  STAMPS. 
My  first  monthly  report  of  the  sale  of 
dues  stamps  was  made  for  the  month  of 
April,  1911,  the  amount  of  which  was 
$31.40,  representing  628  members  in  good 
standing.  The  above  sum  was  paid  to  the 
Natfonal  Office  and  $25.06  paid  to  several 
different  state  offices,  as  our  branches,  all 
of  them,  belong  to  their  respective  state 
organizations.  Since  that  time  a  steady 
growth  can  be  noticed  up  to  the  present 
time.  Each  month  broke  the  record  for  the 
previous  one.  In  March,  1912,  the  sale  of 
dues  stamps  to  the  Polish  branches 
amounted  to  $78.15  paid  to  the  National 
Office  and  $63.07  paid  to  the  State  and 
County  offices.  This  does  not  include  the 
Polish  branches  in  the  States  of  New  Jer- 
sey and  New  York,  as  the  Polish  branches 
in  these  two  states  secure  their  dues 
stamps  directly  ^  from  the  locals,  because 
these  state  and  'county  organizations  com- 
pel them  to  do  so  for  reasons  unknown  to 
us.  As  there  are  31  Polish  branches  in 
these  two  states,  the  Polish  section  repre- 
sents altogether  130  branches  and  2,000 
members  in  good  standing.  The  total  mem- 
bership  is   2,460. 

AGITATION  AND  ORGANIZATION. 
During  the  last  year  two  speakers  were 
in  the  field,  One  for  five  months  and  the 
other  for  three  months.  Since  January  1,, 
1912,  one  organizer  was  in  the  field  for 
two  months  and  on  April  9th  another  lec- 
turer was  sent  out  on  a  lecture  tour,  which 
will  continue  until  July  8th. 

PRESS  AND  LITERATURE. 
The  Polish  Section  publishes  one  daily 
paper,  "Dzienik  Ludowy,"  and  one  weekly, 
"Bicz  Bozy."  During  the  year  1911  there 
was  literature  sold  and  distributed  to  the 
amount  of  $1,285.00. 

The  above  does  not  include  subscriptions 
secured  for  our  papers. 

In  conclusion  I  wish  to  say  that  the  pros- 
pects for  the  future  are  bright  and  in  not  a 
very  distant  time  the  Polish  Section  will 
bring  into  the  Socialist  Party  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  Polish  people  living  in  this 
country. 

Respectfully    submitted.    . 

H.    GLUSKI, 
Translator-Secretary. 

REPORT  OF  THE  POLISH  ALLIANCE. 
To  the  Socialist  Party  National  Convention, 

1912: 

Dear  Comrades: — Herewith  I  submit  a 
statistical  report  of  our  organization  as  it 
stands  on  April  20,  1912: 

Our  branches  are  situated  in  fourteen 
states  and  Canada,  as  follows: 

Connecticut     5 

New   York    11 

New    Jersey    16 

Pennsylvania 18 

Massachusetts     18 

Rhode   Island    3 

Michigan     2 

Illinois     6 


Ohio     

Indiana    

Oregon     

California     

Maryland 

"Washington    

Canada    

Membership  dues  paid  for: 

January 197 

February     356 

•March     .....1.  763 

April     307 

Total     1,623 

Members    in    arrears    over    three    moi 
not  included. 

Fraternally  yours,  - 

(Signed)      L    BANK. 
Translator-Secret 

REPORT  OF  BOHEMIAN   SECTION 

To    the    Socialist    Party    National    C#rr 

tion,   1912: 

TJhe  Bohemian  Socialist  movement  in 
United  States  has  been  in  existence  fi 
than  fifteen  years,  but  the  Bohemian 
tion  was  affiliated  with  the  Socialist  P; 
of  America  as  a  foreign-speaking  orgar 
tion  in  December,  1911,  and  the  pre 
translator-secretary  took  his  office  on 
cember  13,  1911.  At  that  time  the  B> 
mian  Section  had  37  branches  with  a  m 
bership  of  about  800,  in  ten  states. 

From  December,  1911,  to  March  31,  1 
seven  new  branches  were  organized, 
the'  Bohemian  Section  had  44  branche; 
eleven  states,  with  1,164  members. 
Bohemian  branches  are  in  the  follcv 
cities:  Chicago,  111.,  13;  Baltimore,  Md 
New  Bedford,  Mass.,  1;  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Omaha,  Neb.,  2;  South  Omaha,  Neb. 
Elizabeth,  'N.  J.,  1;  Union  Hill  *N.  J. 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  1;  New  York,  N.  Y.,  1;  ^ 
field,  N.  Y.,  1;  Cleveland,  Ohio,  5;  Bell; 
1;  Bridgeport,  1;  Neffs,  1;  Allegheny,  Pa 
Irwin,  1;  Loyalhanna,  1;  Mt.  Pleasant 
North  Braddock,  1;  Philadelphia,  1;  Will 
ding,  1;  Taylor  Crossing,  Va„  1;  Manito 
Wis.,  1;  Milwaukee,   1;  Racine,  1. 

The  Bohemian  Section  resolved  by  r« 
endum  vote  that  every  Bohemian  brs 
has  to  belong  to  state  and  county. 
Bohemian  branch  can  buy  the  .party  < 
stamps  unless  it  pays  the  dues  to  the  s 
and  county.  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  ir 
bership  of  the  Bohemian  Section  thai 
take  in  branches  and  members  to  the 
tion  which  are  not  affiliated  with  state 
county  would  be  a  step  backward. 

After  the  very  successful  tour  of  C 
rade  Dr.  Francis  Soukup  from  Prague, 
hernia,  who  was  here  last  year  and  ace 
plished  very  good  results,  the  Bohen 
Section  decided  by  referendum  vote  to 
in  closer  relationship  with  the  Sc 
Democratic  Party  in  Bohemia  and  ge 
good  organizer  every  year.  Another 
portant  step  was  taken  by  the  establisl 
of  an  information  bureau  for  the  pur] 
of  warning  the  Bohemian  workingmen 
garding  steamship  companies'  agents, 
are  encouraging  the  emigration  and,  ui 
false  pretenses,  are  painting  the  beaut 
life  in  America  to  get  business.  Immigr* 
after  coming  here  are  disappointed  and 
used  by  patriotic  American  capitalists 
lower  the  standard  of  living  for  the  wi 
ing  class.  For  such  Bohemian  comn 
who  are  members*  of  the  party  in  the 
country  and  have  decided  to  come  to 
United  States  the  Bohemian  Section  es 
lished  an  information  bureau  to  as 
them  in  every  possible  way  and  to  1 
them  in  the  party. 


1 


APPENDIX 


243 


The  Bohemian  Section  owns  and  con- 
trols five  papers — one  daily  and  four  week- 
lies. The  oldest  of  them,  the  weekly 
"Spravedlnost"  (Justice),  has  been  pub- 
lished since  1900.  Eight  years  ago  the  Bo- 
hemian Section  bought  property — three  lots 
and  two  buildings — at  1S21-1826  Loomis 
street,  in  Chicago,  where  the  printing  plant 
was    established. 

In  1906  the  daily  "Spravedlnost"  was 
started.  In  addition  to  newspaper  print- 
ing, the  plant  has  a  modern  and  well- 
equipped  job  printing  department.  Last' 
year  a  new  press  was  bought  for  $6,500, 
payable  in  installments  in  four  years.  The 
daily  is  not  self-supporting  at  present>  and 
the  deficit  is  paid  by  collections,  profits 
from  different  party  affairs,  such  as 
bazaars,  balls,  picnics,  etc. 

In  1908  the  Bohemian  branches  began  to 
publish  in  Cleveland,  Ohio,  a  weekly  paper, 
"Americke  Delnicke  Listy"  (American- 
Workingmen's  News),  to  which  they  added 
in  1912  another  weekly,  "Pravo"  .(The 
Right).  Both  papers  are  printed  in  Cleve- 
land in  their  own  printing  shcp.  This 
printing  shop  also  has  a  job  printing  de- 
partment. 

In  1911  the  Bohemian  branch  in  New 
York,  in  co-operation  with  the  Bohemian 
trade  unions,  started  a  weekly  paper, 
"Obrana"  (The  Defense).  In  addition  to 
papers,  the  Bohemian  Section  is  publishing 
other  literature— books,  pamphlets,  etc. 
During  the  year  of  1911  the  amount  re- 
ceived for  literature  was  more  than  $1,000. 

All  the  papers  are  owned  direct  by  the 
Section,  and  the  Board  of  Directors  of 
same  is  elected  by  referendum  vote,  only 
members  in  good  standing  having  votes. 

The  Bohemian  Section  has  seven  woman 
branches — two  in  Chicago,  two  in  Cleve- 
land, one  in  Omaha,  one  in  South  Omaha 
and  one  in  Baltimore.  In  organizing  women 
the  Section  has  to  face  some  difficulties  in 
regard  to  the  dues  question,  as  the  women 
are  complaining  of  high  dues.  The  Bo- 
hemian Section  is  awaiting  some  reform 
in  this  question  from  the  convention. 

One  of  the  features  of  the  Bohemian  So- 
cialist movement  is  the  organizing  of  gym- 
nastic associations,  where  both  boys  and 
girls  are  active  members.  This  organiza- 
tion of  young  people  is  a  recruiting  sta- 
tion for  Bohemian  branches.  It  takes  care 
of  children  from  six  years  up  for  physical 
development,  and  when  they  reach  the  age 
of  18  years  they  become  party  members. 
In  this  way  the  Bohemian  Socialist  move- 
ment lays  a  strong  foundation  for  spread- 
ing Socialism  among  the  youth.  At  present 
the  gymnastic  associations  are  in  the  fol- 
lowing cities:  Chicago.  5;  Cleveland,  3; 
Dillonvale,  O.,  1,  and  North  Braddock.  Pa., 
1.  This  organization  was  formed  three 
years  ago,  and  at  present  has  about  1,000 
members,  both  men  and  women. 
Fraternally  submitted, 

JOSEP  NOVAK, 
Translator-Secretary. 

REPORT    OP    SCANDINAVIAN    SECTION. 

TO  THE   SOCIALIST   PARTY   NATIONAL 

CONVENTION,  1912. 
ORGANIZATION. 

The  Scandinavian  Socialist  Federation 
was  organized  at  a  convention  held  for 
this  purpose  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  July  2, 
3,  4,   1910. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1911  the 
Federation  consisted  of  seven  branches 
with  a  membership  of  216.  During  the 
year  of  1911  the  number  of  branches  in- 
creased   to   20    with    a   membership   of    784, 


and  today  it  has  thirty  branches  with  a 
membership  of  over  1,000.  Outside  of  the 
Federation  are  still  a  few  Scandinavian 
branches  not  yet  affiliated,  mostly  on  ac- 
count of  technicalities  and  other  hindrances, 
but  it  is  believed  that  these  obstacles  will 
be   overcome   in   the   near   future. 

Our  relation  to  the  national  and  state  or- 
ganizations has,  with  a  few  exceptions, 
been  the  very  best.  The  Federation  has  de- 
cided that  all  its  branches  shall  be  affiliated 
with  the  state  and  county  organizations, 
and  co-operate  with  them  at  all  elections 
and  otherwise. 

AGITATION. 

The  work  of  agitation  has  been  carried 
on  to  as  large  a  degree  as  the  resources  of 
the  Federation  would  allow.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  1911  we  had  only  one  small 
branch  in  the  East,  namely:  Kearney 
Branch  No.  3,s  New  Jersey,  and  for  a  long 
time  it  seemed  to  be  impossible  for  us  to 
make  any  headway  in  that  part  of  the 
country,  mostly  on  account  of  the  strong  S. 
L.  P.  movement  among  the  Scandinavians 
in  the  East,  but  the  opposition  seems  now 
to  be  broken.  The  comrades  out  there 
have  been  working  hard  and  steady  and  to- 
day we  have  eight  active  branches  in  the 
eastern  states.  We  expect  that  this  num- 
ber shall  be  more  than  doubled  as  the  re- 
sult of  an  extensive  organizing  tour  which 
Comrade  Frithjof  Werenskjold  now  is  mak- 
ing under  the  direction  of  our  Federation 
and  with  the  assistance  of  the  National 
Office. 

During  the  months  of  November  and  De- 
cember, 1911,  the  National  Office  routed 
Comrade  E.  Sibiakoffsky  through  the  mid- 
dle states,  which  resulted  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  ten  new  branches. 

In  the  western  states  where  the  Scandi- 
navian population  is  largest  there  are  at 
present  very  few  branches  of  the  Federa- 
tion, but  our  National  Committee  has  now 
decided  to  send  Comrade  Werenskjold  out 
there  as  soon  as  his  work  in  the  East  is 
completed. 

Our  agitation  among  women  has  been 
neglected  until  a  few  months  ago,  but  now 
the  number  of  women  members  in  our  or- 
ganization is   steadily  increasing. 

PRESS. 
The  Scandinavian  Socialist  Federation  Is 
publishing  two  weekly  propaganda  papers: 
"The  Svenska  Socialisten"  in  the  Swedish 
language  and  "The  Social  Demokraten"  in 
the  Danish  language.  These  two  papers 
are  owned  and  controlled  by  the  Federation 
directly.  The  only  certificate  that  gives  a 
voice  and  vote  in  deciding  their  policy  and 
management  is  a  paid  up  membership  book. 
Fake  advertisements,  such  as  patent  medi- 
cine, land  and  mining  schemes  as  well  as 
advertisements  from  saloons  and  liquor 
dealers  have  never  been  accepted  by  these 
papers,  and,  in  spite  of  financial  difficulties, 
our  members  are  determined  to  never  com- 
promise on  these  points.  The  circulation 
of  the  papers  has  increased  rapidly  during 
the  last  few  months,  which  to  a  large  de- 
gree is  due  to  the  work  of  the  Lyceum 
Course.  Their  present  combined  circula- 
tion is  a  little  over  5,000.  If  the  increase 
of  their  circulation  continues  at  the  present 
rate,  then  they  will  be  self-supporting  be- 
fore the  year  is  gone. 

PRESS  FUND. 
In  order  to  meet  the  deficit  of  our  papers, 
the  Federation  has  provided  for  a  press 
fund.  This  fund  gets  its  income  from 
special  assessments,  contributions,  picnics, 
etc 


J 


244 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


LITERATURE. 

The  Federation  has  established  its  own 
literature  department,  which  was  begun  on 
February  1,  1912.  Several  thousand  pam- 
phlets have  already  been  published  and 
sold,  and  we  intend  to  develop  this  depart- 
ment to  such  an  extent  that  we  shall  be 
able  to  meet  all  demands  for  Socialistic 
literature  in  the  Scandinavian  languages. 

INFORMATION    BUREAU   FOR 
IMMIGRANTS. 

In  order  to  assist  the  immigrants  from 
the  Scandinavian  countries,  helping  them 
to  find  work  and  keep  in  touch  with  the 
American  labor  movement,  etc.,  we  are  at 
present  negotiating  with  the  Socialist  and 
other  organizations  in  these  countries  for 
the  purpose  of  establishing  some  kind  of 
co-operation  in  this  direction.  "We  have 
always  urged  strongly  upon  'our  member- 
ship to  become  citizens  in  order  to  acquire 
their  political  rights,  and  in  this  work  we 
have  been  very  successful. 

CONCLUSION. 

During  the  childhood  of  the  Scandinavian 
Socialist  Federation  it  has  been  nobly  as- 
sisted by  the  Finnish  comrades  as  well  as 
the  National  Office  of  the  Socialist  Party, 
thus  making  it  possible  for  the  young  or- 
ganization to  survive  the  hardships  it  had 
to  pass  through  and  to  carry  on  the  work 
it  has  undertaken  to  do. 

We  cannot  boast,  ourselves,  of  any  great 
achievement,  but  we  believe  that  a  good 
solid  foundation  for  the  organization  has 
been  laid,  and  if  it  is  allowed  to  develop 
unhindered,  and  in  the  future  will  be  met 
with  the  same  good  understanding  as  in 
the  past,  then  the  Scandinavian  Socialist 
Federation  will  surely  be  able  to  fulfill  the 
mission  for  which  it  has  organized. 

By  order  of  The  Executive  Committee, 
Fraternally   submitted, 

N.    JUEL    CHRISTENSEN, 

Translator-Secretary. 

REPORT    SUBMITTED    IN    BEHALF    OP 
THE   JEWISH   SOCIALIST   AGITA- 
TION   BUREAU. 

This  foreign-speaking  organization  is  or- 
ganized on  an  entirely  different  basis  than 
any  of  the  other  foreign-speaking  organi- 
zations. The  membership  is  affiliated  with 
the  Socialist  party,  in  the  respective  States 
and  Countries  directly,  paying  the  same 
dues  as  the  English-speaking  members  of 
such  localities  do.  The  branches  of  the 
Bureau  are  in  every  respect  similar  to  the 
ordinary  party  locals  or  branches,  except- 
ing that  they  use  and  speak  the  Jewish 
language  in  their  meetings  and  to  a  great 
extent  use  same  in  the  general  propaganda. 

Since  the  last  Socialist  Congress  held  in 
Chicago,  1910,  the  Bureau  has  extended  its 
usefulness  over  thirty  States.  In  the  last 
two  years  it  has  organized  sixteen  new 
branches  which  are  directly  affiliated  with 
the  party,  taking  their  places  side  by  side 
with  the  English  speaking  organizations. 

While  the  Bureau  is  not  connected  di- 
rectlv  with  the  National  Socialist  party ,  as 
provided  for  in  the  National  Constitution, 
the  National  Executive  Committee  has 
helped  the  Bureau  in  its  work  materially, 
donating  sums  of  money  for  propaganda 
purposes,  and  the  National  Secretary  help- 
ing by  valuable  advice. 

A  partial  report  of  the  work  actually 
done,  which  we  herein  submit,   will  clearly 


show  the  goou  that  can  be  accomplished  by 
foreign-speaking  organizations  among  the 
immigrant  workers  in  America. 

HALL    MEETINGS. 

May,    1910— May,    1912 320 

Average  attendance   200 

Total    attendance 64,000 

Leaflets   published   and   sold ;..  150,000 

Price   per    1,000    $1.50 

Total $225.00 

LEAFLETS  DISTRIBUTED  BY  BUREAU. 
Without  cost  to  the  branches 40,000 

BOOKLETS   PUBLISHED   AND    SOLD. 
Various   Booklets    15,000 

These  booklets  were  sold  in  1911  for 

prices      ranging     from      $20.00      to 

$35.00  per  thousand. 
American   Government  Booklets  sold 
.    ($70   per   M.)    4,000 

The  American  Government  Booklet  re- 
ferred to  is  one  that  could  be  easily  trans- 
lated into  other  languages  and  would  be  of 
invaluable  use  among  immigrant  workers 
of  other  nationalities. 

At  the  present  time  the  Bureau  is  in 
communication  with  upwards  of  80 
branches  in  about  thirty  States.  Besides, 
it  is  in  communication  with  hundreds  of 
Branches  of  the  Workman's  Circle.  It 
might  be  added  that  the  Workman's  Circle 
is  of  great  help  to  this  Bureau  in  its  work. 

There  can  hardly  be  two  opinions  as  to 
the  necessity  -of  foreign-speaking  organi- 
zations. The  comrades  of  the  non-English 
speaking  nations  are  surely  best  fitted  to 
carry  on  the  propaganda  among  their  own 
people.  Yet,  in  some  instances,  local 
county  organizations  have  refused  to  per- 
mit  the   organization   of   Language   Groups. 

The  Constitution  should  be  amended  so 
as  to  give  foreign  comrades  speaking 
foreign  languages  the  right  to  organize 
separate  branches  and  to  conduct  their 
affairs  in  the  language  they  know  best.  At 
the  same  time  it  should  be  provided  that  all 
branches  must  affiliate  with  the  local  move- 
ment, in  their  respective  localities,  and 
through  these  local  organizations,  with  the 
National  party. 

J.  PANKEN, 
Delegate  Jewish  Socialist  Agitation  Bureau. 

REPORT  BY  THE  EXECUTIVE  COMMIT- 
TEE  NATIONAL  LETTISH  OR- 
GANIZATION, S.  P. 

A.     MEMBERSHIP. 

Our  membership  is  scattered  through 
twelve  different  States  of  the  Union,  some 
of  them  are  in  Canada.  It  is  a  tremendous 
task  to  keep  them  together.  In  1910  we 
had  27  clubs  with  a  total  memberslfip  of 
1001;  at  the  present  moment  we  have  26 
clubs  with  983  good  standing  members, 
among  them  210   women. 

This  decrease  of  membership  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  Boston  Lettish  W.  Asso- 
ciation withdrew  from  our  organization,  as 
we  have  stated  in  our  previous  report  to 
National  Secretary  Comrade  J.  M.  Barnes. 
The  B.  L.  W.  A.  with  its  170  members,  has 
remained,  however,  in  the  S.  P. 

All  our  members  are  organized  in 
branches  and  locals  of  the  S.  P.,  and  are 
directly  affiliated  both  with  state  and  local 
organizations  of  the  party.  They  pay  regu- 
lar national,   state  and  local  dues. 

The  vast  majority  of  our  members  have 
applied  for  citizenship,  yet  few  have  ob- 
tained their  second  papers. 

Last  year  our  rival  organization  among 
the  Lettish  workers,  the  Lettish  Federation 


I 


APPENDIX 


of  the  S'.  L.  P.,  split  up.  Since  then  about 
50  of  its  members  as  individuals  have 
joined  the  S.  P.,  either  through  our 
branches  or  otherwise. 

B.     FINANCES. 
During  the   two   calendar  years  1910  and 
1911  our  members  have  paid: 

1.  Dues     to    the    S.    P.     (national, 

state  and  local)    $3,272.00 

2.  Dues  to  our  branches  for  their 

local    agitation    1,097.37 

3.  Collections      and      subscriptions 

for  the  Lettish  Social  Democ- 
racy  in   Russia    1,093.36 

This  includes  $705.47  for  the 
Relief  Fund  of  political  pris- 
oners. . 

4.  Our  branches  have  collected  for 

the  Pol.  Ref.  Defense  League    , 

on  various   occasions    244.13 

C.     REFERENDA. 

In  1910  our  membership  adopted  Refer- 
endum la  requiring  that  wives  of  our 
members  not  engaged  directly  in  industrial 
occupations,  should  be  freed  from  member- 
ship dues. 

For   265,   against   244. 

In  January,  1911,  this  rule  was  reversed 
by  another  referendum  No.  2  vote,  with 
463   to   30. 

Referendum  lb  provides  that  the  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  our  organization  pay  the 
printers  of  our  semi-weekly  Strahdneeks 
sick  insurance  $1  a  month. 

For  279,  against  201. 

Referendum  2a  provides  s  that  the  ac- 
counts and  funds  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee of  our  organization  should  be  aud- 
ited not  by  the  Boston  Branch  alone,  but 
by  three  auditors  elected  by  our  Boston, 
New  York  and  Lawrence  branches,  and 
that  the  auditing  committee  should  report 
its  findings  in  our  paper  twice  a  year. 

For  273,  against  210. 

Referendum  2b.  That  Comrades  J.  Klawa 
and  J.  Tomin  be  sent  to  the  Chicago  con- 
vention of  the  Socialist  party.  Vote  closed 
May,  1910.  Comrade  Klawa  elected  with 
345  votes,  and  Comrade  Tomin  with  234 
votes. 

Referendum  No.    3:     Dec.    1910. 

ELECTIONS  OF  NEW  EXECUTIVE  COM- 
MITTEE. 

In  1911  Referendum  No.  1.  Election  of 
the  editor  of  our  semi-weekly  Strahdneeks. 
In  January,  1911,  Comrade  John  G.  Ohsol 
elected  with    437   votes. 

Referendum  No.  ,3,  amended  slightly  our 
constitution.     Carried  in  Mav,  with  509  to  9. 

Referendum  No.  4,  providing  that  the  ed- 
itor of  the  Strahdneeks  be  paid  full  wages 
(15  dollars  a  week),  also  those  weeks 
when,  owing  to  holidays,  only  one  issue  of 
our  paper  is  published,  was  rejected  with 
245  to  217,  in  September,  -1911. 
#  Referendum  No.  5a  provides  that  45  days 
time  be  granted  for  the  discussion  of  pro- 
posed referenda  instead  of  30.  Carried 
in  September,   1911,   with  400  to  65. 

Referendum  No.  5b  provides  that  our 
Executive  Committee  elections  should  be 
changed  so  as  to  make  the  committee  serve 
for  one  year  from  April  1  to  March  31,  in- 
stead of  the  calendar  year.  Carried  with 
461  to  13. 

Referendum  No.  6.  Election  of  the  ed- 
itor of  the  Strahdneeks  for  the  year  1912. 
Elected  Comrade  John  G.  Obsol  with  437 
votes. 

D.     AGITATION  AND  PROPAGANDA.    fe 
The  chief  business  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee  of  our   organization  is   the  publish- 


ing of  the  Strahdneeks,  which  Is  a  4-page 
semi-weekly  (21x31  inches),  and  is  being 
printed  at  Fitchburg,  Mass.  Since  October, 
1911,  once  every  two  weeks  it  has  a  literary 
supplement.  The  number  of  its  subscribers 
varies  between  1200-1500,  the  price  is  $3.00 
per  year.  We  employ  two  printers,  two 
editors  and  one  mailing  clerk. 

Besides    the    subscriptions    we    have    re- 
ceived towards  the  sustenance  of  the  paper: 
1.     Special     dues     from     our     members,     15 
cents  per  capita  per  month,  in 

1910     $1,378.76 

1911     1.475.90 

2*    Donations: 

1910     250.00     * 

1911     , 422.15 

3.    From  advertisements: 

1910    600.00 

1911     800.00 

This   paper  is   our  chief  propaganda   and 

organizing  medium.  In  fact  it  is  the  only 
means  of  keeping  our  members  together. 
We  are  positively  sure  that  the  interest  of 
our  members  in  the  English  Socialist  press 
is  constantly  increasing,  as  is  witnessed  by 
the  discussions  of  our  members  in  the 
"Strahdneeks,"  on  party  tactics,  and  in  the 
Haywood-Hillquit  controversy,  on  law  and 
order,  and  on  our  party  attitude  towards 
trade  unions. 

On  January  1,  1912,  there  were  7  prop- 
aganda circles  in  our  various  branches  with 
a  total  membership  of  105.  During  the 
year  1911  those  circles  had  31  propaganda 
meetings. 

Large  agitation  meetings  are  being  held 
by  our  Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Chicago  and  San  Francisco  branches,  every 
year  on  October  30th  (in  memoriam  of  the 
October  Manifesto  in  Russia,  1905),  on 
January  22nd  (Red  Sunday  memorial)  and 
in  March  (Commune  memorial).  Needless 
to  add  that  our  branches  everywhere  are 
taking  active  and  energetic  part  in  all 
propaganda  and  agitation  work  carried  on 
by  the  English  speaking  locals  of  the  party. 
Our  members  responded  liberally  to  the 
McNamara  defense  fund,  toward  the  sup- 
port of  the  Lawrence  strikers,  etc. 

Our  Socialist  book  agency,  now  located  at 
Fitchburg,  Mass.,  has  been  in  business 
since  1907.  Its  object  is  to  supply  our 
members  as  cheaply  as  possible  with  So- 
cialist literature  in  Russian,  Lettish, 
German  and  English  At  the  present 
moment  the  total  value  of  our  book  sup- 
ply, both  at  Fitchburg  and  at  the  branches, 
is  $1,810.70,  while  in  1910  it  was  $1,429.19. 
During  the  last  three  years  (1910,  1911, 
1912)  we  have  published  a  fairly  good 
sized  (7x10  in.,  96-112  pages)  Socialist 
Almanach,  1500-2.000  copies.  We  hope  to 
continue  this  line  of  work  and  may  pos- 
sibly publish  some  pamphlets  also. 

Some  of  our  branches  (Boston  Lettish 
No.  2,  New  York.  Chicago.  Philadelphia) 
occasionally  circulate  special  agitation 
leaflets. 

#  One  of  the  chief  duties  of  our  organiza- 
tion has  been  to  introduce  our  members  to 
the  S.  P.  so  as  to  make  them  permanent 
and  active  workers  within  the  English 
speaking  body  of  our  party.  To  that  end 
the  Eastern  Coast  Agitation  Bureau  was 
formed  by  the  end  of  1909,  comprising  our 
ten  branches  in  Massachusetts  (Boston, 
Lawrence,  Beverly),  New  York,  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Maryland,  with   536  members. 

We  hope  to  form  a  similar  agitation 
bureau  around  Chicago  before  long.  We 
have  instructed  our  lecturer,  Comrade  J.  G. 
Ohsol,  to  help  organize  such  a  bureau  on 
his  present  lecturing  trip  in  Chicago, 
Aurora,  St.  Louis,  Cleveland  and  Minne- 
apolis. These  five  branches  have  a  mem- 
bership of  264. 


7 


246 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVU'Im   N 


Our  Eastern  Coast  Agitation  Bureau  has 
arranged   the  following  agitation  trips: 

1.  Spring,  1910,  by  Comrade  J.  Klawa, 
who   lectured   on 

(1)  Darwinism. 

(2)  Woman's   suffrage. 

(3)  Materialistic  interpretation  of  his- 
tory. 

2.  September,  1910,  by  Comrade  John  G. 
Ohsol,  who  lectured  on 

(1)  New  currents  in  the  American  trade 
unions. 

(2)  The  minimum   wage. 

(3)  The  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.  v.  the 
working  class. 

3.  February,  1911,  by  Comrade  K.  Jan- 
son,   whose  topics  were: 

(1)  Co-operatives. 

(2)  Intellectuals   and   Socialism. 

(3)  Socialist  attitude  towards  general 
strilcp 

4.  May,  1911,  by  Comrade  G.  Bernhard, 
on 

(1)  American   literature. 

(2)  Development  of  Capitalism  in  the  U. 
S. 

(3)  Growth  of  Socialism  in  the  U.  S. 

5.  In  September,  1911,  by  Comrade  R. 
Hansen,   on 

(1)  Russian  politics. 

(2)  Socialist  tactics  in  municipalities. 

(3)  Social   growth  and  natural  growth. 

6.  In  February,  1912,  by  Comrade  Sierin, 
on 

(1)  The    Chinese    revolution. 

(2)  S.   P.   attitude  towards  trade   unions. 

(3)  Darwinism  and  Socialism. 

(4)  Significance   of  Art  in   Life. 

(5)  Materialistic  interpretation  of  his- 
tory. 

Each  agitation  trip,  including  two  weeks' 
wages  ($12.00  each)  for  the  lecturer,  has 
cost  the  bureau  about  $60.00. 

On  December  24th  and  25th,  1911,  the 
Agitation  Bureau  called  a  conference  in 
New  York  city,  where  among  several  tech- 
nical details  ,of  organization  and  propa- 
ganda work,  also  some  resolutions  on  gen- 
eral questions  were  adopted. 

As  the  conference  was  merely  a  delibera- 
tive body,  these  resolutions  were  nothing 
but  suggestions  to  our  branches.  All  those 
resolutions  were  taken  up  by  the  branches, 
discussed  at  their  meetings  and  in  the 
Strahdneeks,  and  subsequently  adopted  as 
recommendations  to  our  party  institutions, 
subject  to  their  consideration  and  ap- 
proval. 

"We  quote  these  resolutions  here: 

ON     THE     ATTITUDE     OP     THE     S.     P. 
TOWARDS    THE    TRADE   UNIONS. 

1.  Whereas,  For  the  complete  emancipa- 
tion of  the  working  class  from  its  intellect- 
ual, political  and  economic  bondage,  both 
the  political  and  the  economic  struggle  are 
equally  necessary,  and  as  for  the  success- 
ful conduct  of  this  struggle  in  nearly  all 
countries  permanent  relations  between 
economic  organizations  of  the  workers  and 
Socialist  parties  have  been  established, 

2.  Whereas,  In  the  United  States  the 
existing  relations  between  the  S.  P.  and 
the  trade  unions  are  very  weak  and  spora- 
dic, 

3.  Whereas,  The  activities  of  the  S.  P. 
members  among  the  trade  unions  are  un- 
successful as  long  as  those  activities  are 
not  co-ordinated  and  led  by  the  party  in- 
stitutions, 

4.  Whereas,  The  members  of  the  S.  P. 
often  have  turned  over  without  fight,  the 
responsible  posts  in  the  trade  unions  to 
the  agents  of  the  Civic  Federation  and  to 
other  opponents  of  class  struggle,  who  are 
tying   up   the   trade   unions   with   capitalist 


politics  and  are  resisting  the  spread  of  So- 
cialism among  the  organized  proletariat, 

5.  Whereas,  The  trade  unions,  in  deny- 
ing the  existence  of  class  struggle,  are  up- 
holding among  their  rank  and  file  the  craft 
spirit,  which  splits  up  the  economic  strug- 
gle, leads  to  civil  strife  among  the  craft 
organizations  and  to  many  lost  battles  of 
labor, 

6.  Whereas,  Such  lost  battles  have 
forced  some  members  of  the  trade  unions 
to  resort  to  desperate  means  (McNamara 
case)  which,  in  the  first  place  are  a  de- 
moralizing influence  upon  labor  organiza- 
tions, and  second,  are  helping  along  the 
crusade,  of  the  capitalist  organization  and 
the  government  against  the  proletariat, 

1.  That  all  members  of  the  S.  P.  join 
their   respective   trade   unions. 

2.  'That  the  members  of  the  S.  P.  in  each 
trade  union  come  to  a  better  understanding 
among  each  other  that  under  the  guidance 
of  the  responsible  party  authorities  they 
should  be  able  more  successfully  to  explain 
from  the  Socialist  point  of  view  all  issues 
resulting  from  the  economic  struggle,  and 
thus  educate  the  members  of  the  trade 
unions  to  a  better  understanding  of  the 
class   struggle. 

3.  That  the  members  of  the  S.  P.  nom- 
inate their  own  candidates  for  responsible 
offices  in  the  trade  unions,  especially  in  the 
referendum  elections  and  in  conventions. 

4.  That  our  comrades  strive  towards 
uniting  the  various  mutually  independent 
economic  organizations  which  are  acting 
in  one  and  the  same  establishment,  in  one 
and  the  same' industry  or  on  the  same  ter- 
ritory into  such  centralized  bodies  of  eco- 
nomic organizations  as  in  each  given  case 
the  solidarity  of  all  workers  in  the  class 
struggle   requires. 

5.  That  the  central  institution  of  the  S. 
P.  have  to  take  care  of  establishing  rela- 
tions with  the  central  bodies  of  the  unions 
both  during  periods  of  great  economic  and 
political  battles,  and  during  the  regular 
parliamentary  struggle  for  labor  legisla- 
tion with  the  ultimate  end  in  view  that 
permanent  organized  relations  between  both 
militant  bodies  of  organized  proletariat  be 
secured. 

RESOLUTION  ON  PARTY  CENTRAL 
ORGAN. 

1.  Whereas,  The  central  organ  is  one  of 
the  most  necessary  means  of  securing  the 
party  unity  in  its  intellectual  leadership, 
as  well  as   in  its   organization. 

2.  Whereas,  The  lack  of  such  an  organ 
has  led  the  S.  P.  to  confusion  in  theory  and 
practice   (organization),   as  witnessed  by: 

(a^i  The  Arizona  and  Missouri  contro- 
versies. 

(b)  The  syndicalist  theories  preached 
in  the  International  Socialist  Review,  by 
the  campaign  of  slander  against  party  in- 
stitutions and  party  officials,  carried  on  in 
the  Christian  Socialist,  Provoker  and  the 
Militant. 

(c)  By  the  sudden  change  of  the  party 
program  in  regard  to  our  agrarian  policy. 

'(d)  By  the  too  frequent  and  haphazard 
referenda  about  the  change  of  our  party 
constitution. 

3.  Whereas,  Nearly  all  Socialist  papers 
are  at  the  present  time  private  concerns, 
which  reouire  large  sacrifices  from  individ- 
ual members  as  well  as  from  party  insti- 
tutions, but  do  not  feel  obliged  to  stand  up 
for  the  interests  of  the  party  as  a  whole  in 
many  important  questions. 

4.  Whereas,  The  party,  owing  to  the  ab- 
sence of  a  central  organ,"  is  unable  to  take 
a  definite   stand  on  many  important   politi- 


APPENDIX 


247 


issues  and  questions  of  tactics,  because 

resolutions    of    the    National    Executive 

nmittee   often   give   only   technical    hints. 

Whereas,  The  present  Party  Bulletin, 

ng  to   its  limited  and,  dry  material,   can 

replace  a  party  organ. 
Je  it  resolved: 

.  That  a  national  referendum  vote  be 
en  in  order  to  change  immediately  the 
pective  sections  of  our  national  consti- 
ion  so  as  to  empower  the  National  Ex- 
live  to  establish  a  central  organ. 
.  That  the  National  Executive  take  lni- 
diately  the  necessary  preliminary  steps 
yard  the  creation  of  such  an  organ 
ithering  of  necessary  funds,  etc.). 
.     That  the  National  Executive  Commit- 

submit  a  detailed  project  on  the  pub- 
ition  of  a  central  organ  to  the  coming 
tional  Convention. 

Resolution  on  the  agrarian 

QUESTION. 

The  Conference  finds:  ' 

f.     That  the  plank  demanding  the  Social- 
ition  of  all  land,   which  was  stricken  out 
a  national   referendum   of   the   S.    P.    be 
instated  into  the  platform  of  the  party. 

!.  That  we  should  strongly  reject  any 
empt  of  the  S.  P.  to  voice  the  interests 
the  farmers  or  some  other  non-proletar- 
l  social  group  on  points  not  identical 
5th  those  of  the  working  class,  no  matter 
lether  this  be  done  by  putting  up  com- 
omising  demands  or  by  using  compro- 
ising  tactics. 

Comment: — Some  people  think  that  the 
linge  from  private  or  corporate  owner- 
ftp  of  land  to  common  ownership  under 
I  present  capitalistic  organization  of  so- 
fty   necessarily    involves    socialization    of 

In  fact  this  demand  aims  only  to  do  away 
fth  speculation  in  land  rents  and  proposes 

I  pass  over  the  rent  from  private  land 
ijrners  and  corporations  to  social  institu- 
Ins.  This  may  be  realized  either  through 
ftionalization   of  land   or   through   munici- 

II  ownership  of  land.  In  the  first  case 
le  whole  nation  takes  over  the  land  and 
linages  it  through  ite  representatives;  in 
re  second  case  states,  towns  or  municipal- 
fes  become  land  owners.  In  any  case  this 
Easure  does  away  with  the  land  owning 
Ess,  under  whose-  grip  whole  nations  are 
feering  at  the  present  moment.  • 
|At   the   S.   P.   Congress   at   Chicago,    1910, 

|e  farmers'   committee  and  some   speakers 
posed    the    socialization    of    land,    because 
ey  confused  the  issue.     They  stated  that 
was    the   duty   of   the   Socialist    party    to 
pport  the  farmers  as  a  subjugated  social 
oup.      The   support   of   the   farmers,    how- 
er,    means    the    defense    of    their    private 
nership     and     artificial     maintenance     of 
ieir  small  households  which  can  not  stand 
e    competition    of    the    large    ones.      The 
rmers'     committee     draws     no    line     just 
lere    such    support    should    cease. 
In  the  first  place,   this   is  not  the  duty  of 
e  S.  P.  since  it  is  the  party  of  the  work- 
er class  and  not  a  farmers'  party.     In  the 
cond  place  such  aim  is  a  ytopia  which  can 
ver  he   realized.      The  farmers'   committee 
the     Chicago     Congress     formulated     not 
e  demands  of  farm  laborers,  but  those  of 
e     formers.       The     co-called     problems     of 
fral    development,    the    irrigation    of    farm 
I  is.     insurance     of    live     stock,     improve- 
>ts.    etc..    are   entirely   out   of  place   in   a 

IjW  nlist  congresc.  Farmers'  societies  or 
i  icultural  development  companies  have 
||  rlenl  with  those  problems.  We  have  to 
■  on  the  lookout  that  our  party  should  not 
tied  up  with  the  demands  of  an  eco- 
nieallv    decaving    class    of    small    bour- 


RESOI/UTION   ON    OUR   ATTITUDE 
TOWARDS    THE   CHURCH. 
The  conference  finds: 

1.  That  our  members  ought  to  be  en- 
lightened about  the  evolution  of  the  uni- 
verse, development  of  mankind,  and  other 
important  matters  of  natural  science  in 
order  that  any  kind  of  superstition  may  be 
eliminated  from   amidst  our   ranks. 

2.  That  the  church  and  its  teachings 
should  be  directly  opposed  where  it  tries 
to  take  a  hand  in  the  class  struggle  with 
attempt  to  bridge  over  the  class  conflict, 
that  is: 

(a)  We  should  oppose  the  teaching  of 
religion  in  the  schools  in  any  masked  or 
unmasked  form,  since  it  is  calculated  to 
cultivate  the  spirit  of  serfdom  among  the 
young  generation. 

(b)  We  should  oppose  the  mixing  of 
religious  questions  into  the  economic  strife, 
in  the  strikes,  in  the  trade  unions,  at  their 
conventions,  etc. 

(c)  We  should  denounce  the  reactionary 
conduct  of  the  servants  of  the  church,  of 
the  Catholic  bishops,  of  the  priests  of  the 
Civic  Federation,  and  other  Socialist  eaters, 
who  are  opposed  to  the  democratization  of 
our  political  institutions,  who  are  fighting 
against  the  initiative,  referendum,  recall, 
against  women's  suffrage  and  other  urgent 
and  timely  reforms. 

3.  The  conference  advises  the  members 
of  the  party  to  abstain  from  any  anti-relig- 
ious agitation  within  the  parishes  or  sim- 
ilar  religious    bodies. 

Comment: — It  is  not  our  task  to  investi- 
gate the  evolution  of  religious  views.  All 
we  have  got  to  state  is  how  to  carry  out 
the  plank  of  our  party  program,  which  re- 
quests that  religion  be  private  affair  of  the 
individual. 

While  large  masses  of  the  people  are  in 
complete  ignorance  about  the  most  elemen- 
tary parts  of  natural  science,  it  is  an  easy 
task  for  the  church  to  beguile  the  workers 
and  to  make  them  intellectual  cripples. 
Once  they  have  become  such,  they  gladly 
accept  the  spiritual  crutches  extended  to 
them  by  the  servants  of  the  church  and 
thus  religious  beliefs  gradually  become  a 
public  concern,  a  social  necessity. 

In  order  to  put  a  check  upon  the  deadly 
influence  of  the  teachings  of  the  church 
upon  men's  minds,  it  is  necessary  to  dis- 
seminate knowledge  about  nature — a  task 
which  has  been  entirely  neglected  in  this 
country.  In  destroying  man's  superstition 
about  nature  we  take  away  one  of  the 
foundations   on   which   every   religion    rests. 

The  complexity  and  the  uncertainty  of 
our  social  life  under  capitalism  breeds  tim- 
idity of  intellect,  it  furthers  fatalism,  which 
is  another  pillar  of  the  church.  Man  has 
ceased  to  be  the  ruler  of  his  destiny  under 
capitalism.  To  be  sure  there  are  a  few  gods 
among  men,  whose  purses  control  the  des- 
tinies of  millions  of  toilers. 

Science  is  the  best  antidote  against  re- 
ligion. Where  science  comes  in,  beliefs 
and  creeds  must  give  way.  Instead  of  be- 
lief and  faith  we  put  conviction,  based  on 
freedom  of  conscience.  Freedom  of  con 
science  is  broader  than  freedom"  of  belief. 
It  includes  both  -freedom  of  belief  and  free- 
dom of  non-belief.  A  man  can  believe 
what  he  will.  He  may  not  believe  anything. 
Similarly,  freedom  of  speech  includes  both 
the  right  to  speak  and  the  right  to  keep 
silent.  Freedom  of  assemblage  includes 
freedom  to  stay  from  meetines  which  you 
do  not  approve.  Some  members  of  the 
party  (Comrade  Shier  in  the  S.  P.  PulletlM 
seem  to  haA-e  confused  notionc  about  the 
task  of  the  Social  Democracy.  They  do  not 
vet   realize   that    Social   Democracy   has    not 


f 


348 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONVENTION 


undertaken  to  defend  any  religion,  not.  even 
the  Christian  faith..  Scientific  Socialism 
can  not  be  Christian  or  pagan  just  as 
there  is  no  Jewish  arithmetic  or  Catholic 
astronomy.  %a  , 

The  ethics  of  socialism  and  religion  are 
directly  opposed  to  each  "other.  Christian- 
ity preaches  brotherly  love  for  all,  Social- 
ism discriminates  among  social  classas. 
It  preaches  the  class  struggle  among  those 
whose  interests  are  opposed.  It  does  not 
create  the  class  war,  but  it  does  explain  it, 
while  the  church  tries  to  conceal  it.  So- 
cialism maintains  that  through  class  strug- 
gle the  workers  will  eventually  win  and  do 
away  with  class  differences.  .  Socialism 
bases  all  its  ideals  on  this  "sinful  world; 
the  church  can  not.  help  preaching  about 
some  other  world.  Socialism  condemns 
what  hurts  the  working  class,  it  commends 
what  helps  to  improve  the  conditions  of  the 
working  class.  The  church  puts  its  stamp 
of  approval  (good)  or  disapproval  (bad) 
according  to  some  superhuman  ethics,  dic- 
tated by  being  unknown  to  mankind. 

The  church  tries  to  organize  strikers  ac- 
cording to  their  creeds,  as  was  seen  in  the 
recent  Illinois  Central  Railroad  strike. 
Thus  the  class  solidarity  of  the  workers  is 
impaired  and  their  enemies  triumph.  The 
dragging  in  of  the  Carpenter  of  Nazareth 
into  discussions  at  trade  unions  conven- 
tions is  a  silly  attempt  to  distract  the 
worker's  attention  from  the  main  issues. 
The  "Militia  of  Christ'"  has  become  an  ac- 
tive enemy  of  the  workers  and  is  helping 
the  state  militia  to  crush  the  strikers.  The 
role  of  the  church  as  a  strike-breaking 
agency  should  be  made  plain  to  the  work- 
ers. 

It  is  true,  that  the  church  is  struggling 
hard  to  save  its  vanishing  power.  It  prom- 
ises the  workers  to  help  them.  We  should 
refuse  such  a  help.  In  a  land  where  the 
organization  of  political  parties  and  the 
participation  in  political  action  is  free  to 
everybody,  we  can  not  recognze  any  inter- 
mediaries for  the  attainment  of  our  polit- 
ical ends. 

Party  members  should  not  tolerate  any 
political  censure  of  their  churches  over 
their  political  action,  and  they  should  with- 
draw from  such  religious  bodies,  who  are 
opposing  the  decisions  of  our  party. 

Our  party  should  not  waste  any  time  or 
money  on  anti-religious  agitation  within 
the  church  organizations.  Where  religion 
has  reallv  become  a  private  affair,  there  is 
no  need  for  our  agitation.  As  long  as  the 
gods  remain  confined  to  their  temples,  they 
can  cause  no  direct  harm  to  the  class  strug- 
gle. 

RESOLUTION  ON  THE  S.  P.  TACTICS  IN 
THE    LEGISLATURES    AND    EXECU- 
TIVE INSTITUTIONS. 
I. 

1.  Whereas.  The  demands  of  the  work- 
ing class  can  best  be  realized  and  defended, 
when  the  possibly  largest  masses  of  the 
population  are  involved  in  the  struggle  for 
those  demands.  , 

2.  Whereas,  The  employers  in  different 
states  of"  the  union  are  refusing  to  comply 
with  the  demands  of  the  workers  on  the 
ground    that    progressive    labor    legislation, 


restricting  the  exploitation  of  workers, 
make  them  unable  to  compete  with 
ployers  in  similar  industries  in  < 
states;  such  motives  are  often  endorse 
the  people  and  are  a  stumbling 
against    necessary    labor    legislation. 

3.  Whereas,  The  centralized  class  s- 
gle  of  the  proletariat  needs  a  broader 
in  order  to  facilitate  the  conquest  of, 
central  political  powers  in  the  U.  S.  fo: 
establishment  of  the  co-operative  com 
wealth. 

We  declare: 

1.  That  all  legislation   having  any 
ing  upon  the  people  of  the  United  Stat* 
a    whole,     should    be    concentrated     in 
Congress  at  Washington,  while  at  the 
time  the  state  legislatures  and  other  1 
lative  bodies  should  be  made  use  of. 

2.  That  it  is  unbecoming  to  reserv* 
right  to  sign  the  petitions  of  the  S.  P.  s 
to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  sii 
large  portion  of  the  workers  of  the  U 
States  are  not  yet  citizens. 

3.  That  such  petitions  in  places  ^ 
there  are  already  representatives  of  tl 
P.  should  be  presented  only  through  1 
representatives. 

II. 
Whereas,  The  experiences  of  the  prol 
iat  in  the  class  struggle  up  to  the  pr< 
time  have  demonstrated: 

1.  That  any  success  in  the  labor  lej 
tion  is  directly  dependent  upon  the  oi 
ized  power  of  the  masses. 

2.  That  the  elections,  generaly  spea 
are  helpful  to  the  organization  work  o 
Social  Democracy,  but  that  the  parlia 
tary  struggle  in  a  more  restricted  sen 
chiefly  a  means  of  agitation. 

3.  That  the  activities  of  represents 
of  the  S.  P.  in  legislatures  are  onlj 
part  of  our  party  action,  and  that  onl 
respective  central  institutions  of  the 
can  successfully  co-ordinate  and  lead 
action. 

4.  That  in  all  cases  the  action  of  t 
P.  representatives  in  those  institi 
fails,  if  it  is  not  backed  up  by  politic; 
tion  of  the  workers  outside  the  legisla 

We  regard  as  indispensable: 

1.  That  all  steps  of  the  represent; 
of  our  party  in  the  said  institutions,  e 
in  unforeseen  cases,  be  taken  in  full  a 
with  the  decisions  of  the  party. 

2.  That  the  leading  institutions  o 
S.  P.  have  to  use  all  means  in  ord 
back  up  each  important  measure  o 
working  class  by  mass  action;  by  mee 
demonstrations,  petitions  and  s: 
means. 

3.  That  all  S.  P.  factions  in  the  le 
tures  have  to  use  their  positions  in  tl 
terest  of  the  revolutionary  agitation  ( 
S.   P.   in  presenting  its  demands  unco 

'  misingly  and  in  criticizing  unreserved: 
measures  of  the  bourgeois  parties  an 
government. 

4.  That  any  attempt  of  the  repre: 
tives  of  the  bourgeois  parties  to  proj 
their  measures  through  compromising 
and  through  surrender  of  the  worker 
mands  be  condemned  as  being  opportt 
and  harmful  tn  the  class  struggle. 

SECRETARY    C.    KARKI 
6  Chestnut  Ter.,  Boston, 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Addresses  of  Welcome — 21,  22. 
Addresses  by  Fraternal  Delegates — 33,  58, 
89. 

Auditing  Committee:     Election  of — 30; 

Report  of— 63,  64,  65,  66. 
Congressman  Beger's  Report — 171,  233. 
Campaign  Committee — 164,  165. 
Campaign  Manager,  Election  of — 165. 
Citizenship,  Restrictions  on — 169. 

Commission  Government:  Report  of 
Committee  on — 179;  Discussed — 46; 
Action  of  Convention  on — 56;  Com- 
munications—25,  31,  41,  60,  148. 

Co-Operation:  Majority  Report  of  Com- 
mittee on — 91,  194;  Minority  Report 
of  Committee  on — 93;  Discussion  on 
—91,  92,  93,  94,  95,  96,  97,  171;  Ac- 
tion of  Convention  on — 98. 

Constitution:  Report  of  Committee  on 
—113;  Recommendations  of  Minor- 
ity of  Committee — 156;  Discussion 
on— 113,  114,  115,  116,  117,  118,  119, 
120,  121, 122,  123,  124,  125,  126,  127, 
128,  129,  130,  131,  132,  133,  134,  135, 
137,  144,  145,  146,  147,  148,  149,  150, 
151,  152,  153,  154,  155,  156,  157,  158, 
159;  Adoption  as  a  Whole — 159. 

Denver,  Protest  from  against  Recognizing 
a  Member — 31. 

Dillingham  Bill,  the— 169. 

Education:  Military,  of  Children — 169; 
Report  of  Committee  on  Industrial, 
27,  174;  Supplementary  Report  of 
Woman's  Committee  on — 42;  Discus- 
sion on — 45;  Nomination  and  Elec- 
tion of  New  Committee  on — 45,  68. 

Election  of  Committees:  Auditing — 30; 
Campaign  — 165 ;  Co-operation  —  35 ; 
Education — 45;  Foreign-speaking  Or- 
ganization— 30;  International  Rela- 
tions— 30;  Labor  Organizations — 36; 
Officers'  Reports — 30;  Party  Press — 
36;  Platform— 36;  Ways  and  Means— 
36;  Resolutions— 36;  State  and  Mu- 
nicipal Program — 36. 

Election  of  Convention  Officials — 21,  24. 

Ettorand  Giovanetti,  Resolution  on  Pros- 
ecution of — 85. 


Farmers'  Program:  Report  of  Commit- 
tee—67,  73,  192;  Discussion— 67,  68, 
69,  74,  76,  77,  78;  Action  of  Conven- 
tion—70,  82. 

First  Day's  Session — 3. 

Fourth  Day's  Session — 58. 

Fifth  Day's  Session— 81. 

Foreign  Speaking  Organizations:  Elec- 
tion of  Committee  on — 30;  Report  of 
Committee — 86,  237 ;  Discussion — 63, 
86,  87,  88;  Action  of  Convention— 63, 
91;  Reports  of— 237. 

Immigration:  Majority  Report  of  Com- 
mittee on — 167,  209;  Minority  Report 
of  Committee  on — 167,  209;  Continu- 
ance of  Committee,  167;  Resignation 
from  Committee — 171. 

International  Relations :  Report  of  Com- 
mittee on — 101;  Action  of  Conven- 
tion—102. 

Labor  Organizations:  Committee  on  So- 
cialist Party  and  Elected — 36;  Report 
of  Committee — 98,  113;  Discussion — 
98,  99,  100,  113;  Action  of  Conven- 
tion—101. 

Labor  Conditions  of  Pacific  Coast — 85. 

Larra,  G.  De,  Address  by — 37. 

Legien,  Karl,  Address  by — 58. 

Mann,  Tom,  Greetings  of  Convention  to 

—170. 
Municipal  Employees,  Organization  of — 

—85. 
Municipal  Program— 168,  171,  214. 

Nominations  of  Candidates:     For  Presi- 
'    dent— 138;  For  Vice-President— 141; 
Rule  Relating  to — 16. 
Order  of  Business  Adopted — 21. 

Party  Press:  Election  of  Committee  on 
— 36;  Report  of  Committee — 167; 
Action  of  Convention — 167. 

Personal  Privilege:  Barnes,  J.  M. — 58; 
Berger,  V.  L  — 133;  Hayward,  W.  D. 
— 40;  Ruling  of  Chair  on  McLevy'a 
Claim  of — 41. 


r 


II 


INDEX 


Platform:  Committee  on  Elected — 36; 
Report  of  Committee  on — 102,  196; 
Preamble  of  Adopted — 103;  Discus- 
sion, 102,  103,  104,  105,  106,  107,  108, 
109,  110,  111,  112,  166;  Adopted  as 
a  Whole— 112. 

Pettigrew,  G. ,  Address  by — 33. 

Press,  of  Indianapolis,  Thanked  by  Con- 
vention— 171. 

Propaganda :  Among  Armed  Forces — 85 ; 
Among  Housewives,  etc. — 160;  Among 
Young  People — 169 ;  Among  Farmers' 
Wives — 160;  Among  Non-Socialist 
Foreign  Speaking  Women — 160. 

Publicity  Committee:    Report  of — 168. 
Pullman  Car  Fares — 29. 

Reports:  Congressional  Representative's 
—233;  Woman's  Committee— 204; 
Lyceum  Bureau — 225;  National  Sec- 
retary— 218;  Foreign  Speaking  Or- 
ganizations— 237;  International  Re- 
lations— 101. 

Resolutions  Adopted:  On  Dilliagham 
Bill — 169;  Conditions  on  Pacific  Coast 
— 85;  Prosecution  of  Ettor  and  Gio- 
vanetti — 85;  Organization  of  Young 
People  — 169;  Labor  Organizations 
and  the  Party — 36;  Military  Educa- 
tion of  Children — 169;  Propaganda 
Among  Armed  forces  —  85;  Propa- 
ganda among  women — 161 ;  Restric- 


tions of  Citizenship — 169;  Adminis- 
tration by  Municipal  Employees — 85; 
Whjte  Slave  Traffic— 161;  Temper- 
ance— 168;  Women's  Suffrage — 161. 

Roll  Calls— 83,  136,  138,  141. 

Rules  of  the  Convention — 5,  6,  7,  8,  9,  10, 
11,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20, 
21,  172. 

Sabotage,  Discussion  on — 123,  124,  125, 
126,  127,  128,  129,  130,  131,  132,  133, 
134,  135. 

San  Diego  Free  Speech  Fight— -60,  61,  62, 
70. 

Second  Day's  Session — 24. 

Sixth  Day's  Session — 113. 

Seventh  Day's  Session — 148. 

Sirola,  G.,  Address  by — 89. 

State  and  Municipal  Program — 168,  171, 
214. 

Teachers,  Municipal  Bureau  for — 161. 

Temperance — 168.     , 

Telegram  from  Debs — 159. 

Third  Day's  Session— 37. 

Ways  and  Means  Committee:  Election 
of— 36;  Report  of— 170;  Action  of 
Convention — 170. 

White  Slave  Traffic— 161. 

Woman's  Suffrage — 161. 

Woman's  National  Committee:  Report 
of — 159;  Supplementary  Report  on 
Education  by — 42;  Resolutions  In- 
troduced by — 161. 


INDEX  TO  APPENDIX 


III 


Appendix  A — Rules  of  The  Socialist 
Party,  National  Convention,  1912. 172 

Appendix  B — Report  of  Committee  on 
Education 174 

Appendix  C — Report  of  Committee  on 
Commission  Form  of  Govern- 
ment  179 

Appendix  D — Report  of  Farmers' 
Committee 192 

Appendix  E — Report  of  Committee  on 
Co-operative  Movement 194 

Appendix  F — Report  of  Committee  on 
Labor  Organization  and  (  Their 
Relation  to  the  Party 195 

Appendix  G — Report  of  Platform 
Committee  as  Revised  and  Adopt- 
ed by  the  Convention 196 

Appendix  H — National  Constitution 
as  Revised  and  Adopted  by  the 
Convention 199 

Appendix  I — Report  of  the  Woman's 
Department 204 

Appendix  J — Reports  of  the  Majority 
and  Minority  Committees  on 
Immigration 209 


Appendix  K — Report  of  Committee  on 
Municipal  and  State  Program   . .  214 

Appendix  L — Report  of  National  Sec- 
retary  218 

Appendix  M — Report  of  Lyceum  De- 
partment  *. 225 

Appendix  N — Report  of  Representa- 
tive Victor  L.  Berger,  of  the  Fifth 
District  ~c  Wisconsin,  as  to  His 
ActivRyTTT.. 233 

Appendix  O — Reports  of  Foreign 
Speaking  Organizations 237 

Finnish  Department 237 

South  Slavic  Section 239 

Italian  Section 241 

Polish  Section 241 

Polish  Alliance 242 

Bohemian  Section 242 

Scandinavian  Section 243 

Jewish  Socialist  Agitation  Bureau 244 

Lettish  Section 244 


IV 


INDEX  TO  DELEGATES 


(For  Roll  Call,  See  Pages  83,  136,  138  and 

141.) 
Aaltonen,  Frank — 89. 
Alexander,  J.  S  — 16,  29,  45,  77,  98,  116, 

127,  156,  158. 
Alexander,  R. 
Allen,  C.  C,  Fla.— 104. 
Allen,  L.  E. 

Ameringer,  Oscar— 97,  98,  100,  165. 
Bachman,  J.  L. 
Bacon,  G.  W. 
Ball  Chas.  J.,  Jr. 
Banka,  Z. 
Barnes,  J.  Mahlon— 29,  58,  87,  101,  102, 

103,  106,    107,    125,    135,   137,   152, 
153,  158,  165. 

Barker,  M.  R— 102,  155. 

Barth,  A.  H— 102,  104,  137. 

Baxter,  Jas. 

Beardsley,  S.  E.— 41,  104. 

Beery,  M.  J. 

Behrens,  E.  T. 

Beloit,  G.  W. 

Bennetts,  Fred. 

BentaU,  J.  O.— 104,  128,  156,  158. 

Berlyn,  B.— 6,  7,  10,  12,  15,  25,  31,  54, 

105,  111,  125,  141. 
Berger,  Victor  L .—  5,  6,  7,  8,  9,  ID,  12, 

14,  17,   18,  20,  21,  30,  46,  60,  102, 

104,  106,   107,    113,   130,   133,   137, 
138,  171. 

Berger,  Ernest. 

Bessemer,  W.  M.— 24,  44,  45,  60,  61,  71, 

82,  83,  117,  119,  126,  132,  144,  151, 

152,  155,  156,  158,  159. 
Bixler,  C.  Mac. 
Blase,  O.  H. 

Boehm,  Max— 27,  29,  113. 
Bostrom,  Frans — 155,  156,  157. 
Boswall,  C.  H.— 120. 
Bower,  A.  E.,  Jr. 

Branstetter,  O.  F.— 15,  63,  148,  149,  165. 
Brewer,  Geo.  D.— 53,  129. 
Briggs,  A.  E. 

Brown,  Ed.  J.— 153,  155,  158. 
Brown,  Margaret  D. 
Bruce,  L.  R  — 119,  135. 
Burkle,  Wm- 95,  102,  154,  156. 
Burke,  J.  P.— 17. 
Burge,  J.  R. 
Burt,  H.  P. 

Byrd,  C.  A.— 8,  11,  50,  78. 
Caldwell,  J.  M.— 63,  116,  137. 
Callery,  Ida  H. 
Calwell,  D.  M. 
Cantrell,  E.  A. 

Carey,  James  F.— 20,  26,  81, 113, 126, 135. 
Cassidy,  E.  F  —  29,  69,  85,  125,  126. 
Castleberry,  A.  F. 
Christian,  P.  H. 
Clarke,  E.  P. 

Clifford,  Tom— 17,  20,  41,  42,  43,  44,  62, 
82,  98,  100,  106,  113,  116,  133,  156. 
Cohen,  A. 


Cohen,  J.  E.— 146. 

Collins,  W.  P.— 24,  31,  41,  61,  77,  13 

166,  168. 
Coleman,  A. 
Coonrod,  T.  J. 
Condo,  S.  S. 
Corti,  -Jos. 
Cory,  E.  D— 165. 
Cosgrove,  C.  J.— 6,  7,  63,  64. 
Cox,  A.  L. 
Cumbie,  J.  T.— 135. 
Cupples,  H.  G— 150. 
Davis,  D.  L. 
Davis,  F.  A  ,  Penn— 19. 
Dempsey,  B.  J. 
Devoid,  A.  O.— 76,  77,  78. 
Dobbs,  Chas.— 128. 
Dorfman,  M.  E  — 155,  158. 
Downing,  G.  W  — 157. 
Dooley,  R.  E. 
Duncan,  L.  J.— 82,  83,  102,  103,  111,  11: 

148,  154,  155,  158,  166,  171. 
Duffy,  W.  E.— 44,  67,  73,  112. 
Eberhard,  Wm. 
Edwards,  G.  C  — 12,  13,  21,  69,  73,  7< 

113,  120,  146,  153. 
Endres,  O.  L.— 6,  118,  135,  151,  158. 
England,  G.A. 
Ervin,  C.  W. 
Farmer,  W.  W. 
Farrell,  D.  J. ' 
Fenimore,  Janet. 
Fenner,  C.  E.— 78. 
Fenner,  Rose  M. 
Fields,  Allen. 
Finke,  A.  R. 
Foley,  C.  F. 
Fournier,  M. 
Floaten,  AH— 16,  30. 
Fritz,  M.  E  — 82. 
Furman,  C.  L  —  26,  81,  95,  97,  109,  IV 

156,  158,  165. 
Garbutt,  Mary  E. 
Garrison,  S.  G— 100,  101. 
Gai-ver,  W.  L.— 122,  154,  156,  158,  16 
Gaylord,  W.  R—  5,  6,  7,  8,  10,  15,  16,  1: 

26,  29,  52,  91,  93,  94,  96,  98,  10! 

103,  104,  122,  127,  170. 
Geffs,  M.  L.— 28,  41,  81. 
Germer,  A.— 102. 
Ghent,  W.  J. 
Goaziou,  L—  5,  93,  154. 
Goebel,  Geo.  H.— 5,  7,  11,  12,  14,  25,  2 

28,  28,  83,  86,  90,  112,  117,  120,  12 

125,  129,  145,  146,  148,  150,  165. 
Grainger,  R.  L. 
Grant,  J.  H.— 154. 
Grant,  Robt.— 155,  156,  158. 
Green,  E.  A. 
Gluski,  H. 

Haemer,  L.  F.— 101. 
Hansen,  M. 
Harrack,  A.  W. 
Harriman,  Job— 13,  61,  70,  71,  98,  9 

108,  113,  133. 


«i 


INDEX  TO  DELEGATES— Continued 


"Irold,  C.  G. 
,rtig,  A.  E. 
i.yden,  John. 
oyes,  Max  S.— 124. 
airy,  W.  tf.,  Ind.— 102. 
att,  Emma. 
CKey,  Thos.  A.— 54,  100,  121,  125,  131, 

134,  152. 
llman,  N.  S. 
Uquit,   Morris— 4,  26,  73,  82,  83,  98, 

102,    104,    107,    110,    111,    112,    113, 

116,    118,    121,    122,    134,    135,    137, 

147,    149,    150,    151,    152,    153,    154, 

155,  157,  158,  164,  165. 
nkel,  W. 

Dan,  D.  W— 107,  446. 
Dgan,  Dan— 8,   17,   18,  19,  20,  21,  24, 

53,  64,  73,  104,  106,  109,  113,  120, 

130,  131,  141,  143. 
^pgan,  J.  C. 
Dogerhyde,  J. — 155. 
3uck,  Frank  A. 
Duston,  H.  W. 
ant,  Gertrude  B  — 24. 
galls, -J.  S. 
vin,  L.  B— 106. 
cobs,  W.  A— 18,  171. 
cobsen,  J.  J.— 8,  27. 
cobson,  A. 
.nes,  E.  J. 
•nes,  M.  C. 
aies,  J.  R. 
»hnson,  E. 

apian,  Morris— 5,  14,  56,  94,  95,  104. 
elso,  C.  D  — 150. 
ennedy,  John  C. 

illingbeck,  W.  B— 18,  156,  157,  158. 
intzer,  E.  H. 
iikpatrick,  M.  E. 

oop,  Geo.— 103,  112,  127,  128,  129,  153. 
opp,  H.  F. 

rafft,  F  —  6,  9,  20,  132,  155. 
ruse,  J.  M. 
ane,  C.  A. 
ane,  C.  B. 

anfersiek,  W. — 9,  26. 
ang,  Lee  W. 
arsen,  C. 

arsen,  J.  P. — 165.' 
atimer,  T.  E.— 88,  108. 
aukki,  Leo — 167. 
awrence,  Robert, 
ee,  Algernon— 28,  42,  163. 
entz,  L.  R. 
e  Sueur,  Arthur— 48,  87,  102,  104,  106, 

170. 

ewis,  Tom  J.— 9,  107. 
indgren,  Ed.— 91,  93. 
ipscomb,  Caleb. 
Dckwood,  G.  H  —  6,  25. 
ondon,  M—  62,  95,  118,  162,  163. 
3we,  Caroline— 20,  45,  88,  159,  163. 
!aattala,  J.  G. 

ahoney,  Patrick— 5,  32,  64,  90. 
.aley,  Anna  A.— 9,  76,  113,  118,  159. 


Malkiel,    Theresa— 26,    28,    53,    61,    118, 

119,  162,  163. 
Manson,  J.  A. 
Maynard,  R.  A. 
Maurer,  C.  A. 
Maurer,  J.  H. 
Maxwell,  F.  T.— 103. 
Meitzen,  E.  R. 

Meng,  J.  A.  C— 21,  119,  150,  151. 

Menton,  Etta. 

Menton,  J.  A.  C. 

Merrick,  F.  H.— 13,  81,  86,  88,  89,  104, 
106,  113,  118,  122,  126,  144,  154, 
155,  157,  158,  159,  162,  164,  165, 
166,  167,  171. 

Merrill,  H.  M  —  66. 

Miller,  Grant— 20,  31,  137. 

Minckley,  C. 

Misner,  E.  H. 

Moore,  Ed.— 8,  61,  116. 

Morgan,  David— 11,  48,  69,  75,  78. 

Motley,  S.  W. 

McCartan,  D. 

McCrillis,  I.  S  — 51. 

McMaster,  H.  S. 

McFarlan,  J.  H. 

McFall,  W.  H— 155,  159. 

McLevy,  J. — 41. 

Nash,  J.  E. 

Nagle,  P.  S.— 76,  121. 

Noble,  W.  S—  82,  155. 

Norris,  Geo.  M. 

Novak,  Jos.— 88,  89. 

Ohsol,  J.  G  — 27,  68,  69,  74,  78,  101,  154. 

Oneal,  Jas  — 17,  132. 

Owen,  G.  E  —  6. 

Oyler,  C.  R.— 154. 

O'Dam,  G.  W 

O'Reilly,  Mary— 17,  73,  128,  129,  157,  167. 

Pankin,  J.— 8,  87,  145. 

Parker,  M.  F.,Okla. 

Parker,  Wm. 

Patterson,  Wm  — 32,   51,    104,    116,    119, 

120,  147,  149,  152,  155,  166. 
Pauley,  A. 

Paulsen,  P.  J. 

Peach,  C.  T— 19,  28,  108. 

Perrin,  E.  W.— 103. 

Petrich,  F. 

Pierce,  C.  H. 

Powell,  E.  E. 

Priestap,  C.  M.— 45,  117. 

Prevey,  Marguerite— 25,  61,  95,  103,  127, 

154,  156,  165,  166. 
Prevey,  F.  N. 
Prosser,  W.  A —62,  166. 
Ramp,  F.  C— 9 
Reguin,  E.  L'. 
Reid,  Jas.  P.— 32. 
Reilly,  J.  M—  5,. 9,  24,  25,  45,  64,  71,  86, 

112,  117,  162,  163. 
Reynolds,  S.  M.— 100,  101. 
Rhodes,  L.  L  —  75. 
Rhodes,  J.  C. 
Richardson,  N.  A— 5,  25,  103,  150,  165. 


VI 


INDEX  TO  DELEGATES— Concluded 


Ricker,  A.  W  — 108,  110,  111. 
Ringler,  Robert  B—  9,  18,  64,  106. 
Roewer,  G.  E.,  Jr. 
Rodriguez,  W.  E.— 11,  40,  62,  83,  104,  113, 

118,  119. 
Rosett,  J.— 82,  95,  104,  105,  110,  154,  157. 
Rothmund,  G. 
Russell,  Charles  E  — 102,    103,    104,    105, 

109,  110,  137,  141,  147. 
Ruthenberg,  C.  E.— 82,  86,  144. 
Sadler,  Kate— 9,  15,  41,  61,  63,  71,  72,  86, 

96,  109,  155,  158,  159,  171. 
Sadler,  Samuel— 8,  10.  11.  14,  41,  60,  62, 

90,  98,  113,  123,  167.' 
Schilling,  Ernest. 
Scott,  J.  B. 

Seidel,  Emil-43,  137,  141,  143,  147,  170. 
Sheffler,  Wm. 
Sherman,  C.  W.— 73. 
Simmons,  H.  A. 
Simmons,  May  Wood— 27,  28,  29,  44,  81, 

101,  160,  162. 
Sjoden,  Jno.  C. 
Slayton,  John  W.— 17,  26,  28,  29,  75,  109, 

131,  141,  143,  151,  164,  167. 
Slobodin,  H.  L.— 6,  11,  16,  26,  42,  44,  49, 

55,  58,  63,  67,  68,  72,  74,  78,  90,  96, 

97,  104,  111,  120,  121,  154,  156,  157, 
163,  165. 

Smith,  C.  A.,  Mont.— 107,  146,  155,  157. 

Smith,  J.  A.,  Utah— 9,  55. 

Smith,  M.  A. 

Solomon,  U  — 7,  8,  11,  13,  15,  16,  18,  24, 
63,  64,  72,  86,  101,  107,  116,  117,  119, 
145,  152,  156,  157,  159,  166. 

Spargo,  John— 7,  9,  10,  18,  25,  26,  31,  33, 
40,  41,, 44,  45,  51,  61,  63,  72,  82,  85, 
86,  90,  91,  101,  110,  118,  147,  159, 
166,  167,  168,  169,  171. 

Stallard,  S.  -M  — 28,  29,  40,  79,  122. 

Stanley,  Fred. 

Staub,  C.  W. 

Stewart,  I.  F. 

Storck,  A.  K. 

Strebel,  G.  A— 26,  27,  43,  44,  78,  81,  90, 
113. 


Strickland,  F.  G—  79,  113,  150,  153,  15 

166. 
Swaja,  John. 

Taylor,  Geo.  N.— 74,  116,  157. 
Theimer,  Qus — 9. 
Theinert,  E.  W. 
Thomas,  Elizabeth  H.* 
Thompson,  C.  D—  7,  41,  46,  48,  55,  7 

76,  78,  81,  113,  163,  166,  168,  171. 
Thompson,  J.  C. 
Tiller,  B.  T. 
Todd,  T.  M. 
Troxel,  Jno. 

Tuck,  H.  C— 7,  9,  94,  156,  158. 
Underwood,  Guy. 
Vierling,  0—116,  117.  *    * 
Warren,  F.  J. 
Ward,  A:G.— 137. 
Ward,  William  A. 
Wanhope,  Joshua — 171. 
WatKins,  A.  S. 
Wattles,  Florence. 
Waynick,  W.  JI  — 155,  158. 
Wells,  H.  M. 

Wells,  J.  W  — 102,  155,  158. 
Wesley,  W.  M. 
Wheeler,    F.    C,    Calif.— 50,     119,    12 

166,  171. 
Wheeler,R.  J.,Pa.— 17, 18,19,103,163, 16 
White,  Dan  A —12,  113,  130,  159,  165. 
Whitehead,  Ethel. 
Williams,  B.,  Texas. 
Williams,  D.,  Penn.— 41,  116. 
Williams,  T.  W.,  Calif. 
Wills,  Jno.  G.— 69,  70,  78,  82,  105. 
Wilson,  B.  F. 
Wilson,  J.  Stitt— 6,  8,  10,  19,  49,  55,  5' 

60,  102,  108,  109,  119,  144,  147,  1 

149,  150,  158,  165,  166,  171. 
Wilson,  L.  B.,  Jr. 
Wolfe,  Frank  E.— 168. 
Wright,  Clyde  J.— 13,  74. 
Wright,  H.  E. 
Young,  J.  C. 
Zitt,  Lawrence  A.— 14,  16,  42,  45,  70,  82 

83,  112,  154,  155,  156,  157,  159,  166 


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